USA > North Dakota > Early history of North Dakota: essential outlines of American history > Part 24
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The Sioux allies in Colonel Leavenworth's expedition against the Arikaras (1823) we have seen made the same demand, and they engaged in the opening attack with great zeal, but when it became apparent that they would not be permitted to destroy and kill a conquered people, "subsequent proceedings inter- ested them no more," and they withdrew completely disgusted with the ways of "civilized warfare."
THE SIOUX MASSACRE OF 1862
The settlement of Dakota was retarded by the Sioux massacre of 1862. While it fell with greatest force on the frontier settlers of Minnesota, it extended to Dakota, thirty-two settlers within the limits of North Dakota having been killed during the uprising, and many others driven away never to return. Fort Abercrombie was besieged and in the campaign which followed several important battles were fought on North Dakota soil. The friendly Wahpetons and Sissetons, many of whom jeopardized their lives to protect the captives taken by the hostiles, camping near them and threatening them with a counter war if harm came to them, were granted reservations in Dakota, and their descendants have become worthy citizens of the state, engaged in various lines of business.
The facts have been gathered for this work from many sources; from the report of Thomas J. Galbraith, then agent of the Sioux; from the story of the escape of the missionaries by Rev. Stephen R. Riggs, thirty-five of his colony having been conducted to safety by friendly Indians; from the Reminiscences of Samuel J. Brown, who with his mother and other members of his family were captives in the hands of the Sioux from the beginning until the close of the uprising ; from "Recollections of the Sioux Massacre of 1862," by Oscar Garrett Wall, who was one of the defenders of Fort Ridgeley and a participant in the campaign which followed and in the battles fought on North Dakota soil; from officers and soldiers who participated in the campaign ; from citizens who suffered in body, mind and estate, and from an examination of official records.
THE TREATY OF 1837 AT WASHINGTON
Under the treaty of 1837, the Sioux ceded all of their lands east of the Mississippi, and all of their islands in said river, to the United States. They were to receive $300,000 to be invested for their benefit at 5 per cent interest ; $110,000 to pay to the relatives and friends of the Sioux having not less than
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one-fourth blood ; $90,000 for the payment of the just debts of the Sioux Indians interested in the lands; an annuity of $10,000 in goods to be distributed among them; and to continue for twenty years; $8,250 annually for twenty years for the purchase of medicines, agricultural implements and stock, and for the support of a physician, farmer and blacksmith; $10,000 for tools, cattle and other useful articles to be purchased as soon as practicable; $5,500 annually for twenty years for provisions, and $6,000 in goods to be delivered to the chiefs and braves signing the treaty upon their return to St. Louis.
Fifteen annual payments had been made under this treaty when the treaty of 1851 was signed.
THE TREATY OF 1851 AT TRAVERSE DES SIOUX
Under the treaty of 1851, the Sioux ceded all lands owned by them in Iowa and Minnesota, for which they were to receive $3,303,000, of which $2,748,000 was to be permanently invested for their benefit, the Government paying thereon 5 per cent interest for a period of fifty years. The interest was to be applied annually, under the direction of the President of the United States, for agricultural improvement and civilization, for educational purposes, for the purchase of goods and provisions, known as their annuities, and for an annuity in money amounting to $71,000.
The appropriation for the fulfillment of the treaty of 1851, covered these several amounts and the sum of $495,000 to enable them to settle their affairs and pay their just debts, and the expense of their removal to other lands, and for their subsistence for one year after reaching their new home. The appropriation also provided for the sixteenth payment under the treaty of 1837.
THE CLAIMS OF THE TRADERS
It was the custom of the traders to make advances to the Indians in the way of arms and ammunition for their hunting expeditions, for blankets and clothing and other necessary articles, to be paid for on their return from the hunt. The Indians had been thus accommodated not only by the licensed traders, but by those trading with them without authority, and there were large sums claimed to be due from the Indians, including balances running back to the treaty of 1837. Some were due from deceased Indians, and other sums from dishonest ones, who had defrauded the traders or attempted to do so. A portion was for supplies furnished them as a tribe, for cattle, etc.
The traders who received the benefits of the Traverse des Sioux treaty were
Bailey & Dousman $ 15,000
N. W. Kittson.
2,850
Gabrielle Renville
621
S. R. Riggs for American Board. 800
P. Prescott
1,334
Franklin Steele
3,250
Henry H. Sibley
66,459
Joseph R. Brown
6,564
Vol. 1-13
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Joseph Provincelle
10,066
Joseph Renville, Sr., Estate
17,540
J. B. Faribault. 22,500
Alexander Faribault
13,500
Joseph Laframbois
11,300
R. Fresnier
2,300
Martin McLeod
19,046
Lewis Roberts
7,490
William Hartshorne
5,30
Francis Labatte
500
J. H. Lockwood
500
Henry Jackson
3.50
Hazen Mores
1,000
R. Mckenzie
5,500
W. H. Forbes
1,000
Total $210,000
The aggregate amount of these claims, as originally presented was $431,735.78. The money was paid to Hugh Tyler, as attorney for these parties, for settlement in full, as above.
The claims against the Wa-pa-koo-ta band were as follows:
Alexander Faribault. $ 42,000
Henry H. Sibley 31,500
Duncan Campbell 500
James Wells 1,000
Augustine Root 1,000
Alexis Bailey
9,000
H. L. Dousman.
4,000
Philander. Prescott
1,000
Total
$90,000
The money was paid for these parties to General H. H. Sibley.
The claims against the Med-a-wa-kan-toan band, as filed under oath with Governor Ramsey, were as follows :
H. H. Sibley $ 37,722.07
McBoal & Odell
639.93
Alexis Bailey 20,108.00
James Wells
15,000.00
Frs. Labatte
5,000.00
Philander Prescott
1,182.10
Alexis Faribault
9,000.00
J. B. Faribault
13,000.00
Joseph Buisson 2,000.00
Franklin Steele
7,000.00
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EARLY HISTORY OF NORTH DAKOTA
Henry G. Bailey.
483.00
Estate of O. Faribault
2,000.00
Joseph J. Frazer
5,000.00
Augustine Rock
5,000.00
Joseph Renville estate.
2,000.00
W. G. & G. W. Ewing
3,750.00
$128,885.10
These claims were settled in full acquittance for the sum of $70,000, paid Hugh Tyler as attorney for the parties named.
The claims presented by H. H. Sibley were for and on behalf of the American Fur Company. There was also paid to the half blood Indians $65,000.
Congress provided that no portion of the money appropriated should be paid to attorneys, and yet there was paid to Hugh Tyler the sum of $55,250 for "discount and percentage." Ostensibly the payment was made by the half-bloods and traders from the sums awarded them, but there was a feeling among the Indians that this money had been wrongfully taken from them. Tyler came among them as a special agent of the Interior Department, and disbursing agent accompanying the commission which made the treaty, paying the expenses of entertaining the Indians on the occasion, giving him the acquaintance necessary to enable him to make his claim for the share on account of alleged services rendered.
The Indians were not satisfied with the settlements made under this treaty ; they could not understand why the tribe should pay individual debts or losses incurred in dealing with deceased or dishonest Indians. They generally denied that the tribe owed anything, and insisted that if there was money due from them they should be permitted to settle their own debts, and that they should be paid the money their due under the treaty. They felt that they had been deprived of their land, and were being defrauded of the money they were to receive for it.
The Indian acknowledgment of full payment for the fulfillment of the treaty, so far as it related to these large sums, was signed by twelve chiefs and head men of the tribe, some of whom the Indians were not satisfied to regard as such, while those who had opposed the settlement of course did not sign. The payment was witnessed by' Thomas Foster, John C. Kelton, U. S. A., Charles D. Fillmore and W. H. Forbes. It was made by Governor Alexander Ramsey, of Minnesota, ex-officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs in that territory. The U. S. Senate after full investigation by a committee, appointed under its authority, accepted Governor Ramsey's accounts and authorized their settlement. The evidence on which the Senate acted, may be found in Senate document No. 6. first session 33d Congress, and Senate document No. 131, same session.
THE TREATY PAYMENT FOR 1862
It has been charged that the treaty payment for 1862, which was the imme- diate cause of the outbreak, had been delayed through the manipulation of dishonest agents in collusion with others; that an attempt had been made to force the Indians to accept currency, then sadly depreciated, and that a delay
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followed while the currency was being reconverted into gold. But this was not true.
The annual appropriation for 1862 was $150,000. While it should have been available July Ist, it was not made until July 5th, and then a question arose as to whether it should be paid in coin or currency. Upon full examination it was decided by Salmon P. Chase, U. S. Secretary of the Treasury, that it must be paid in coin. It was in the nature of interest on the public debt, and it was the policy of the Government to so pay the interest in order to protect its credit ; the life of the nation depended upon it. The soldiers were being paid in a depreciated currency, those who furnished supplies and munitions of war were so paid, but the debt to the Indians it was held must be paid in coin. The requisition of the Indian Office for the money was made July 25th, and in due time the money was sent from the U. S. Mint, and reached Fort Ridgeley on the evening of the outbreak. The amount so sent was $71,000, that being the amount alloted for annuities. There were also annuity goods in the warehouse on the reservation, which it was the intention to distribute at the time of the payment of the money annuities.
UNEASINESS PRECEDING THE OUTBREAK
The Civil War was in its second year. President Lincoln had called for 300,000 more volunteers, and among the settlers on the frontier who had enlisted, were the Renville Rangers from the immediate vicinity of the Indian agencies. The war spirit was at work, animating the red men as well as the whites. It was rumored among the Indians that the negroes had taken Washington and that all of the white men had gone to war, leaving only old men, women and children, and that the Government was using their money for the war, and to take care of the negroes. War was an ever present topic of conversation and troubled them in their dreams. Little Crow stated that whenever he looked to the south- ward he could see the smoke of battle, and hear the war-whoop of the white soldiers. Nevertheless, the Indians came to receive their annuities in gala attire. They engaged in horse-racing and in other sports, happy as Indians can be when there is no immediate cause of complaint.
By July Ist, the Indians had arrived in large numbers, at the Redwood Agency. They had come from their hunting grounds and from their homes, and were prepared to stay for a few days only. July 2d, a detail of 100 soldiers under the command of Lieut. Timothy J. Sheehan of the Fifth Minnesota Volunteer Infantry, came to guard against possible trouble during the payment. July 14th, there were 779 lodges of Indians, in camp about the agency, suf- fering from lack of food. July 18th, they reported that their condition was unendurable, and July 2Ist, the agent arranged to count the Indians preparatory to issuing annuity goods. They were not counted however, until July 26th, and until August 4th, no effort had been made to relieve their necessities. That morn- ing the Indians warned Lieutenant Sheehan that they were coming to make a demonstration; that they were coming armed, but intended no harm. A few moments later several hundred warriors surrounded the camp, yelling like a thousand demons and firing their guns wildly. Though ready for war, they came for food. The warehouse was broken open and the distribution of food
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commenced, but, with artillery trained on them, the soldiers cleared them from the warehouse. Then the agent consented to act and issued food, but wholly inade- quate in quantity.
INDIAN COUNCIL DECIDES FOR WAR
The Indians withdrew in ugly mood and held a council, at which it was decided to commence war at once, but Standing Buffalo, a chief of the Sissetons, and a few others, protested, and it was finally agreed to wait a little while. On the 6th of August, another council convened, and an agreement was reached to return to their homes and hunting grounds and await the call of the agent, who consented to issue the annuity goods then in the warehouse. The issue was commenced that day, and all the Indians having disappeared on the evening of the 7th, the soldiers on August 1Ith, returned to their station.
But the Indian hearts were bad. As they roamed over the country in small parties, the events of the past few weeks were under almost constant discussion, and the voice of the majority of every party was for war. But the council had decided to wait and they waited. Standing Buffalo had warned the whites of their first decision for war, though to do so endangered his life, and at the same time told his white friends that he had been a member of that council, and was bound by its action, as all were who had participated.
BEGINNING OF THE OUTBREAK
On Sunday August 17, 1862, a band of twenty Indians were hunting near Acton, Meeker County, Minnesota. One of the party robbed a hen's nest of the eggs on which she was sitting. The chief protested and a bitter quarrel ensued, and the chief and four of the party withdrew among accusations of cowardice, and threats that there should be war regardless of the action of the council. Later during the day the party of five heard shooting and feared that the war had commenced and they would be forever disgraced because of their opposition to it. In this frame of mind they called at the home of Robinson Jones, who accused one of them of having borrowed a gun which he had not returned. After leaving the Jones place they went to the home of Howard Baker, near by, and asked for water; Jones following them, accompanied by his wife, and the quarrel was renewed. To Mrs. Baker's inquiry if he had given them liquor, Mr. Jones replied that he had not, that he had "no liquor for such red devils."
The Indians challenged the white men to shoot at the mark. Jones, again using offensive language, said he was not afraid to shoot with them. After the shooting the whites did not load their guns, but the Indians reloaded, and, without warning, fired on the whites, killing Mr. Baker, and a Mr. Webster and Mrs. Jones. Jones, who was wounded, attempted to escape, but was felled by another shot. Mrs. Webster was in a covered wagon and was not molested. Mrs. Baker, with a child, fled to the cellar, and the Indians made no search for her, but they returned to the home of Mr. Jones and killed Clara B. Wilson. They took some horses from another neighbor and hastened to their camp, which was reached late in the evening.
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EARLY HISTORY OF NORTH DAKOTA
Reporting what they had done, a council was called, and being confident that the whites would demand the surrender of the murderers, immediate war was agreed upon. They hastened to the home of Little Crow, who lived in a brick house built for him by the Government. They filled his house, flocked in his garden and door yard, and with one voice demanded that he lead them. He consented, and without waiting for his breakfast, led the way to the Redwood Agency, which they had decided to attack that morning. Runners were sent to other tribes to warn them that war had commenced and to ask their co-operation. As they proceeded on the way to the Agency, the woods and hills reverberated with their whoops and yells, and as their war cry went echoing down the valley, the warriors were aroused from their slumbers and hastened to join their ranks, which increased rapidly in numbers.
At 7 o'clock Monday morning, August 18th, armed, but scantily clad, they squatted on the steps of the several Agency buildings, and the homes of the em- ployees. At a signal the awful work began, and in a few moments every white person at the Agency was killed, excepting two or three of the wounded who escaped in the confusion. Plunder, rapine, and outrage of every kind were inci- dents of the massacre. Young warriors who had never shed human blood, found new pleasure in torturing, maltreating and murdering defenseless women and children, and boys spent the forenoon shooting into the bodies of the dead and otherwise mutilating them.
The first report of the trouble having reached Fort Ridgeley at 10 A. M., Capt. John S. Marsh, with forty-six men, hastened to the relief of the Agency, leaving but few effective men at the fort. As they hurried on they passed the smoking ruins of farm houses and the bodies of several murdered settlers.
THE BATTLE AT THE FERRY
At the ferry in front of the Redwood Agency they found the boat ready for them to cross in charge of White Dog, who had been regarded one of the most trusty of the friendly Indians. He urged them to cross and meet the Indians in council, and see if the trouble could not be arranged. The decapitated form of the old ferryman was lying where he fell. The soldiers discovered signs of an ambush and at their first show of uneasiness White Dog gave the signal, and the Indians springing from the tall grass fired, and twenty-six of the soldiers fell at the first volley. The Indians rushed upon the survivors and tried to engage them in a hand to hand conflict, but they gained the timber. In an effort to cross the stream, Captain Marsh was drowned, when the survivors made their way back to Fort Ridgeley. Of the wounded two escaped, after suffering almost incredible hardships. Lying concealed in the high grass, they could hear the pleading and groaning of their wounded comrades, and realize their suffering, and when all was still they knew that death had come to their relief.
AFTER THE REDWOOD AGENCY MASSACRE
The night after the massacre of the defenseless and unsuspecting people at Redwood Agency, and the slaughter of Captain Marsh's men, was spent by the Indians in dancing. There was excitement everywhere. Those eager to tell
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what they had done, sat impatiently waiting their opportunity to tell their story. Amid the pounding of the tom-tom, the singing of war songs, and occasional whoops and yells,-as a particularly striking tale was related,-the wild flourishing of clubs, knives, and tomahawks, the dance.went on. The hideous Cutnose, who was one of the thirty-eight executed at Mankato, boasted of having gone to a white man who was cutting hay, assisted by three men and his wife, and pre- tending to be very friendly, offered his hand, and as the man reached out to receive it, he stabbed him. They grappled, and the knife, which had remained in the flesh, was crowded farther in, and the man fell dead at his feet. At the conclusion of his recital the tom-tom started up its beating, and the fiend was greeted with whoops and yells for a prolonged period. And so the dance went on, only interrupted by atrocious recitals of this character and worse.
But for the anticipated pleasure of telling such tales, and of hearing the stories of others, the young men would have followed Little Crow's advice and attacked Fort Ridgeley on the first day of the outbreak. The thought that there was more real pleasure in murdering defenseless women and children than in fighting armed men, led them to put off the assault on Fort Ridgeley until after the attack on New Ulm. Besides, on the first day they could reach and murder in their homes the unarmed settlers before they heard of the uprising.
AH-KEE-PAH'S REBUKE
Ah-kee-pah, who refused to join in the dance, was accused of being a coward and taunted with not having "killed one white man, no, not even a babe," and jumping to the heart of the circle of men who were accusing him, and by his earnestness commanding their attention, declared that there was "no bravery in killing helpless men and women and little children, and only cowards would boast of it." He took advantage of the opportunity to tell them what he and his tribe would do to them if they harmed one of his relatives, some of whom were among the captive mixed-bloods.
CONDITIONS AT FORT RIDGELEY
Fort Ridgeley was the only reliance of the settlers. They hurried to it from all directions in the hope of gaining protection. On the evening of August 18th there were congregated there 300 refugees, terror-stricken, crouching, cringing, crying, praying, some nearly crazed. There were less than thirty soldiers to protect them against the many hundred warriors likely to attack the fort at any moment. On the 19th the Indians in large force appeared before the fort, in such close proximity that some could be recognized by the use of a glass, and held a council. It was seen that there was dissension among them, and they retired, deferring attack until the next day. That evening reinforce- ments arrived. The force defending the fort then consisted of Company B, Fifth Minnesota Regiment Infantry, two officers and fifty-seven men, Company C of the same regiment, one officer and fifty men; the Renville Rangers, one officer and fifty-one men ; twenty-five effective men organized from among the refugees, and an ordnance sergeant of the United States Army in command of a detail for the howitzers. There was also Dr. Alfred Muller, the post surgeon, the
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post sutler, and Justus Ramsey and Cyrus G. Wykoff, who had arrived Monday evening, the 18th, with $71,000 in gold for the purpose of making the Indian payment. Lieutenant Timothy J. Sheehan was in command.
THE ATTACK UPON NEW ULM
On August 19 an attack was made by a large force of Indians on New Ulm, a town of about 1,500 inhabitants, whose defense was conducted by Judge Charles E. Flandrau, in command of about three hundred hurriedly organized volunteers, imperfectly armed. They fell back at the first assault by the Indians, who gained the outskirts of the town, but were repulsed and the buildings in the vicinity burned to prevent the Indians from using them for shelter. But advancing under cover of the smoke, which a shifting wind blew up Main street, they gained the very center of the town, to be again driven out. At night they retired.
After the first day's battle about forty buildings were burned in order to prevent their use by the Indians for shelter ; intrenchments were dug, and every possible means used for strengthening the defense against the attack which was renewed the next morning, the Indians withdrawing about noon. The town, however, was abandoned, and the wounded and the women and children were sent to Mankato in a train of one hundred and fifty-three wagons, guarded by citizens and soldiers.
THE ATTACK ON FORT RIDGELEY
The attack on Fort Ridgeley was commenced August 20th at I P. M. The Indians charging furiously, whooping and yelling, were met by a deadly fire of shrapnel and musketry at close range which quickly drove them from one of the buildings, of which they had gained possession. The attack continued till night, when they withdrew. During the battle that day the ammunition, which was in an exposed condition, was safely removed to one of the stone barracks, and at night the fort was strengthened by intrenchments. The men were cheered by the results of the first day's battle. There was no fighting the next day, but on the 22nd the attack was renewed, and from every direction the Indians were seen creeping toward the fort, their heads turbaned with grass or wreathed in wild flowers, the better to hide their movements. At a given signal they again made a rush upon the fort, capturing the sutler's store and one of the wooden barracks. One of the buildings was fired by a cannon shot from the fort and the other by the Indians who tried to reach the fort under cover of the smoke. Clouds of arrows, with burning punk attached to the tips, were fired upon the buildings in an effort to burn them, but the heavy rain of the night before pre- vented that result.
During the progress of the battle the Renville Rangers, several of whom spoke the Sioux language, hearing Little Crow give the order to make a rush and club muskets, shouted back to them, "Come on! We are ready for you." They met the charge with a withering musketry fire, sustained by the artillery loaded with canister, and the Indians were again repulsed. Into a camp shelter- ing the Indian women and children, ponies and dogs, which had been pitched in
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