USA > North Carolina > Edgecombe County > History of Edgecombe County, North Carolina > Part 28
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The Democratic Party possessed practically the same organiza- tion from the year 1892. The Tarboro Southerner, the official organ of the party, became the mouthpiece for all party questions and issues. The Populist ranked next in organization and ef- fectiveness. James B. Lloyd, former Democrat and editor of the Advocate, became an ardent endorser of the Populist Party, be- came a nominee for the Senate and dedicated his paper to the services of the party. The Populists also were not without
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staunch supporters from almost every type of citizen. Dr. Mayo and John Shackleford and others constituted an influential ele- ment and bid fair to make a respectable showing.
The Populist Party opened up its campaign of 1894 at St. Lewis, which had the reputation of being a populist center. Pitt's store was the gathering place. John I. Lewis was the leader in the community. Meares, of Wilson, introduced James B. Lloyd, who was the principal speaker. The issues discussed were the bad legislation on the part of both Democrats and Republicans, the stabling of silver, general criticism of Grover Cleveland's administration, and the internal improvement program. At this time Mr. Lloyd was not committed to fusion with the Republicans, and could not explain why in the West the Populists abused the Republicans and allied with the Democrats, while in the South they cursed the Democrats and allied with the Republicans.
The Republicans, although theoretically in the majority because of the negro vote, had no newspaper support and relied upon the individual and collective effort of the party. The party plans were more or less lacking in system and depended largely upon the majority forces it enjoyed. In this respect the results proved disastrous since many of the negroes were in direct sympathy with the Democrats.
Between the three parties in the county the contestants were the Democrats and the Populists. J. B. Lloyd became the recog- nized leader of the latter, while the former had the help of W. O. Howard, John L. Bridgers, Donnell Gilliam, and others.
The climax came in October when Lloyd, feeling it his duty and appreciating his ability as a Populist speaker, requested a chance to meet Honorable R. B. Glenn in discussion. The request was complied with when Glenn spoke in the city hall, and Lloyd was given an opportunity to speak, but declined for lack of preparation. The debate, therefore, was held October 22, 1894, before a tremendous gathering at the city hall. About fifty Populists were present and about eight hundred Democrats.
Lloyd made a grave mistake in undertaking to debate with Glenn. Glenn had the reputation of being an orator, versed in State and National affairs, and a man of considerable public
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service. Lloyd's information and experience were, on the other hand, limited to local issues, and had only a limited experience as a debater.
In the meantime, the Populist Party was not to escape the sad fate at the hands of the Democrats and Democratic sympathizers. The party was stigmatized through its chairman by a well com- posed and somewhat humorous poem emanating from "Buzzard's Roost," 1 N. C., the headquarters of the county poet. The poem is quoted in full and is as follows:
"My name is Chairman Jimmie, I'll take just what you gim'me, And not be dissatisfied at all; Only give me some direction, And guarantee protection, From the trouble that's a' coming in the fall.
"I'll tell you what is so, I'll tell you FOR I KNOW, There's going to be big trouble in the fall; Unless you write me out a check, I cannot stay upon the deck, And face the onslaught of the coming squall.
"You may think that it is funny, But I'll swear I must have money, To meet the campaign bills both great and small; The speakers must be paid, And a strong foundation laid, To gain the victory surely in the fall.
"Now there is Mr. Nigger, I'll swear by Je-menny-Jigger, We must catch him pretty soon in one big haul; We must not be a-fooling, Or try too much a-ruling, But quiet him for voting in the fall.
"At first he's pretty high, But just wait, by and by, And we'll put in some good work, that is all; If we know where he's at, We'll have things strictly pat, And then there 'll be no trouble in the fall.
1 An anonymous designation employed by the Democratic paper in the county. 20
1
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"So up and be a-doing, And keep the things a-stewing, And hollow silver everywhere you go; Give the Democrats the Devil, And tell the folks the evil, That is now upon your land, and swear its so.
"Make your tariff d-n low, For heaven's sake, don't show The trouble it has brought upon us all; If you do, the jig is up, I'll sure throw down the cup, And leave you men to catch h-1 in the fall.
"Be careful what you say, And don't in any way, Give them credit for the Federal Bill that 's dead; Let the Income Tax alone, For if it's passed, I'll swear we're gone, And put to sleep upon a funeral bed.
"Cry an 'Honest ballot law,' Until you split your jaw, Telling all about the frauds that you' ve seen done; The Democrats will laugh, Like a spring-time sickly calf, That loves to sleep and take the morning sun.
"Now for my little work, I just want to be clerk, And there I'll truly serve you, one and all; But for me to get this place, WE ALL must run the race, And fight to win the vict'ry in the fall."
The Republicans were also subject to a similar fate by the Democrats. By not having any press they had no means of public retaliation and the matter was more or less a one-sided affair. George Lloyd was depicted as being out of place running for office with Ed. Bridgers, Moses Chase, and Geoffrey Hyman. He was accused of drunkenness, gambling, and . loafing. His three colleagues were accused of larceny and received considerable notoriety over the disappearance of a bale of cotton, a cow, and about $400.00 belonging to Thomas Johnson. Hyman was tried for stealing the money and acquitted.
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In the meantime, the Democrats themselves were more or less annoyed over a division in their own ranks. W. E. Fountain, quite a prominent Democrat and for several times mayor of Tarboro, caused a split in his party due to a disagreement over appoint- ments of delegates, and ultimately became a member of the minority party. Later developments presented a difficulty with Mr. Lloyd, of which more after awhile.
From the alignments and organizations of the various parties it was obvious which way the election would go in Edgecombe. It was a game fight, hard, bitter, and disagreeably unpleasant, and with a political victory for the Democrats. Much credit was given the negroes, for hundreds desired no fusion ticket and under proper solicitation from the Democrats voted a straight ticket for democracy. One incident is worthy of notice. The voting had been in progress for some hours when it was learned that the Democratic candidate for coroner had been working for a friend of the Populist-Fusion-Republican ticket. This necessitated a considerable scratching on the local ticket. The entire county ticket was elected by a small but sure majority, while the county also gave a majority for State and judicial tickets. Congressman Woodard received 700 plurality and Walter Daniel, for solicitor, was only a small number behind Woodard. The Fusionists, how- ever, captured the State Legislature, and herein lies another story effecting Edgecombe.
The Legislature being in control of the Republicans and Fusion- ists, the first act was to appoint magistrates in the various counties by the Legislature, as heretofore had been done. Of course, it was not expected that Democrats would be appointed in Edgecombe. Listen to the magistrate appointments : Y. D. Garret and Turner prince (colored), to No. 1 Township; Robert Brown (colored), No. 2; Samuel Howard (colored), No. 3; T. D. Bellamy (col- ored), No. 4; E. C. Bryan (colored), No. 5; William Johnson (colored), No. 7; Frank Deed (colored), No. 8; Alfred Reid (colored), No. 9; and David Lawrence (colored), No. 11.
The Democratic party, ever cognizant of political snares, had proceeded to revoke the law giving the magistrates the power to appoint the commissioners when it became inevitable that a Re- publican Legislature would be in power for the following year. The Justices of the Peace had been shorn of all political power.
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They could not elect county commissioners nor members of the board of education, while in the matter of levying taxes they were to take no part. Their power, on the other hand, consisted in petty and limited jurisdiction of criminal cases. The Fusionists, however, in spite of this fact, decided in a caucus to increase this number in order to accommodate party supporters. There were many whose services were not needed and who had nothing to do.
Edgecombe was fortunate in having succeeded in preventing the Legislature in establishing many courts as it originally intended to do. Letters and petitions were presented against incorporating Edgecombe County in the bill for erecting more courts, and many of the Populists left the party caucus and voted to exempt Edge- combe. The county was later included, however, in the vote. Many who were present claimed that the first vote was taken to exempt Edgecombe, but the clerks counted the vote in accord with the caucus decree rather than exclude it as a single measure.
When the Legislature convened in March, 1895, considerable excitement prevailed over the disclosure of party wrangles in the county. The Populist Republican party indirectly contested the Democratic representative, W. O. Howard, through the defeated Republican candidate, Lee Person (colored). The Raleigh News and Observer gives the account from which an extract is taken.
When Edgecombe was called, Person, who was defeated for the House, stepped forward. He was extremely nervous and excited, and in a loud voice demanded that the entire list of magistrates be discarded and a list he himself had made up be put in its place. "I have been defrauded of my seat," declared Person, "and I am the proper man to recommend the magistrates."
James B. Lloyd, chairman of the Populist Executive Com- mittee of the county and assistant clerk of the Senate, and J. J. Martin, a prominent Republican, had made the list and submitted it. Upon learning this, Person accused Lloyd and Martin of an act never before charged to them. In high tones Person said, "These two men have sold out to the Democrats, and I don't want their list appointed. Out of eighty-six magistrates, not ten are Republicans, and I will taken an oath to what I say. Bring out your books and swear me. These people have been robbing us negroes, and your committee haven't got sense enough to know it."
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Chairman Evart called Person down, and informed him that the committee conducted its business in a respectable and orderly manner, and that they expected those who came before it to act accordingly. Mr. Evart said, "If you have any charges to make against any individuals on the list, make them; the committee will not throw out the entire list on such general wholesale charges." "If that be your tactics," replied Person, "I withdraw my list, and you can do as you please with the whole business."
Person was incorrect in his assertion as to the number of Re- publicans. Each township, when the increase was made, had one colored man on the list. The trouble seems to have arisen over the fact that Person himself had aspirations to be a justice and was left out of the promised spoils resulting from politics. The Fusionists, however, succeeded in reversing the election laws and aspired to carry the State in the next election by the power of Gideon's Band 1 and the negro churches. The occasion for the change in the election law was the fact that in all eastern counties and in Edgecombe in particular, many negroes had evinced a de- sire to vote the Democratic ticket, but were afraid because of ostracism and violence, or expulsion from the churches. Prior to the change of voting by the Australian system, the colored people enjoyed the privacy of voting and were not intimidated. Under the new method, however, secrecy could not be had, thereby caus- ing negroes to be betrayed in their manner of voting.
The silver movement by 1895 had reached such proportions in the county that a silver convention was organized. The organiza- tion was nonpolitical and was intended to be primarily educa- tional and to teach people the history of the silver agitation. It had its origin in September, 1895, and was convened by James B. Lloyd and Dr. W. J. Mayo, temporary chairman. W. E. Fountain was subsequently elected president, Frank B. Lloyd permanent secretary and treasurer, Dr. J. M. Baker, Walter Thigpen, and B. J. Keech, vice-presidents; Dr. T. P. Wynn, B. J. Keech, and J. A. Davis, executive committee; F. B. Lloyd, J. M. Baker, and H. C. Bourne, committee on lectures; and B. J. Keech, J. B. Lloyd, and John L. Bridgers, committee on organization. The mutual understanding, as voiced by W. O. Howard, was that all
1 A local organization of negroes.
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political parties were to get together in an organization on non- partisan plans and to educate the people and themselves, and then return to their respective party when voting time came.
At the same time the State Legislature was reproducing scenes which dominated the Legislature of General Canby's time. Poli- tics sacrificed sentiment, honesty and the supremacy of the white race to secure power and the advantages that it gave. However well the Republicans and Populists succeeded in increasing their ranks for the time being, their exercise of power produced a bad effect upon the people of North Carolina, that ultimately caused their undoing; and party issues in Edgecombe slowly died out.
From all indications in the year 1895 the Fusionists of Edge- combe, consisting of Populists and Republicans, were in a better ยท position numerically than the Democrats. A good number of the men left the Democratic party, after supporting it in 1894, be- cause they could not accept Grover Cleveland. Many also joined the Populist party because of its silver issue and began a prepara- tion to support Bryan upon his silver platform. Not a few in 1896 began to feel the weight of one dollar being worth only seventy-nine cents and later fifty cents, and, in their extremity, cast their lot with the party seeking financial reforms.
With the beginning of 1896 James B. Lloyd, a popular and influential Populist, was assisted in his activities in the county by Mr. Joe Martin, playing second fiddle, and quite a numerous crowd of negroes dancing to the tune of Populism.
The Democrats, realizing the situation, went so far as to make overtures to the Populists and intimated that they should return to the old party. They expressed their sentiments on issues for which the Populists were clamoring when they endorsed W. J. Bryan for their national leader. The Populist who had also endorsed this ticket, showed their faith by their works, and the county was carried by a large majority for silver in 1896.
In the meantime, Marion Butler had presented a proposition to the Democrats of the State whereby there was to be a division of offices between the Democrats and Populists. That is to say, they were to split fifty-fifty and run in this party fashion for the campaign of 1896. The Democrats refused.
The State Republican convention met in Raleigh May 14th, when a contest for Governor had been on for a long time, with
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many contested seats. The nomination for Governor was made after a bitter contest, with the first ballot giving Daniel R. Russell the nomination. The negro Republican convention was called to Raleigh July 2d, and repudiated the nomination on fraudulent grounds, and branded him as a man who had proclaimed that the negro was largely savage, and that all negroes followed rascals who stole six days in the week and went to church on the seventh to pray their sins away. Edgecombe was well represented in this convention, and Russell became odious to the intelligent class of negroes in the county.
During the campaign Russell visited Tarboro and spoke in the city hall. He had modified his previous remarks, and under the assistance of Joe Martin made overtures to the negroes of the county. These efforts in all probability succeeded in moderating the intense feeling against Russell personally. It was reported that in his speech Russell went to the other extreme in his praise for the negroes, and depicted the bad treatment that the negro had received at the hands of the Democrats. This was resented on the part of the whites.
The local democracy had nominated a respectable and able ticket. By a half spirited compromise they succeeded in electing only a part of the candidates. The Fusionists elected W. L. Per- son (negro) to the State Senate; Elbert E. Bryan and J. H. Dancy to the House of Representatives. Yet a worse blow still awaited the Democracy in the majority vote for George White (negro), who was elected to represent this district in the United States Congress. Mack Lloyd (negro) also served on the board of com- missioners. For the first time in twenty years all branches of the State, and practically all branches of the local government, passed into the hands of another political party.
The Democratic defeat of 1896 was in many respects very ef- fective and did much lasting good for the party. However, the victory for the Republican-Populist party served to make an ad- justment in legislative laws which had grown more or less bene- ficial for the party in power. It taught the party to appreciate activity, and to make plans for more intelligent legislation. There is no truer saying than evil cannot be legislated from a life. The same is also true in regard to the legal right to exercise political and economic liberty. It requires constructive legisla-
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tion, a standing for sound and economic issues to make politics successful in any party. While the Republican and Populist parties in the county held the majority, the Democrats were in- variably in the rule, since the power was acquired by legislative strategy and unscrupulous means of party control. The victory of 1896 did the purging and the party turned its face to the front for redemption in 1898.
During the beginning of this year it became obvious that the contest for political supremacy was to be a bitter one. The party alliance existing between the Republicans and the Populists made a strong opponent, and the Democrats who had lost ground the preceding election knew the effort necessary for victory. In the effort to recover lost prestige, the Democrats were charged with making solicitations to the negroes and also of making political affiliations heretofore laid to the Republicans. One charge of grave repute is related in the county which is indicative of the charges generally made by the Fusionist party.
Francis D. Winston, of Windsor, N. C., was a candidate for judge, according to a conventional nomination, which had also placed George H. White, of Edgecombe, in nomination as solicitor. Winston had been commissioned in 1897 to organize "White Leagues" to rally votes to the Democratic standard. A letter, reported to have been written by Mr. Winston to George H. White, of Rocky Mount, was circulated in the county and all eastern counties with the purpose of showing the movement on the part of the Democrats to win the negro vote. The letter, ad- dressed to George H. White, reads :
"MY DEAR SIR :- I regret that I cannot attend the Judicial Con- vention on account of pressing engagements. Please put in a word to further my nomination for judge. While there is not much hope for an election, still the remote possibility of riding the dis- trict with you is a great pleasure."
In the meanwhile, Marion Butler, who had already acquired considerable publicity in the State, made his tour through the eastern counties and stopped in Rocky Mount. Senator Butler was reported by the Rocky Mount Argonaut, a Democratic paper, as saying that "If colored men commit outrages, the Democrats pretend to be terribly shocked in public, but when they get behind the wall they laugh until they grow fat, and if the outrages are not
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frequent enough, they hire worthless negroes to commit them." Thus the campaign of 1898 opened with charges and counter charges. Among the several citizens present in Rocky Mount, and who were to take an active part in the Populist campaign, were W. E. Fountain and James B. Lloyd, former Democrats. These men, with others, made affidavits that Butler made no such statements. Almost no issue calculated to incite the passion and to make political capital was omitted during the campaign.
The Democratic convention was held in Tarboro October 18, 1898, with more than 5,000 present from Pitt, Nash, and Wilson counties. A mass meeting, with barbecue and brass band, was the preliminary reception to those participating. Every township in the county sent a big delegation, while the speakers' stand was adorned with flowers, women and children in the rally for De- mocracy. B. F. Aycock, of Wayne County, was the principal speaker. Inclement weather interrupted the outdoor gathering, and the audience divided in two divisions; one led by Donnell Gilliam in the town hall, and the other porceeded to the court- house. Mr. F. M. Simmons addressed the town hall audience, and Aycock delivered another speech at the courthouse. The convention for business was conducted at the Jeffries Warehouse, when the following ticket was nominated : J. H. Harris, sheriff ; B. F. Dawson, register of deeds; Ed. Pennington, clerk; J. W. B. Battle, treasurer; Dr. R. H. Speight, Senate; S. L. Hart, House of Representatives; Dr. S. M. Hassell, coroner; John Howard, surveyor; and S. S. Nash, E. L. Daughtridge and W. S. Crisp, county commissioners. This ticket was a very formidable one, and was destined to make a creditable showing.
The Fusionists held two conventions prior to the election. One was Republican and the other was Populist. They agreed to support the Fusion ticket, which was more or less dominantly negro.
Before the campaign was well under way confusion resulted when it became apparent there had been dissatisfaction among the negroes over the Republicans securing all offices in the State ex- cept ten. This was done in spite of the 30,000 white Republicans, as compared with the 120,000 negro Republicans.
The campaign was opened with W. E. Fountain, bolted Demo- crat, chairman of the People's Party, of Edgecombe County, and
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also chairman of the congressional committee. James B. Lloyd served on the conference committee appointed by the State con- vention. In this capacity, he became one of the committeemen who proposed an alliance with the Democrats May, 1898, to cooperate in the silver and financial reforms. Same being re- jected he became closely allied with Dr. Cyrus Thompson, one of the prominent leaders of the Populist party in the State. The Populists met in the beginning of the campaign and nominated him for Congress, the position then occupied by George H. White, Republican. Immediately after his nomination the News and Observer, of Raleigh, claimed Lloyd was nominated in the second district in order to elect the negro. The reason for this was, that since the Democrats did not have out a candidate of their own at the time, it became a choice of either Lloyd or White, and that Edgecombe preferred White to Lloyd. Political capital was made of the issue by Dr. Cyrus Thompson, who predicted that the Democrats would do as that party suggested to the Populists to do-"Vote for a man who exactly fills the bill," meaning Lloyd. The rejection of the Populist proposition at the Democratic State convention indicated that White would receive support in prefer- ence to Lloyd.
In the meantime, politics in Edgecombe, like the Irishman's breeches in the Pullman car wreck, had received a twist. It hap- pened in the People's Party, between two of its own supporters, and received much notoriety in the State and was considered as sounding the farewell of Populism. W. E. Fountain, it appeared, was the political friend of James B. Lloyd, and in the congres- sional convention, which met in Wilson, July 28, 1898, was active in the support of Mr. Lloyd, who had been nominated by acclama- tion. It also appeared that considerable feeling was expressed against the methods employed by the Democratic managers in carrying out the campaign; that at the time Fountain did not express himself as favoring or disapproving the issue which was raised relative to supporting the negro candidate, George H. White, in opposition to Lloyd for Congress.
A special committee was appointed by the county executive com- mittee to arrange cooperation in Edgecombe. Lloyd was not present, but wrote Fountain and also the committee that no cooperation was desired, if as a condition precedent a negro was
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