USA > North Carolina > Edgecombe County > History of Edgecombe County, North Carolina > Part 25
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There were two parties in the field-Democrats or conserva- tives, and Republicans or radicals. The Democrats of Edge- combe met in convention on Saturday, July 1, 1871, and nomi- nated as their candidates for the State Convention H. T. Clark and William F. Lewis. The convention that nominated these gentlemen was reputed to be the largest and most harmonious ever
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held in Edgecombe. Nearly every township was represented, and a wonderful spirit of unanimity prevailed throughout the entire proceedings.
These candidates, who promised a thorough and active canvass in the county, were supported by George Howard, John L. Bridgers, Fred Philips, C. M. Wesson, T. R. Owens, Jr., J. S. Barlow, H. L. Station, Jr., B. H. Bunn, and J. L. Bridgers, Jr., who were the county's best speakers at this time and who ex- plained the importance of the issues at stake. An appeal pub- lished in the local paper gives an example of the Democratic sentiment :
"LET FRIDAY THE 13TH DAY OF JANUARY be set apart as a day of fasting and prayer, throughout our habitations. Let no strong drink or other luxuries be used for the three days pre- ceding. Let the people assemble in their places of worship and cry mightily unto the Lord. Let the maidservants whose employ- ment will not permit them to worship during the forenoon ask their employers to allow them the afternoon, that they may spend it in fasting and prayer on behalf of the government and our suffering people.
"Let the minister of the Gospel proclaim this fast and see that it is observed. If this call is heartily responded to, God will deliver us."
The occasion for this religious duty being the satirical opposi- tion offered to the Republican ticket and nominees, which were as follows: George L. Mabson, Representative, from New Hanover County; Edward R. Dudley, Craven County; Robert Fletcher, Richmond County; Stewart Ellison, Wake County; R. Falkner, Warren County; W. H. Reavis, Granville County; Augustus Robbins, Bertie County; William D. Newson, Hertford County; B. H. Jones, Northampton County; Willis Bunn, Edgecombe County; John Bryant, Halifax County; W. W. Morgan, Wake County; Charles Smith, Halifax County; J. R. Page, Chowan County; and R. M. Johnson, Edgecombe County. The entire number were Republicans.
The Democratic campaign opened with the slogan : "Office- holder's ticket; no convention, increased taxation and ruin," as compared with the "people's ticket; convention; reduced taxation and restored prosperity." A county convention was called by the
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chairman of the Democratic Executive Committee to meet Satur- day, July 1, 1871, in order to nominate candidates for the State convention. The purpose of the State convention was to remove the political chaos then existing. For some unexplained reason the convention was voted down.
In the meantime conditions were becoming more favorable for the white citizens and the Democrats who had taken part in the war. A committee known as the "Southern Outrage Committee" was organized in Washington and considered means of redress for the multifarious deeds perpetrated on the whites in the Southern States. In February, 1871, William H. Battle and B. F. Moore were summoned to Washington to testify before this committee. This action and the sending of these two men proved a very favorable omen to the county, and a terrible ominous indication to northern politicians and the Republican party. The action by the committee indicated that at last some sincerity was shown in the search for a true condition in the county, while it proved to the political fortune hunters in North Carolina who had been gathering in Washington that their day was coming to a close. It indicated that the more thoughtful Republicans were heartily tired of the burdens they had been subjected to during the period of reconstruction.
Messrs. Battle and Moore were men well selected for the mak- ing a true and unbiased report of the condition of affairs in the county and State. They were given recognition at the committee hearing and much benefit was derived from their official repre- sentation.
In the year 1875 Republicans were still in control in State and county. W. P. Mabson and Alexander McCabe being the leading radicals. McCabe was in the Senate. It was at the beginning of this year that a promise of better things appeared on the horizon. The incompetency of Republican rule was too unjust and wasteful, and at the beginning of 1875 the county began its redemption. Under the rule of Republicans the town commissioners of Tar- boro attempted to get the State Legislature to empower them to sell the Tarboro Common. The local pride of the people resented this act severely, and this issue was thrown into campaign against the Republicans more than once.
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The county Democratic ticket for 1876, while not as able as the year 1870, was composed of rising citizens. John M. Perry for Senate; William T. Cobb and Dr. A. B. Nobles, House of Repre- sentatives; Spencer L. Hart, sheriff; William W. Parker, treas- urer; R. G. Pittman, surveyor; Thomas W. Ider, coroner, and C. B. Killibrew, Hiram Webb, D. B. Butts, James K. Lawrence, and M. B. Pitt for commissioners. Tarboro organized a Tilden and Vance Club, with S. S. Nash as president; J. H. Brown, first vice-president, and S. F. Philips, chairman. More than 400 members joined this organization. At this time a falling away from the Republican banner was noticeable in the county. At the meeting held August 25, 1876, R. M. Johnson, a prominent negro Republican and ex-member of the Legislature, gave his application to the Tilden and Vance Club. His application is here quoted :
"I hereby tender my resignation to the Republican party, and ask that my name be enrolled in that of democracy. Having been a faithful member of the Republican party all my political life, it will be remembered in the campaign of 1874 I was one of the few Republicans in the county that asked for reform in my party which was not adhered to. Now I am fully of the opinion not only the county demands reform, but also the nation, and as one of the citizens of the Republic I hereby tender my weak and feeble ability to the standard bearers of reform, Samuel J. Tilden, Thomas A. Hendricks, and Zebulon B. Vance."
Harry Dancy, a very respectable colored man, was also a mem- ber of the Tilden and Vance Club at Battlesboro. He had always manifested a stand for the Democratic party, and was often threatened with death by the members of his own race.
The retirement of Republicans from their party and giving support to Democrats gave much pleasure to Democratic leaders. The gain, however, was partially offset, due to the fact that there were several political aspirants for office who ran on an inde- pendent ticket. This caused a split in the party and gave a radical gain. The Tarboro Southerner, in commenting on an independent candidate, said that such a candidate was a political trickster, who was ready to betray his political friends and de- ceive his political opponents, and one who did not hesitate to
18
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sacrifice principles for promotion, and who while scheming for the support of the carpetbaggers had not the courage or the manli- ness to array himself under their banner.
The electioneering this year was unique, carried on by Vance and Leach in the State, and Howard, Philips, Perry, Bridgers, Cheshire, Baker, and Bourne in the county. That their efforts resulted in much good is seen from the returns in the election. Although W. P. Mabson, colored, went to the Senate, W. A. Duggan and Willis Bunn, colored, went to the House of Repre- sentatives, the county showed a large vote for Tilden and Vance.
William A. Duggan was a native of Edgecombe County, and had been magistrate, commissioner, and school examiner. He gradu- ated at the Medical Department of the University of Pennsyl- vania, 1861, served through war as assistant surgeon at Fort Fisher and the military hospital at Wilson. He was at Goldsboro and surrendered there and immediately became Republican in politics.
William Bunn, a negro farmer and Republican, a former slave, one-time magistrate, was elected to the Legislature 1870, 1879, and 1877 by a majority vote of 2,300.
William P. Mabson, senator, from Fifth District, was a negro of some ability, born November 1, 1846, in Wilmington, North Carolina, and well educated at Lincoln College, Chester County, Pennsylvania. His first election was to the House in 1872 and to the Senate in 1874. He was Republican delegate to the Consti- tutional Convention 1875, and elected in 1877 by 2,300 majority. He was by vocation a school teacher, and for years was county school examiner in Edgecombe, and his party leader.
The election was intensely exciting, and the result in the State of much consequence. The streets of Tarboro were thronged with citizens to hear the news. Farmers, it was reported, left their fields, merchants their business, to hear the latest results. The Republicans felt the results heavily and stayed away from the streets. The State ticket was elected in its entirety, giving a great Democratic victory, with the State redeemed and the white man once more given his political rights.
After the election of 1876 a movement for negro colonization was inaugurated, but soon came to grief. The movement, however, did not originate from the leading Democrats, but by some parties
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who suffered political reverses in that year. Bunn from Edge- combe agitated the matter in the Legislature. The resolution, however, asking the Legislature to suggest some feasible plan upon which Congress could be memorialized to set apart some territories west of the Mississippi River for the use of colored people, was taken up as a special order and was considered.
Following the Democratic victory of 1876 civil affairs were better administered. In 1877 a bill to provide for an Inferior Court, called Court of Common Pleas, was enacted by the Legis- lature. Members of the board of county commissioners were ex officio judges and possessed all powers incident to that jurisdic- tion. Court was held four times in each year, and conducted by the Justices of the Peace. This court exercised exclusive juris- diction of all special proceedings, and had concurrent jurisdic- tion with the Superior Court in all civil actions arising on torts in which damage claimed was not more than $50.00, and concur- rent jurisdiction with the courts of Justices of the Peace, wherein the sum demanded exceeded $60.00. The court also had a limited jurisdiction to inquire of, try, hear, and determine certain crimes and misdemeanors.
In the election for this year Edgecombe elected forty-eight magistrates for fourteen townships and made considerable prog- ress for democracy.
The campaign of 1876 had disclosed an attempt of strategy by the radical party to regain the lost ground in the previous elec- tion. Early in the time for registration it was discovered that the registration books were being copied from the old ones. The law was that none should register on election day. The duty of copying being in the hands of shrewd and unscrupulous radical leaders, many white names were omitted. To show that it was accidentally done, names of a few colored men were left out.
In addition to this the polls in Tarboro townships revealed the fact that a number of illegal votes were cast by negro boys under twenty years of age, all of whom registered a few days previous to the election. The registration books were in the keeping of J. H. M. Jackson, who gave no notice of the time or place of registering. The books were kept at his house, where white men did not frequent, but where the colored people had unlimited freedom. It was easy, therefore, to get these boys to register
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without fear of detection. After having registered, the Democratic challengers were unable to prevent them from voting on account of the absence of any direct evidence to their ages. Also due to the fact that the registrar was at his house instead of the court house, the proper place, several whites failed to register and con- sequently could not vote. This was indeed a political trick, and although it aided the Republicans it was not sufficient to materi- ally reduce the gain made by the Democrats. Rocky Mount gave a liberal Democratic majority and an increase over 1870. The net Democratic gain for the county was 1,071. The method employed by the radicals, caused an agitation for central government elections.
In the election of 1876 a very interesting article was published in the Tarboro paper as a colored man's view, signed by Joseph Weaver. In his article a suggestion was made that the Repub- lican politicians of the county were after all the spoils and then leaving the negro to get what he could. The negro expressed, to a large extent, the actual conditions then existing.
Alexander McCabe and Joseph Cobb remained commissioners for the town. They continued in this office until in 1875, when the Legislature of North Carolina amended the charter of the town of Tarboro and provided a registrar and inspector for the election of commissioners. Messrs. McCabe and Cobb considered the act as unconstitutional, and asked to be excused from voting. John S. Dancy was a negro appointed on the committee to assess property for taxation. He had lived in Washington City; had a good education and spoke well. Frank Battle, a blatant poli- tician, who had begun his political career in the seventies, was given an unpleasant reminder after his acts in the election of 1872. When Benjamin Hart was hung for a crime, Frank Battle, who had been warned because of his attempt to excite the mem- bers of his race, suddenly disappeared.
William Battle, negro, was appointed policeman in 1872, while Frank Redmond, also colored, served as policeman for two or three years. The chief of police of Tarboro for this period said that Redmond was better than anybody he had to work up mat- ters. He stood well with the people.
Saturday, January 13, 1873, will stand as a rather remarkable day in the annals of Republican politics in Edgecombe County.
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It was nothing unusual to see 3,000 colored votes influenced and controlled by a few aspiring whites. The method by which this was accomplished in 1873 is amusing. The scene was a Repub- lican convention in Tarboro, and the actors were Mabson, negro, McCabe, Republican leader, and Joseph Cobb, white resident of the county. Mabson, a delegate, had been expelled from the convention and was making a desperate fight, with a show of considerable strength, when he was summarily set aside by order of McCabe, who appointed Joseph Cobb in his place. The tactics employed by both parties were characteristic of the time. In January, 1873, the Legislature voted to expel Mabson as repre- sentative from Edgecombe on account of his ineligibility by not being a qualified resident of the county.1 The account is given from the Tarboro Southerner: "The first move was made by Mabson and came near being a success. Noticing the absence of the Cobb faction, he, in the capacity of chairman of the executive committee, called the convention to order, and had Willis Bunn, his devoted friend, put in the chair as permanent president. By the time Bunn had taken the chair and was explaining the object, etc., news of the danger reached the Cobb faction downstairs, which, headed by McCabe, rushed into the hall in the most excited state of alarm and confusion. They were nearly tripped by McCabe, who was equal to the occasion, and, at the crack of his whip, Bunn was ignominiously driven from the chair on the ground that he had been nominated by one who was not a 'diligit.'
"McCabe then immediately took charge of the vacated chair (though by what means deponent saith not), and issued his orders to his 'niggers' with all the majesty of the king of the Sandwich Islands.
"Numberless motions and counter motions were made, always ending in the defeat of Mabson, who, no doubt, thought it re- markably strange the chairman should so often forget to put his side of the question to the convention.
"After a scene of inextricable confusion, during which it was utterly impossible to say who was hallooing the loudest and mak- ing the most noise, McCabe managed to bring his unruly colored subjects to something like order, when he announced that the
1 Mabson had sworn falsely in order to vote in Beaufort in 1871. He could not have been both a citizen of Beaufort and Edgecombe.
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'diligits' of the different townships (twelve of which were re- ported represented) would retire for the purpose of making the nomination.
"Fearful for the interests of his friend Cobb, he placed a col- ored gem'man in his seat and followed the retiring 'diligits' to the scene of consultation.
"After waiting some half hour they returned, headed by Mc- Cabe, holding in his hand the report. Mabson was defeated and had to retire.
"Mabson said he should heartily support Cobb and had no intention of bolting. The nominee then came forward and made his same old speech about 'not seeking office,' etc., which caused even a smile on the faces of his sable hearers."
The discussion in the committee room later disclosed consider- able strength for Mabson, five townships being strongly in his favor. He did not have sufficient strength, however, to overcome the white influence.
After his rejection in 1873 and the succession of Joseph Cobb to the Legislature, Mabson tried to convince his colored constitu- ents that he was persecuted by the Democratic members of the Legislature on account of his color. It appears that he failed to convince enough of them to get a nomination. This began Mabson's decline in politics. He had enjoyed a rich harvest. He had been negro superintendent of education in the county and also a member of the Senate. He fell out with his race about 1880 over one Benjamin Hart, a negro, when a mob was formed against the latter. Hart was carried at this time to Williamston by John Norfleet, clerk of the Inferior Court, for protection. In the meantime two men with pistols mounted a train for Williams- ton. The engineer, Perason, was told to run to Williamston. He refused, and was told to take his choice to "Williamston or hell," and he informed them he would go to Williamston. A line of guards were placed on the streets from the jail to the depot. The negro. was retaken and brought back to Tarboro and hung. In the meantime Mabson claimed the protection of the guards for his attitude against the negro criminal. In 1882 Mabson ex- perienced further trouble while in attendance at a convention in Wilson. While there he walked into a store on Tarboro street and with a pompous air called for a cigar, which he lit and strolled
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away without paying for same. The clerk protested, and the pro- prietor issued a warrant and had Mabson arrested. The case was submitted and Mabson fined five cents and costs.
The Democratic party had no hopes of winning in 1873. They knew their only duty lay in putting out a ticket or else abandon the party. Consequently they ran candidates in every election and supported them as if in hope of victory. No canvass, however, was made this year by any of the party nominees.
The last important attempt of the radicals to gain the fast dis- appearing power was in 1880. The Republican convention met in Tarboro on the 2d of September. John C. Dancy (colored) was chairman of the executive committee, and called the conven- tion to order. Dancy was considered a man of some intelligence, and had been elected mayor of the town of Tarboro. He was a negro of the old type and liked by many of the white people. He was kind and friendly. The committee on permanent organiza- tion reported him as permanent chairman and W. A. Duggan, white, as secretary. The delegates conferred and reported the following nominations: W. P. Williamson, white, for Senate; for the House, Clinton W. Battle and W. W. Watson, colored; sheriff, Battle Bryan, white; registrar of deeds, John C. Dancy, colored; treasurer, B. J. Keech, white; coroner, Clem S. Camper, colored.
A resolution was passed pledging the party to support the nominees. During the campaign of July, 1880, the "bloody shirt" was furiously waived at the Garfield and Arthur mass meeting held in the Tarboro Court House. The proceeding was led by J. C. Dancy as chairman. The Republicans in many respects were losing their ablest leaders. Sherwood Andrews, colored, who had been active in politics and an office holder, was a fugitive from justice, having been caught stealing bacon from Shaw and McCabe, merchants at Tarboro. Frank Battle had disappeared, while Mabson had lost his standing.
Radical officers were elected for the county. Hilliard Chap- man was elected commissioner, while McCabe also came back as commissioner. McCabe was elected chief of police in May, 1881, at the same time he was elected commissioner to succeed himself, but later resigned to give full time to his police duties. He was later accused of being so intoxicated as to be incapable of discharging his duties as chief, and even appeared in this
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state before the commissioners. He was suspended from office, and later, upon his appearance before the commissioners and pleading guilty, upon his request he was taken back. On Septem- ber 21, 1881, Mayor Dancy preferred charges against him again for being in a continuous state of intoxication, and he was sus- pended indefinitely. This in a measure ended his political career. He was stricken down at the age of thirty-eight by that dreadful disease, consumption.
At the same time Whitted colonized the Second Ward for the Republican vote against the party that put him in as police, and attempted to turn out the ones that put him in office. He immedi- ately had charges preferred against him by the mayor and subse- quently lost his job for neglect of duty while dabbling in politics.
Among Edgecombe's numerous organizations in the eighties was a society known as the Knights of Labor. When Messrs. Keech and McCullen refused nomination McCullen issued a circular to the effect that he was a Knight of Labor candidate. The Knights of Labor were a nonpolitical body and ignored McCullen's letter announcing his candidacy. In addition McCullen hurt himself politically by attending the Democratic convention and running against a candidate whom he had nominated.
The time for election caused considerable excitement, especially in the Second Ward. Many who had attempted to register were questioned by Democratic poll holders, and it was learned that many admitted that Republicans paid their rent to induce them to move in the Second Ward. They were not allowed to register, to the consternation of R. S. Taylor, a Republican leader, and Frank Whitted. John F. Shackleford, poll holder, remained firm, and only allowed those qualified to register. Packing of the ballot was carried to the extreme, while farm hands working several miles from town-one aspirant worked seven miles- claimed the Second Ward as their residence.
In the Third Ward the Democrats did well, but could not over- come the Republican majority existing there at the time. On the whole the Republicans won a majority of officers in this elec- tion, especially in county offices.
CHAPTER IX
POLITICS 1880-1900
Beginning with the year 1880 politics in Edgecombe took on a new interest due to the fact that political parties were more equalized. Party rancor of reconstruction subsided, leaving a more or less open road for equal competition and the chance for the exercise of individual merit. Tarboro, the county seat of Edgecombe, had a population in 1880 of about 1,600 people, of whom at least fifty per cent were black, thus giving about an equal number in races, but a slight majority for the Republicans due to the fact that a few whites were still of this party.
The Republican majority in the county was offset, however, by the capture of the local court system by the Democrats. The struggle over the domination of the court began in 1877, as was intimated in the previous chapter. In the fall of 1877 the magistrates of the different townships met in Tarboro in Teel's Hall for the purpose of establishing or not establishing an Inferior Court. W. A. Knight called the meeting to order, and H. C. Bourne offered a resolution that the convention establish a court to be known as the Inferior Court of Edgecombe County, and that justices be elected to constitute said court.
Upon the motion of J. B. Cofield the pay of the associate jus- tices was fixed at two dollars ($2.00) per day and the presiding justice three dollars ($3.00). After the proposition of Mr. Bourne relative to the appointment of tellers, John I. Lewis and Thomas L. Mayo, the following men were nominated for justice: H. C. Bourne, W. T. Cobb, J. J. Battle, and J. K. Lawrence. Bourne received 29 votes, Cobb 13, Battle 1, and J. K. Lawrence 1. Bourne was accordingly declared justice.
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