USA > North Carolina > Edgecombe County > History of Edgecombe County, North Carolina > Part 17
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In a letter to the Bishop of London, Reverend Mr. Moir reports that he had completed the building of the parish church at Tar- borough, November 22, 1748, and that he had baptized in one day 100 children and dipped two adults. He does not mention having baptized any negroes. On April 8, 1760, however, he re- ported having baptized three adult negroes and 206 children. From this report Mr. Moir seems to have been an arduous worker, but Governor Dobbs attested his statement in a letter to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, January 22, 1760.
The method of instructing the slave in the religious affairs prior to the coming of new denominations was entirely according to the notions of the clergymen, so far as we know. In the earliest days the settlers of the county did not put themselves to the trouble to try to convert their slaves. In the later period, as we shall presently see, they became more interested. Not only did the masters prevent the negroes from accepting religion, but in 1787 an act of the legislature prevented any negro or mulatto to "entertain any slave in his or her house during the Sabbath during the night between sunset and sunrise on penalty of twenty shillings for the first offense and forty shillings for each subse- quent offense." No assembling of slaves was tolerated unless some white man was present.
When later in the period of slavery the system became more mild, the negroes were allowed to join any church they might fancy, but they were not permitted to have a church organization among themselves. To have one was at once against the policy of the English Church and against the sentiments of the planters. The planters feared that negro churches might become centers of negro conspiracies.
The Baptists came into the eastern counties at an early date. By the middle of the eighteenth century they had become strong in the eastern part of Halifax and Edgecombe counties. Mr. Bur- nett, a missionary of the established church, said that they al- lowed negroes to speak at their churches. Their kind feelings for the slaves is shown by a reply of the Kehukee Baptist Asso-
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ciation at Falls Church, to a question asked in 1783, in regard to the duty of a master towards his slave who refused to attend fam- ily worship. The answer was:
"It is the duty of every master of a family to give his slaves liberty to attend worship of God in his family, and likewise it is his duty to exhort them to it, and to endeavor to convince them of their duty, and then to leave them to their choice."
The doctrines of Baptist and Methodist churches appealed to the popular mind, and stirred the hearts of the middle, and even to a large extent the higher classes of men. Other churches had negro members, but no other church had them in such large num- bers as these. There were several Presbyterians in the county, but unfortunately we have no conclusive evidence as to their rela- tion to slavery. In both the Presbyterian and Episcopal churches, the negroes were mostly slaves of the families who had their mem- bership there, and consequently were effected only in so far as they were servants.
In all denominations the negroes had equal rights in instruc- tion and communion, but were deprived of the privileges in the operation of the church government. When there were only a few negro members they attended services with the whites, and a cer- tain portion of the church. in the form of a large gallery, was assigned to them.
There are today several old Baptist churches in the county which retain their old galleries over the front entrance for negro worshipers. It is not an infrequent sight to see slave-time darkies now assembling in their accustomed places when the first Sunday preaching begins. When there was a large congregation of negroes they were given a separate sermon, usually after the whites had dispersed. In the vicinity of one of the Methodist churches in the county today, "Temperance Hall." the writer was told of gatherings there by the negroes after the whites had gone to their respective homes.
There were only a few negro preachers, and a majority of the preaching was done by white preachers. The great influence that a preacher exercised over his flock was something that the whites very properly would not have surrendered to the negro preacher, had there been ever so many of the latter.
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In 1831 a strict law was passed forbidding the slaves and free negroes to preach, exhort or hold prayer meetings. This in many respects was a harsh law, and in most cases in the county, as else- where, was not strictly enforced. The white preachers in their attempt to be apprehensive and to preach such sermons as the negroes needed, emphasized the duty of servants to masters from the text "Servants obey your masters." The more independent among the blacks, and especially among the mulattoes, rejected this kind of preaching. To them it seemed merely a white man religion and but another means of making the bonds of servitude more secure.
It was the custom to send some old preacher of great kindness, humility, and usually of very great ability to the task of preaching to the negroes. It is clearly shown in the respects that the negroes were very devoted to their preacher, and I have been told, by some of our oldest citizens, showed their appreciation of his service by frequent presents, such as cookies and articles of personal wear.
For the negroes on the plantation who joined the neighboring churches, special instruction was often provided. Such at least was shown from the report of Bishop Atkinson, of the Episcopal Church. In the Diocesan Convention, 1856, he reported that he appointed Mr. William Murphy some months before to officiate at Wilson and Rocky Mount, taking charge at the same time of religious instruction of the slaves of Mr. Turner Battle and his sister. Bishop Atkinson, himself a fine preacher, later preached in Rocky Mount one afternoon and administered the communion, and in the evening preached to the slaves of Mr. Battle and his sister. In the Episcopal Church the members must have been house servants since the Episcopals were largely slaveholders. Usually the colored people occupied the seats reserved for the slaves as in the other churches. Sometimes there were special missions for the slaves. Captain T. W. Battle had one, but the slaves took no interest in it. There seems also to have been one in connection with the church at Tarborough that was permanent.
It is notable to observe that there was an encouraging indication of increasing interest in the religious instruction of the slaves prior to the Civil War. Ministers were employed by masters to
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aid them in this part of their duty. In the earlier quarters of the diocese, Mr. Murphy was employed by the Battle family to pro- mote a religious spirit among the slaves.
It appears from the results of the religious training or the social life of the slaves that they were either more or less content or because of the rigid laws they were afraid to uprise, since there is but one record of an insurrection even rumored in Edgecombe County. It may not be inappropriate to mention that one inci- dent in conclusion of this chapter. It is hardly necessary to men- tion that the laws against insurrection were very severe. Having once begun to have slaves there was the greatest necessity that the strictest means should be used to keep down any rebellion. In 1775 the Assembly's Committee on Propositions and Grievances recommended that the searching and patrolling for negroes be made more frequent than heretofore, but no action in the county can be found to have taken place upon this recommendation.
While the Province was arming for the Revolution, negro up- risings were especially dreaded. This induced the colonists to increase their patrol. In Pitt, Beaufort, Martin, and Edge- combe counties in 1775, the report was spread that a certain ship captain whose name was Johnson, of White Haven, and who was then loading naval stores in the Pamlico River, was inciting the negroes to rebellion. The alleged plan was to the effect that through the teachings of Captain Johnson all the slaves in that region had to agree to murder on a certain night all the whites where they (the slaves) lived. They were to proceed from house to house toward the interior of the Province, murdering as they went. Here they were told they would find the inhabitants and Governor ready to help them.1 Johnson was just sailing at that time, and he was reported to have said that he would return in the autumn and take his choice of the plantations on the river. The whites, it seemed, believed the story, and for a while the whole region was in a fever of excitement. The "terrified people pursued an imaginary band of 150 negroes for several days, but
1 Governor Martin was principally the instigator of this rebellion. He desired to cause trouble for the rebellious colonists.
i
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none were taken or seen, though they had several times been fired at." This was as near a discovery of the real movement as they ever came to, and marks the only account of the first and last indication of any slave insurrection in the county.
From the account it appears that the slaves on the whole were more or less treated kindly, but Edgecombe, with the entire South, had to defend its institutions by force of arms.
CHAPTER VI
WAR BETWEEN THE STATES
The war between the states, whether considered in regard to its political significance and the numbers engaged, or to its fierce- ness and duration, is recorded in history as one of the great events of the nineteenth century. Its consequences have employed the pen of philosopher and historian, economist and reformer. Al- most every phase of the struggle has been discussed, considered, and recorded. The purpose of this chapter is to state facts as they happened from 1860 to 1865 in and relative to Edgecombe County.
At the beginning of the campaign of 1860 the country had not been divided geographically, and in most parts of the South it was evident that most of the people were opposed to the faction that had resolved to break up the Union in the event of Lincoln's election. In Edgecombe County the tense feeling characteristic of the secession movement had not quite obsessed the people's minds, and the most thoughtful citizens were undecided. This was partially due to the economic conditions in the county. There were, and had always been prior to 1860, two classes of people in this locality-the slaveholders and the nonslaveholders. In 1860 there were about 1,695 heads of families in the county. Of this number only about ten per cent owned slaves, and of this ratio only a small minority owned considerable numbers. Those who owned slaves had political power. A man's rating was determined by his wealth in slaves and land. As a consequence, a few were rich and many were poor. It was the constant but futile hope of the poorer classes to elevate themselves by possessing some of this wealth. The prices of slaves, however, were so great, especially towards the close of this decade, that it was well nigh impossible for the man of small means to attain his desire. Moreover, if slaves could be secured, there was no hope or opportunity to pur- chase land. One would, therefore, naturally expect that those of the majority who were deprived of opportunity because of a lack of this property would attempt to remain neutral in the approach- ing conflict.
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GOVERNOR H. T. CLARK
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Edgecombe County was in a condition of great excitement. In the memorable year of 1860 the State elections were held on the first Thursday in August. John W. Ellis was elected Gover- nor of North Carolina,1 and H. T. Clark, of Edgecombe, to the State Senate. After Mr. Clark was chosen president of that body, and after he assumed the position he made a conservative address, in which he pointed out the serious- ness of the political situation and the necessity of caution and honesty in interpreting the will of the people. If any man was in a position to know the pulse of the people, especially in Eastern North Carolina, it was H. T. Clark. He was a man belonging to the planter class, and he knew the economic condi- tions as no other public man knew them. The one great problem was "Would the South have the support of the common folk in the attempt at secession because of the slavery issue?" Sentiment was equally divided during the agitation of secession. If anything there were more Union men than secessionists. This is evidenced by the larger number of votes given for Bell, of Tennessee, in the national election in November. It is not to be inferred, however, that this sentiment prevailed after North Carolina seceded from the Union.
On May 20, 1861, the State Convention met in Raleigh. This convention contained among its delegates the very ablest and most distinguished men of the State. Edgecombe sent two of the most popular and best qualified men-W. S. Battle and George How- ard, Jr. Mr. Howard at the time was judge and editor of the Tarboro Southerner, a man of irreproachable character, pos- sessed with strong judgment and tact. His editorials, never long and always free from partisan bitterness, were logical and pointed. He had acquired a great influence among the democracy of Edge- combe and adjoining counties. When only fourteen years of age the fame of the boy editor spread throughout the State. Before many years his editorials were copied by northern newspapers and numerous comments were made on his precociousness. In early life he was, therefore, made acquainted with the tendency of political sentiment.
The Union newspapers had by this time given up the fight to prevent secession, while Edgecombe, through the voice of both the
1 Edgecombe gave Ellis the majority vote.
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Tarboro Mercury and the Tarboro Southerner, indicated plainly that the influential force of the county was for the secession cause.
During the year 1860 R. R. Bridgers was elected to the State Legislature. Mr. Bridgers was in favor of secession. He had been a member of the House of Commons with John F. Dancy in 1856 and 1857.
War was declared, and Governor Ellis' reply to President Lin- coln's call for troops voiced the sentiment of Edgecombe's political leaders, and for the most part of the Democratic party. Gov- ernor Ellis immediately called a special session of the General Assembly to meet May 1, 1861, and asked for twenty thousand volunteers, at the same announcing that War was upon the South. On the identical date that the Assembly was called a convention was called without submitting the question to the vote of the people of the State. The election of delegates took place on the 13th of May. When the day of the convention arrived the mo- mentous question of secession necessarily had to be met squarely. Edgecombe's delegates, W. S. Battle and George Howard, faced the gravest crisis of their time.
Swayed by the multitude and pursued by the few conservatives, could any man possessed with true political principles have done other than what these two men in common with the other State delegates did for their people and State? The convention had hardly become an organization when Honorable George E. Badger presented an ordinance based on the right of the Declara- tion of Independence. In his draft he adroitly avoided the ques- tion of the legal right for North Carolina to secede from the Union. Observe the results. The resolution was rejected by a vote of seventy-two to forty, with the names of Battle and Howard among the majority. Edgecombe's delegates did not vote on this side because it was the majority, but because of the impending crisis. No more indication of calm logic and lack of hot secession- ism could have been displayed on the part of any men. Although there was no Union party in the election of these men, the elec- tion of a president for the convention, as well as the other officers, showed that there was a division in the convention between the original secessionists and the old Union or conservative men.
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ROBERT R. BRIDGERS
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In the meantime the State was making hasty preparation for War. In the organization for military preparation George How- ard received the honor he so richly deserved. He was appointed chairman of the convention of 1861, and also on committee of military affairs. He was also appointed on committee of annual election and sessions of the General Assembly. His duties were, therefore, to be many, since as chairman of committee on mili- tary affairs it involved the task of appointing surgeons for ex- amination of troops, organization of regiments and the equipment of same. In addition the regulation of officers pay came under his jurisdiction, and the laws to provide for the manufacture of arms and other munitions of war. John Norfleet, also of Edge- combe, was nominated as one of the commissioners of the board of claims, the purpose of which was to prepare claims of the State against the Confederate Government on proper vouchers.
In the meantime a call was issued for election to the first Con- federate Congress. Political interest was almost lacking since the absorbing thought among people was to fight. There were no State political meetings and all announcements were made in the newspapers. R. R. Bridgers being the unanimous choice of the people, he was elected to represent Edgecombe and also Wilson (this county still voting with her mother county) in the Confed- erate Congress for 1861. The State of North Carolina recorded a memorable day on February 4th, due to the assembling of two conventions, one in Washington City to compromise and to pacify the seceding states, and the other at Montgomery, Alabama, for the formation of the Southern Confederacy. To the latter place North Carolina choose of one of Edgecombe's most illustrious sons, John L. Bridgers. The late John L. Bridgers had for some- ' time enjoyed the intimacy of Governor Ellis' friendship. Ac- companying him were two more of the State's noted citizens, D. L. Swain and M. W. Ransom.1 They met at Montgomery, Alabama, on the 2d of February, 1861. Governor Ellis, in his letter to Honorable J. W. Garrett, of Alabama, said: "North Carolina sends three delegates to the southern convention, in com- pliance with the invitation of Alabama. Two of them-General. Ransom and Mr. Bridgers are warm southern men; Governor
1 These delegates were commissioned as observers and had no part in forming a Confederate States Government.
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Swain has not yet taken any decided position." Governor Ellis also discredited the belief that the attempt to patch a compromise at Washington would mature, and suggested a hastening of an organization, since Mr. Lincoln would soon launch plans to subju- gate the South.
The duty awaiting North Carolina delegates were therefore arduous and demanded all the ingenuity accredited to statesmen. On Wednesday, February 12th, ten days after the delegates left North Carolina, Governor Ellis received a report and a copy of the Constitution of the Confederate States of America. A com- plete account of what this delegation accomplished cannot be amiss at this time.
The report addressed to Governor was drafted by Honorable D. L. Swain; dated February 11, 1861, and is as follows:
"SIR :- On Wednesday, the 30th ult., we had the honor to re- ceive our commissions under the resolutions of the General As- sembly, adopted the previous day, appointing us commissioners to visit Montgomery for the purpose of effecting an honorable and amicable adjustment of all difficulties which distract the country upon the basis of the Crittenden resolutions, as modified by the Legislature of Virginia, and consulting for our common peace, honor, and safety. We left Raleigh the following evening, and arrived at this place about noon on Saturday, the 2d instant. "The resolutions of the convention of Alabama, adopted on the 11th of January, invited the people of the states of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri to meet the people of the State of Ala- bama, by their delegates in convention, on the 4th day of Febru- ary, A.D. 1861, for the purpose of consulting with each other as to the most effectual mode of securing concerted and harmonious action on whatever measures might be deemed most desirable for the common peace and security.
"The resolutions of the General Assembly, from which we derived our authority, were in response to the resolution and invitation from the convention of Alabama. On our arrival we have learned that the convention had adjourned sine die, and that the legislature was in session. As we were not delegates to the Southern Congress, and had no authority to participate in any
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consultation in relation to the contemplated formation of either a provisional or permanent government for the seceding states, we regarded our mission as restricted to the single duty of con- sulting for our common peace, honor, and safety.
"On the evening of our arrival here, Saturday, 2d instant, we waited on his Excellency, Governor Moore, and exhibited our credentials. We were received with marked courtesy and kind- ness, and had satisfactory assurance of his disposition to afford us every facility that we could desire, and that it was in his power to extend, to aid us in the proper discharge of our duties. The legislature and judicial department of the government of Alabama also placed us under grateful obligations by repeated acts of courtesy.
"We had expected to meet commissioners from Tennessee and, perhaps, other states, clothed with like powers, and charged with performance of similar duties with ourselves, and with the hope of consulting and cooperating with them, deferred entering into communication with the Southern Congress until the third day of the session. We then addressed the following note to Honorable Howell Cobb, the president of that body :
" 'The undersigned have the honor to submit to the considera- tion of the Southern Congress the accompanying resolutions adopted by the General Assembly of the State of North Carolina on the 29th ult.'
"The following extracts from the published journals of the Congress will show the disposition made of the communication and the course pursued towards us upon its presentation :
"'Mr. Toombs: I have the pleasure, Mr. President, of present- ing a communication from the commissioners of the State of North Carolina to this body. I desire that it be read.'
"It was read, together with the accompanying resolutions of the General Assembly, and was, on motion, laid on the table for the present.
"'Mr. Toombs: I move that the commissioners from North Carolina be invited to occupy seats on the floor during the open sessions, and that a committee of three be appointed to communi- cate the invitation to them. Adopted.'
"The next morning Johnson I. Hooper, Esq., the secretary of the Congress, communicated the following resolution :
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HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
"'Resolved, That the committee who were instructed to invite Honorables David L. Swain, Matthew W. Ransom, and John L. Bridgers to seats on the floor be instructed to invite them to at- tend any open or secret sessions of this body at any time it may suit their convenience, for the purpose of making any communi- cation to this body that they may desire.'"
The following day, Friday, 8th, the North Carolina delegation received a similar communication from the secretary, with ac- companying resolutions, as follows:
"WHEREAS, The people of the State of North Carolina and those of the states represented in this Congress have a common destiny, a common sympathy, a common honor, and a common danger; and, whereas, it is the opinion and earnest desire of the Congress that the State of North Carolina should be united in government with these states; be it, therefore,
"Resolved, That this Congress receive with pleasure the com- missioners from the State of North Carolina, and hope to pursue such a course of action as shall commend itself to and induce the people of the State of North Carolina speedily to unite in our councils and in such government as shall be formed by these states."
The North Carolina delegates' report continues :
"We availed ourselves freely of this invitation to attend the open sessions of the Congress, and of favorable opportunities to consult with the members of Congress individually, with the executive, with the members of the legislature and judicial de- partments of the government of Alabama, and with many promi- nent citizens of Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi in relation to the general objects of our mission.
"The number of native North Carolinians called hither, either as members of, or anxious attendants upon the legislative bodies in session here, have afforded us unusual and most favorable op- portunities to ascertain public sentiment in relation to the cause and cure of the evils which threaten the peace and safety of the whole country. These gentlemen have made their homes in the Southwest at intervals during the last thirty or forty years, con- stitute no small proportion of the aggregate body of the com- munity, and, in point of wealth, intelligence, and respectability, occupy positions in society which entitle them to high considera-
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