USA > North Carolina > Edgecombe County > History of Edgecombe County, North Carolina > Part 24
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General Sickles, soon after he took command under the Federal Government, issued an order declaring the civil government of the State provisional. For convenience of the military govern- ment the State was immediately divided into eleven districts. Tarboro, according to her geographical location, was in the eastern district, with Newbern as headquarters and Captain Horace James in command.
The original plan of Colonel Whittlesey, General Sickles's sub- ordinate, was to make each county a subdistrict, and he wrote every member of the convention of 1868, then in session, asking suggestions of desirable men to act as agents. He appeared, how-
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ever, to disapprove the appointment of any except military officers, and as there was a lack of these, two to eight counties were in- cluded in each subdistrict.
The chief agency to effect his designs was the Freedman's Bureau. That it was used in the hands of designing men for corrupt purposes cannot be contradicted. The chief complaint, however, was not corruption, but of inefficiency and improper management. The Bureau at Tarboro proved to be an influence for good, such also was true at Raleigh, Charlotte, and Salisbury.
General Sickles had the power to remove civil officers, but he did not exercise this right of removal to any great extent. How- ever, when the question arose as to his right to remove civil officers, he wrote Attorney General Stanberry that without mili- tary control order could not be maintained. Only in one or two instances was Tarboro affected; the first time was in a town elec- tion, which was suspended until the reconstruction acts could go into effect.
In another instance General Sickles had ordered, in general order No. 32, that all citizens who had been assessed for taxes and had paid them were qualified to serve as jurors, and the proper civil officers were ordered to revise the jury lists in accord- ance with the order. This, although it admitted negroes, was in accordance with the North Carolina law and custom. Governor Worth asked General Sickles to suspend his jury order until October, when it could be ascertained who paid taxes when the sheriff made his returns. Accordingly Judge Barnes in June ad- journed Edgecombe Superior Court, because negroes had not been summoned in accordance with General Sickles's order. Judge Barnes was criticized for this act, because the court was ordered held before the order was issued, and the laws existing prior to 1861 were considered as valid. Whatever Judge Barnes's opinion, it is a safe conclusion that his attitude tended to ameliorate the condition and bring about a better policy toward the Federal Government. It had the effect, however, of causing several magis- trates to resign.
It is well to recall that at this time the Republican convention was in session at Raleigh, March 27, 1867, composed of ninety- seven whites and forty-nine negro delegates, and that a platform had been adopted denouncing secession and endorsing the
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supremacy of the Federal Government. It also approved the measures of civil rights and enfranchisement without any prop- erty qualifications, conferred without distinction of color. No Federal Court had been held since 1861. This was due to the military rule and internal state of political chaos. It was August 10, 1867, before the Federal Court was resumed.
Immediately following the assumption of political domination by General Camby under the Federal Government, in 1867, Edge- combe County was divided into fourteen districts. The plan of operation was to appoint a captain for each district for the pur- pose of supervising the ballot and to exercise more or less juris- diction over political affairs. The original design, however, proved a failure in consequence of the registration board's inability to procure suitable persons to act as captains and open polls in each district. In addition radical changes had been made in the county government. General Canby dominated the Constitution of 1868, and adopted a county system of his own liking which was patterned after northern ideas. It was 1877 before the old system was redeemed and county affairs were improved.
It was difficult to secure registers. The oath required was such but few natives could stretch their consciences to take it, and suitable northern men in the county had been exhausted. Three of the registers appointed in 1867, M. M. Lowe, W. H. Knapp, white, and Willis Brown, colored, failed to qualify.
The entire county was then consolidated into two voting dis- tricts, one being at Tarboro, and the other at Rocky Mount, five districts voting at Tarboro and the remainder at Rocky Mount.
In the appeal for the formation of counties for the election, orders were issued for a popular vote for a constitutional conven- tion and delegates. Tarboro gave 1,191 votes for the convention, with 234 against. The votes for delegates were as follows : H. Baker, 1,352; H. A. Dowd, 1,348; and H. C. Cherry, negro, 1,325. Rocky Mount polled 1,129 for the convention and 1,503 against, and gave Baker 319 votes, Dowd 320, and Cherry 233. Accordingly Baker, Dowd, and Cherry represented Edgecombe in framing the Constitution of 1868. The large majority was con- sidered by the conservatives a victory in the county, as the blacks, if united, could have voted more than two to one. By electing this ticket the county procured the services of two good white men
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-one a colonel in the Confederate service and the other a Con- federate surgeon. Although the election went off quietly, with both races behaving in a commendable manner, the purpose for which the vote was cast was not comprehended by the majority. A visitor from New Haven, Connecticut, was residing temporarily in Tarboro. Although a Republican politician, he wrote back to the New Haven Register that in the election for the purpose of voting for or against a convention very few whites voted, and that the voting was done by the intelligent (with an interrogation mark) contraband who did not know whether he was voting for "George Washington or a new town-pump." He ended his letter by remarking that he hoped there may be an improvement in the next generation, for there was certainly room for it.
The results of the election for this year, however, illustrated a most obvious condition in local politics. The number of white voters were 1,194, as against 2,593 blacks. The number of voters listed in the county was greater that those registered. After deducting the one-third nontaxed, the number listed was as great as those registered, no doubt attributable to the fact that the farmers in the county listed employes on the farm.
The convention of 1865 was in no sense representative from a Democratic view, since it was not a call of the people, but of a provisional government that was out of sympathy with the people. Yet notwithstanding this fact the delegates elected could perform a beneficial work. Judge Howard had been a delegate to the Secession Convention, and S. F. Philips had acquired considerable experience in public life. Mr. Philips was appointed on the com- mittee to suggest business for the convention. This committee's report gave appointment to subcommittees to consider the ordi- nance of secession, the abolition of slavery, revision of the Con- stitution, Justices of the Peace, acts of the law, legislative courts since 1861 and other issues effecting financial, political, and economic life in North Carolina.
In spite of the concurrent of opinion which prevailed at the beginning of the convention, it was apparent that clashes of opinion would result. Especially was this true since it became necessary to undo the work of the convention of 1861. It, there- fore, became logical to observe a sharp difference in the opinion in Judge Howard. As it was in the past and is at the present,
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the western counties were arrayed against the eastern-the matter became one of conflict between "opinion and sentiment." There were those present from the western counties who were not lacking in loud resentment of the secession leaders, whose Unionism was of personal bitterness. In characteristic manner Judge Howard, to adopt his words, "had more faith in those who, without making loud professions of what they have always felt and believed, honestly give up all their past ideas, and avow themselves hence- forth good citizens of the United States than in those whose fierce zeal for the Union slumbered during all the years of secession, and only broke out in the hour of the triumph of the Union cause, or in other words, a conquered Rebel will, to my thinking, be much more easily converted into a good citizen than most of these North Carolina Unionists."
The first clash came in the discussion of the nullification of the ordinance of secession. A resolution to abrogate the secession ordinance was adopted. A sharp debate followed, being led by Judge Howard. He declared that he voted for secession in 1861, but was convinced of its failure, and would do all in his power to revise its effect; and that so far as the United States Govern- ment was concerned the ordinance of secession had always been considered null and void, but to the people of North Carolina it was accepted in good faith, and thus maintained by them for four years. Judge Howard did not care to have the responsibility of taking it away. The drafter of the resolution, B. F. Moore, favored it because it would obtain right of citizenship. S. F. Philips expressed the sound sentiment of many, when he said : "The convention of 1861 had expressed an opinion one way, a body of equal rank should register a counter opinion, as the func- tions of a convention of the people are both legislative and judi- cial," it could either repeal or declare null and void the act of a former body. A tentative vote was rejected by a vote of 94 to 20, with Howard voting against it. After the third reading Judge Howard again voted in the negative. Judge Howard related that just before the third reading Judge Manly and D. D. Ferebee were about to leave the hall, but remained with him. Some one turned to him and said : "Howard, let it be unanimous. You have already voted." Judge Howard replied, "I'll see you damned
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first." Although opposition was strong on the part of the minority the act of secession in North Carolina was abrogated.
In 1868 the negroes still followed a northern political party. The Democratic party in North Carolina allied itself with the National Democratic Party. That alliance expanded and prevails today. To cement a working union between the two, J. B. Whit- aker, William Robinson, and J. W. Edmunson, acting as a county committee under the provision enacted by the State convention, held in Goldsboro, appointed George Howard as delegate and William S. Battle as alternate to attend the National Democratic Convention, held at New York, July 4, 1868.
The letters of acceptance of the two men, especially that of Mr. Battle, express the sentiments of the leading thinkers of the day. Considerable light is thrown upon the condition which culminated in political ties in after years. After expressing the opinion that the war was not a rebellion, but a right as the South saw it, Mr. Battle says in part: "To the great National Democratic Party of the North we look in our extremity. It is the only political or- ganization which has shown the least indication of according to us that justice which, sooner or later, history will award us."
Judge Howard, while more concise, voiced a hopeful future when he wrote the committee that the people had but to be pru- dent, firm, and just to have their principles triumphantly vindicated.
The people in 1868 began to show signs of a new political life. Many who were still disfranchised sought emancipation from their political bondage. It was this year that William S. Battle, James Cobb, Redden S. Petway, R. N. Proctor, John I. Kille- brew, John Norfleet, R. H. Austin, Robert Norfleet, William H. Knight, William W. Parker, Jesse Mercer, Exum S. Moore, John W. Johnson, Thomas Norfleet, Micajah P. Edwards, Lewellyn Harrell, Lawrence Bunting, William H. Johnson, of Edgecombe, received a removal of political disability by act of Congress. At the same time R. R. Bridgers, of Confederate fame, received his political right after more than two years of constant effort. In 1880 disabilities inposed by the fourteenth amendment were re- moved by Congress in behalf of Thomas W. Hussey, J. E. Lindsay, and J. B. Hyman.
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"To whom all present shall come, Greeting:
Now, therefore, be it known that I, Andrew Johnson, Presi- dent of the United States, in consideration of the promises, divers other good and sufficient reasons, me thereunto moving, do hereby grant to the said Elisha Cornwell a full pardon and amnesty for all offenses by him committed, arising from participation, direct or implied, in the said rebellion, conditioned as follows: This pardon to begin and take effect if the said Elisha Cornwell shall take the oath prescribed in the proclamation of the President, dated May 29, 1865, and to be void and of no effect if said Elisha Cornwell shall hereafter at any time acquire any property what- ever in slaves or make use of slave labor, and that he shall pay all costs which may have accrued in any proceedings hitherto insti- tuted against his personal property."
In addition Mr. Cornwell had to write the Secretary of State of his acceptance to the stipulated conditions. The Secretary in return wrote the substantiation to President Johnson's reprieve and signified the original was on file.
The conservative State convention for this year provided for State or general organization and county organizations. Each county, by popular meeting or through the medium of existing organizations, appointed a county committee of two persons or captains. The purpose of which was to take charge of all matters in registration, organize local divisions, to make monthly reports to the chairman of the district committee and to keep the State convention informed of all local matters. Edgecombe county enrolled all registered voters who were willing to vote with the convention, and assisted all who would vote to register. The convention had elected the late George Howard, J. J. Davis, M. W. Ransom as members of the State Executive Committee.
In the meantime the Tarboro Southerner, a paper ever loyal to Edgecombe and the South, proposed a meeting of the representa- tives of the press to meet at Raleigh on June 18, 1868, to form plans to pursue in the campaign of the ensuing year.
Prior to this General Canby had issued an order on May 23, 1868, declaring the Constitution ratified and the radical candi- dates for State officers elected. Napoleon B. Belamy, Republican, was sent to the Senate; George Peck, a northerner, and Henry C. Cherry, negro, to the House of Representatives, and Joseph J.
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Martin was elected solicitor for the Second Judicial District. Henry Cherry was a commissioner of the county for several years, and has the distinction of being the only man, white or colored, who had two daughters married to Congressmen.1 Cherry was a good citizen and an excellent carpenter.
James Cromwell, a worthy colored man, deserves mention for his honesty. He received a unanimous nomination for the con- stitutional convention, but declined. While he appreciated the honor, he doubted his ability to serve the people in a proper manner, and begged that an abler delegate be elected. There were very few of his race possessed of his candor and earnestness.
Edgecombe polled in April of this year 2,344 votes for the Constitution and 1,158 against it. The number of registered whites was 1,246, of blacks 2,622. The number of votes cast for Thomas S. Ashe for Governor was 1,158, and for Holden 2,337. By a comparison of the votes for the Constitution and Thomas S. Ashe the unity of the conservatives is observable. The number of votes each time was 1958.
The county ticket of 1868 is here given to show who were con- tending for the county government in that fateful year.
Senate
Conservatives
Radicals Honorable George Howard N. B. Bellamy
House of Representatives
Dossey Battle G. P. Peck (northerner) William S. Battle H. C. Cherry (negro)
Sheriff
Benjamin T. Hart Battle Bryan
Superior Court Clerk John Norfleet
L. D. Pender
Register
Joseph Cobb
B. J. Keech
1 George White and H. P. Chestam.
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Treasurer
R. W. Whitehurst
No candidate
W. G. Lewis
County Surveyor No candidate
Commissioners
H. T. Clark
Robert Norfleet
William F. Lewis
W. K. Knight
L. R. Cherry K. Thigpen James F. Jenkins
Benjamin Norfleet
D. Johnson (negro)
T. Newton
Extensive plans had been made for a canvass of the county, led by Judge Howard, Fred Philips, and other able men. A mass meeting and barbecue was held October 24, 1868, and many notables were in attendance, among whom were Colonel R. H. Cowan, Honorable J. R. Stubbs, General M. W. Ransom, Colonels W. A. Jenkins and J. W. Hinton, of Norfolk, Virginia, Colonel E. C. Yellowley, Major John Hughes, Captain J. J. Davis, Colonel Thomas S. Kenan, and other influential citizens of the State. The radicals also had the pleasure of a visitor from Ohio, Colonel Davy Heaton, and Judge Rodman, of Beaufort. The local paper states that more than 10,000 people were present.
The result was an enlightenment to many of the negroes, which later resulted in much good for the county. The lamented Thomas S. Kenan, the conservative candidate for Congress in the Second District, spent many efforts and labored much in the county for the conservative cause, having as his slogan, "Shall negroes or white men rule North Carolina ?"
The Republicans had a considerable number of negro soldiers who committed many outrages in support of their ticket. Such negroes as John Jones, of Rocky Mount district, who had been convicted of theft and had been publicly whipped at the whipping post, was chosen by the white Republicans as inspector of the election.
At the end of 1868 the white people, with one accord, laid aside their indifference, and inspired the recovery of their political freedom; emerged from a state of long inactivity into which
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northern domination had forced them; and again devoted their energy to vindicate and maintain the supremacy of the white race. The Freedman's Bureau was on its last legs and the Federal military was preparing to be withdrawn. Yet incompetent and unworthy men filled practically all offices in the State and county. It can truly be said that North Carolina was reconstructed upon orthodox radical principles. A few whites, with the aid of the negro, controlled political affairs. The town of Tarboro alone claimed any pretension to real clean rule. N. M. Lawrence was elected mayor, H. H. Shaw, M. Weddell, James H. Bowditch were commissioners. They were elected by "The Citizen Ticket," and they were of worth and standing.
The result of the election of 1870 was very quiet and without much undue demonstration. After the calm came the storm, which the Tarboro Southerner had the honor of raising. In fact, the election was hardly known to the public before The South- erner, followed by other State papers, began an agitation for the impeachment of Governor Holden. The issue of August 11, 1870, had an editorial as follows: "He is the vilest man that ever polluted public office and his enemies are now crying in trumpet tones against him. Impeach the traitor and apostate, and the renegade, and drive him into the infamous oblivion which is 80 justly his due." It was probably due to the anger against him that lead to the demoralization of the Republican party. Even many of his followers hated him with a political and personal rancor.
The Democratic conservatives of Edgecombe met at Tarboro in the county convention, June 15, 1870, and formed plns for the ensuing campaign.
An amusing incident occurred in election of 1870. Battle Bryan, the sheriff, gave notice that an election would be held on the 4th of August for the election of officers and omitted that of sheriff. He explained, however, that he had been advised that the election of sheriff for Edgecombe County could not be consti- tutionally held until the first Thursday in August, 1872. It ap- pears that Mr. Bryan's lack of information subjected him to some heckling, and to produce a sentiment against the Republican position that once in office never out again. Alexander McCabe was elected, but allowed Mr. Bryan to remain in office.
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Frequently in political campaigns, especially in the five years following 1865, personalities were indulged in by the canvassers. During this period the county was wild with excitement over issues raised by different parties. Charges without any purpose save political were accumulated to injure integrity and blacken the character of individuals. Then, as now, the character of many would not stand too much probing, and slight defects were sometimes exaggerated. The conflict between William Biggs, of Tarboro, and Judge Jones, of the Second Judicial District, was perhaps the greatest incident in Edgecombe. This resulted in Biggs losing his right to practice law in Edgecombe courts, and in the impeachment of Judge Jones.
The trouble started in the campaign of 1872, when William Biggs, editor of Tarboro Southerner, attended a radical meeting at Tarboro to represent his paper. While there he was attacked and insulted by a negro, prompted by white radicals. Mr. Biggs had a large cane and struck the negro across the head. This acted as a signal, and more than five hundred of the mob rushed upon him and a few Democrats present. The mob was held at bay by Alexander McCabe, while two colored men, J. T. Scott and Napoleon Patterson, who, knowing the purpose of the radicals, rescued Mr. Biggs, and got him away.
Mr. Biggs, a most loyal Democrat, had supported his party principles with an able pen, thereby incurring the fear and hatred of the radicals in the county. He was commonly suspected of being a member of the Ku Klux.
Following this William Biggs's actions proved offensive to Judge Jones, due to the appearance of articles in the Tarboro Southerner criticising him. Jones attempted to suppress the free- dom of the Southerner, and the State papers took up the matter. In the meantime General Lewis had charged Judge Jones with having pronounced in open court a slander against the William- son and Tarboro Railroad, of which General Lewis was general superintendent. It appeared that one of the directors of the road had been summoned as juror and upon his pleading exemp- tion according to a clause of the charter of the company, exempt- ing officers from military, public road and jury duty, Jones stated that the Williamson and Tarboro Railroad had forfeited its charter more than once, and that it was not in force. General
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Lewis protested and Biggs supported him. Judge Jones then deprived Biggs of his right to practice in the court, and attempted to discipline the Southerner. Editor Biggs defended himself and exposed Jones's character. Jones had been placed on the bench as a result of the war; was incompetent in all respects. In spite of this fact he was aided by Mr. Rodman, of Beaufort, who made an attack on the Southerner; and which Governor Holden aided and abetted. Jones's actions while presiding in court were so suggestive of a jay bird, that he was known as Jaybird Jones.
The late editor of the Southerner, Frank Powell, retained a satire in verse against Jones, written by Biggs. It is worthy of copying :
"It is said by the vulgar, and thought to be so, That jaybirds on Friday to Hades do go. But it is quite likely they make a limited stay, And depart for the earth on the following day, But when their namesake Jones goes there to burn, For the joy of mankind, he'll never return."
A bill for impeachment was finally brought against Jones in the Senate for immoral conduct with a negress in Tarboro, and for being indecent and drunk in Raleigh, Salisbury, and Char- lotte. In 1872 he was impeached, and at the same time Biggs asked to be restored as attorney and had the privilege granted to him by the Supreme Court.
In the meantime the realization of their declining power began to dawn upon the minds of the negroes, and the fact that they were being worsted in securing political bargains troubled them to a considerable extent. The negro voters in the county found in one W. P. Mabson (colored) a fit representative. Mabson was reported as being a Methodist preacher of some ability. In order to understand the position assumed by the negroes and radicals about the time Mabson appeared, it will be necessary to refer to campaigns of 1871 and 1872.
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