USA > North Carolina > Edgecombe County > History of Edgecombe County, North Carolina > Part 22
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CHAPTER VII
RECONSTRUCTION-SOCIAL AND FINANCIAL
No more appropriate name could be given for the events which transpired between 1865 and 1880 than that of reconstruction. Politics were more or less corrupt, dominated to a large extent by the Federal Government; education made no progress, agri- culture was neglected; labor was at a premium; commerce and trade stood still; the economic and financial conditions were un- certain; and the racial problem was alarming. The cause for such a tragic state was the Civil War and the adjustment which followed. It is quite impossible for the later generations to realize the untold hardships and suffering the citizens endured during this eventful period.
At the conclusion of the war questions of readjustment were the center of attention and the prevailing issue. Out of them grew numerous problems which had to be given due consideration. The State was under territorial government by the United States; and the Federal authority required, under heavy penalty, that the equality of rights and privileges be secured to all citizens, without distinction of race, color, or previous social relation. It was also required that avowed loyalty to the Union be assured. The President of the United States assumed an autocratic posi- tion on the most profound issue in the history of the country. The leading Republicans warned him that this would result in the complete ascendency of the Confederates. The Republican party, following the Federal lead, evinced in their legislation a deter- mined purpose to keep the men who had been loyal to their coun- try during the direful years of war from any participation in the management of their affairs and to give preference to negroes, scalawags, and carpet-baggers. The determination of the Presi- dent to adhere to his policy, though apparently condemned by the masses of the party which had elected him, created a spirit of defiance among those who had been true to the Confederacy, for he, too, believed in disfranchisement.
The returning Confederate soldiers had a moral right to believe what their parole said, "Return to your homes and repair your wasted fortunes; build up the interests of your State, and you
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HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
shall not be molested." The Federal generals to some extent endeavored to have this promise observed; but the United States persistently ignored this policy.
Those who fought for the Confederate causes and survived, returned home to find Edgecombe County under martial law. General Martindale, of Washington, had his headquarters at Jamesville, Martin County. A provisional Governor, W. W. Holden, had been appointed, and a conservative representative from each county had been called to provide a form of govern- ment for the State.
Under the protection of the Federal Government undesirable men from the North became residents of the county in order to exploit the innocent and misguided blacks and the helpless whites. Politics offered the greatest advantage; consequently Edgecombe witnessed a quick transition from a Democratic regime to a Republican rule. The Democrats were deprived of the right to vote because of their participation in the War, and negroes being enfranchised naturally followed the political lead of their liberators.
One of the important political factors, as far as the Republican party was concerned, was the Freedman's Bureau. It was estab- lished by the Federal Government with the purpose of trying cases affecting freedmen, to clothe and feed the suffering, and assist the negro in securing employment. Colonel Savage was the first in charge in the county and proved a very considerate and just man. Captain R. H. Gatlin, of Tarboro, had Colonel Savage and his wife at his house frequently, and the people in the county were reported to be on good terms with him. His station was at Rocky Mount, and a branch agency was later established at Tar- boro. Captain Fred De Silver succeeded him about 1868, but he was a man of different type from Colonel Savage. He caused Joshua Bullock, an overseer for Moses Mordecai, who owned the present Dunbar farm immediately after the War, to be put in jail in Raleigh for over a month for whipping a negro caught in the act of stealing bags.
A crew of northern missionaries followed the bureau to Edge- combe County, and a mission for the purpose of teaching the negro was located at the present home of Dr. S. N. Harrell, of
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Tarboro, formerly owned by the Lawrence family. The women connected with the mission soon became dissatisfied because of ostracism, and the organization disbanded in 1868.
In 1872 the Freedman's Bureau was abolished by Congress, and after June 20th of that year, the business of Tarboro and the county was conducted through the Adjutant General of the Army. There were many claims for bounties and for damaged property and confiscated lands in Edgecombe, and Goldsboro was made the claim station for all eastern counties, and payments were made there.
Representatives of the Union League, which was organized in the North in 1862 as a political body of Unionists, came to Edge- combe about 1866. At this time efforts were made to establish this organization in every village. The first establishment was at Battleboro. Agents of the Freedman's Bureau had done con- siderable missionary work among the negroes and succeeded in causing their alienation from the native whites. A few negroes who were to be used for political purposes were initiated in the spring of 1866. The league offered a good substitute for the Freedman's Bureau, which was then on the verge of collapsing. Introduced by northern men of selfish design, it was carried on by them to work on the impulses and passions of the negro. By April, 1867, almost every negro who would be able to vote at the coming election was an ardent member of the league. Private in- formation from old citizens of the county discloses the fact that the negro was under compulsion from the northern leaders to join the league. An initiation fee of five dollars was charged, and monthly dues of ten cents.
A few of the negroes in the county, like one Harvey Dancy and James Harris, declined to connect themselves with the league, preferring to accept guidance from their former masters. Dancy was candidate for employment by the State Legislature in 1870, and of pronounced conservative principles. This worked hard- ships on the dissenting negro, and under the direction of the carpet-baggers, who feared that the solidarity of the Republican party would be jeopardized, the Union League instituted punish- ment. In July, 1868, a negro in the county was severely beaten because of his refusal to join the league.
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HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
The first local president of the Union League was Major Tatton, who in 1866 was living in Battleboro. Tatton was a carpet- bagger and became famous for his underhand work and corrupt domination of the negro in the county. When he first came to Edgecombe he was employed by the Democratic party to assist in carrying the county Democratic. The idea was to do propa- ganda work among the negroes and to enlighten them on their new condition. Tatton, however, after collecting all the funds he could, left Tarboro and became connected with the league. He, on a certain occasion, had ordered a negro to be brought before the council of the league for refusing to join. The negro was brought and confined for one day and night, and experienced con- siderable fright at his hands. Tatton was tried by the court in Edgecombe County and sentenced to six months in prison. The case was presented to Governor Holden, the president of the league in North Carolina, and at his command the district com- mander ordered soldiers to break the jail at Tarboro and release Tatton. This was done and Tatton in turn released several negroes who were implicated with him.
Immediately following this, Tatton and a number of his fol- lowers became involved in another case. This time Wiley Taylor, a negro member of the league, had voted the Democratic ticket. Tatton and his followers had abused Taylor, and the courts sen- tenced Tatton and his followers to imprisonment the second time. The parties appeared to have had a fair trial, as certified by the Freedman's Bureau agent at Tarboro, who had been requested to be present at the trial. On Monday following conviction Lieuten- ant Heimer Beaman, agent at Rocky Mount, reached Tarboro with an order from General Canby for unconditional release of Tatton, Barnes, and Maner 1 from custody of civil authority, and declaring action of the court as null and void on grounds that the prosecution arose from prejudice on the part of civil authorities and with intention to break up the league. General Canby was evidently prompted in this move by 'Holden, who was exercising supervision of league operations.
Richmond Staton, a negro preacher, succeeded Tatton as head of the Union League in Edgecombe. He became as widely known as his predecessor for infamous deeds and terror. He had negroes
1 Barnes and Maner were associated with Tatton.
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seized and severely beaten for voting the conservative ticket. On one occasion Staton was arrested by the sheriff of Edgecombe County, together with seven negroes under him. They were brought to Tarboro charged with assault. Finding himself in trouble Staton went to his former white friends to secure bail. He was refused and referred to his political friends as the proper ones to render assistance. He considered John Norfleet, a Re- publican of the county, as the one most benefited by his vote and influence, and requested his help in securing bail. Mr. Norfleet declined also, leaving Staton to reflect that politics is indeed pass- ing strange.
It was under the reign of the Union League that Edgecombe witnessed what was known as the "Noo Administration of Jus- tica." The word "Noo" was originated by the Tarboro South- erner, and indicated a satirical opinion on the new regime. Its original import was also closely connected with the idea advanced by northern politicians of the forty acres and a mule to be given to former negro slaves. The tone of this was later changed by negro leaders, who instructed the negroes in the county they would get forty acres and one hundred dollars in cash. It re- mained for James Harris and Sil Barnes, two negroes in the Dem- ocratic party, to dispel this false doctrine. The occasion for the ironic name was a letter written by L. L. Lancaster, when he was elected justice in 1868. The letter was addressed to W. F. Mercer, a leading citizen in the township in which Lancaster was elected justice. In his letter, written December 8, 1868, Lancaster wrote: "We claim one-half of the cotton and one-half of the corn by L. D. Bullock in year 1868, and we shall be to your house to get same December 6, 1868." The idea being that as a newly elected justice, Lancaster considered himself entitled to some remunera- tion and would employ his office to collect his due.
In order to promote the interests of the negro politically (so- called) and to corral them for elections, a new brick house was erected in Tarboro under radical guidance and financial support for the accommodation of guests "without regard for color." At this time all negro leaders were agitating social equality, and the situation was not without comment. H. M. Williams was in- stalled as manager, and the ever observant Southerner in its edi- torial commended "all violators of the law to the tender mercies
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HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
of mine host, Mr. Williams," and assured them security under his control. Another incident served to fan the flames of social equality and in all probability gave regrets to one of our best re- ligious bodies. A negro bishop came to Tarboro in 1867 and was given permission to preach in the white Methodist Church. This brought considerable criticism against local Methodism, and re- sulted in harm which was felt in after years.
There were only a few isolated cases, however, in which actual social equality was practiced. The Tarboro Southerner, in 1869, gave an account of a white man applying for license to marry a negress of Wilmington. The register refused, and the editorial comment referred to the act of the register, but stated that Edge- combe had stain indited upon its history. One infers from this that there had been a few cases that slipped through the register.
The dastard measures employed by the Union League proved disastrous in two ways; first, a desertion by honest negroes, and, second, the establishment of an organization to offset its force.1 After the notorious occurrence of whipping deserting negroes and the arrogation to control by force the political course of its mem- bers in the county, the Union League received letters from Wiley Taylor, William Taylor, Thomas Jackson, and Fred Mann, col- ored, who lived near Leggets, and members at Battleboro, of withdrawal, since they did not wish to be held responsible for acts committed by the league. Following their resignations Steven Conyers and George Arrington resigned, and Taylor and others joined the Democratic Club at Tarboro. Prosecution of negroes who voted the conservative ticket continued as late as 1875, at which time James H. Harris, a loyal negro of the South and a Democrat, together with Sam Base, of Toisnot, were at- tacked by a mob of black Republicans and shot, after escaping from their hands.
The Union League of the county is deeply indebted to one "General" Wiley D. Jones, of Battleboro, whose name was un- familiar to Edgecombe history until 1868. His achievements were marked with rascality and corrupt swindling of innocent negroes. The multifarious acts of the Union League and the rise of loyal organizations had necessitated a law to forbid meeting of secret societies. Jones saw the way to continue his designs, and im-
1 The Ku Klux.
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mediately advised the negroes not to hold any more league meet- ings, since it was unlawful, but to hold prayer meetings, which were only league meetings in disguise. Accounts from 1869 to 1875 indicate that the negro suddenly became extremely religious.
The political effects of the Union League will be disclosed in the various elections which were held in the county from 1866 to 1880. It seems befitting, although distasteful and abhorrent, to give a record of the crimes perpetrated in the name of recon- struction under northern rule and the Union League. It is im- possible to read a State paper during this period without reading of some brutal murder or incendiary fires, while the Tarboro paper was inflated with the occurrence of crime and violence. It seems as if the negro had been allowed to release his passion and infest civilization with his new-born liberty. Many of these crimes bear memory to people now living that overshadow the deeds of the dark days of the War between the states. It seems, however, mention should be made of the fact that in many in- stances the negro was the misguided tool of men of the North.
The economic life of the people in the county at this period was constantly imperiled. The farmer who had his dwelling, his stable, or his barn reduced to ashes was frequently ruined. Edge- combe County in two months in 1869 lost two churches, eight cot- ton gins, a cotton factory, and numerous barns and buildings, all being incendiary origin. In addition, plunder and theft destroyed thousands of dollars worth of property following a fire. The Union Leagues of the county entered into an agreement for arson and robbery. They were well organized for this purpose. Three unsuccessful attempts were made to burn a block in Tarboro in 1868. On October 14, 1869, oil was placed in some old boxes in a narrow lane between the old S. E. Moore place and the store occupied by R. A. Sizer. The flames were discovered and put out. In 1867 Tarboro had one fire which cost fifty thousand dol- lars. The fire began in B. J. Keech's stables and in the rear of several business houses. It was traced to incendiary origin. When the stores were burning, the goods were plundered and much stolen. An entire square was consumed. Colonel C. W. Smith, of the Penny Hill plantation, had his gin house burned in February, 1870, at which time two good gins, 1,500 bushels of corn, and 5,000 bushels of cotton seed were destroyed.
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HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
The confusion in the civil government and the support given the Union League by the State Government, under Holden, caused an increase of crime in the county. In addition the judges who came to the county to hold court were usually radicals or radical sympathizers. Judge Moore held court with a jury consisting of eleven negroes and only one white man in 1868. These negroes were of the lowest type.
Incidents of negro crimes increased in intensity; while white men were subjected to violence at their hands and innocent women were frequently overpowered and ruined. In 1866 a young man named George E. Griffin, a clerk at Whitakers, pushed a negro, who was newly elected magistrate, aside from the depot platform for some white ladies to pass. The negro swore out a warrant before a negro magistrate, John Judge, and gave same to a deputized negro, who was ordered to take Griffin dead or alive or carry his head. The negro went to the store where Griffin was shaving. Griffin had his pistol over a shelf. The negro reached for the pistol and Griffin asked for it back, all the time walking for the door. As he turned to go out the door, the negro shot him in the back. A crowd of white people heard of the inci- dent and went to the magistrate, but received no satisfaction. The negro in the meantime had been captured and taken to Tar- boro, where he was tried and sentenced to death. Judge Jones set aside the sentence, and gave the negro ten years. The negro was sent to Raleigh, and after a short time was pardoned by Holden.
Two negroes, Lawrence Powell and Cornelius Pittman, mur- dered Cowan, a Jew merchant, in Whitakers. These negroes were tried and sentenced for first degree murder. They appealed and were convicted the second time. It was near election time, and Governor Holden was scheduled to speak at Halifax. He learned of the case through the Union League and pardoned the negroes as the rope was placed around their necks to pay the penalty.
In September, 1869, O. M. Mayo was assaulted in his home by a negro about seven miles from Tarboro. He was severely beaten and was made unconscious. In October, 1868, two ladies, mother and daughter, were traveling from Tarboro to their home in the country and had their trunk stolen from behind their buggy, losing $600 in specie, a large sum in greenbacks and their entire ward-
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robe. In the Edgecombe County Court in December, 1866, three- fourths of the cases concerned freedmen and members of the league. The military commander issued an order forbidding negroes to be bound out, and the jail became crowded. In June court, 1867, ninety cases were freedmen, while court for March had omitted all civil cases to try criminals only; the total number of criminal cases were 775. Court for March, 1868, had 100 cases, all freedmen. The expense of confining them for one quarter was over $1,000. As late as 1875 seven freedmen were convicted and sentenced to be hung, six for murder and one for rape.
During the month of May, 1867, Gus Holmes, John Stevens, Jordan Dancy, Hardy Lloyd, and John Morgan, all negroes of the Union League, broke into the railroad office at Tarboro, stole an iron safe containing express money and made away with it.
On March 17, 1870, the grocery store of King and Williams was robbed in daylight of $996 in currency and several dollars in company orders. Other cases of robbery and assault could be mentioned. Usually the acts of the league were mysterious, but later evidence would be obtained. On March 13, 1867, Bennet Hayne, of the vicinity of Leggets, left home to invite some friends to a gathering at his home. He met a party of whites and blacks, and in resisting an attack by them was severely beaten and be- came unconscious. He was found by an old negro man, who as- sisted in getting him home. About the same time a citizen of the county was seen to cross the Norfolk bridge, but never returned. In 1868 A. M. Weber had two attempts at his life, the last time being called to the door and struck over the head with a club. The would-be assassin began to rob, but was interrupted by people passing.
Frequently when negroes were detected and arrested they were released by the Union League. In September, 1868, a negro was arrested for larceny; a gang of Union Leaguers and regular dele- gates to the convention of 1868 for the district endeavored to liberate him.
The negroes occasionally in their moments of frenzy killed each other. In January, 1867, George Holmes, a mulatto, was a candidate for office and lost. He immediately shot Matthew King, his successful competitor. The smell of blood was indeed strong, and a frightened, agitated, impulsive man who had been
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HISTORY OF EDGECOMBE COUNTY
given liberty of passion after years of bondage knew no law but the law of license. Dempsey Morgan, a negro, was charged with beating his wife and came clear. He accused his wife of being the cause of his arrest and struck her dead, and disembowelled her.
Although the better class of whites had to tolerate this condi- tion of crime, they bore it under protest. Especially was this true when the sanctity of the home was invaded by their former slaves, who for the most part had been treated kindly and with com- passion. The patience of the people was restrained by the forces of the Federals when the acme of torture was reached in the crim- inal assault upon their women. Before freedom was granted to the negro it was unheard of for him to assault or rape a white woman. Negro and mistress worked together in the field and home. The negro acted as her protector in the absence of hus- band and father during the War between the states. Even dur- ing the last days of the War, when negroes from the county were joining the Federal forces and the Freedman's Bureau, the white women were unmolested. But with the coming of their northern sponsors preaching the doctrine of social equality, the sanctity of woman was no longer respected.
The first case of rape was in number 5 township. Almost im- mediately afterward another case occurred in township number 6. In January, 1868, Gus Rogers, a negro, raped a white woman in Rocky Mount. In December, 1869, Lew Hines was convicted for rape on a white girl. The subject is repulsive, and only for the sake of attempting to give an idea of the awful days of recon- struction are these cases stated. It is essential to notice that it was only during the day of reconstruction that any such condition prevailed.
It is interesting to note that with all the crime committed no attempt was made at lynching during the reign of Federal agencies. However, there was one case that bordered on mob execution. Gray Hargrove was slain by a negro, Jim Hargrave, a slave belonging to General Lewis, superintendent of the Tar- boro and Welden Railroad, before the war. General Lewis and others, upon learning of the deed, drew the negro up by his thumbs. The negro hung too long and the act almost resulted in death. Realizing the seriousness of the act and knowing that
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the negro would go to the Freedman's Bureau, General Lewis went first and explained the affair as it occurred. The agent of the bureau replied : "I don't give a d-n, there are plenty more."
In order to check the lawlessness and violence in the county a branch of an existing organization, the Ku Klux Klan, was formed. The method of organization of the Ku Klux, like that of the Union League, is disclosed in Halminton's History of Reconstruc- tion, and for want of space is omitted here. General N. B. Forest, of Western Tennessee, was the reputed head. In its early forma- tion in the county the society was composed of able and conserva- tive men. The clan had a small muster and carried out the in- structions of the leader. Unfortunately very little was published in the local papers concerning the society's activities, and since the remaining few old citizens express reluctance in telling of its operations, very little is known. From private information, how- ever, one act of suppression in the county was obtained that is worthy of narration. During the year 1870 in which lawlessness and crime were at the highest, and just as the Republican party was losing its power in the county, eleven negroes who were be- heved to be guilty of assaults on white women and burning were secured by members of the Ku Klux, conducted to Hendrick's Creek, about one mile from Tarboro, and emasculated. During the scene it was told that as many negro politicians as could be gathered together were forced to witness the operation. One of the ablest negro leaders in the county became frightened and left Tarboro between daylight and dark, and when next heard from was in Washington City. It was several years before he ever came back to the county. This act terrified the negroes in the county, and prevented repetition of crime.
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