USA > New Hampshire > The history of New-Hampshire > Part 12
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The war at the southward, though renewed in the spring, drew 1676. of his allies and dependents forsook lim ; and in the month toward a close. Philip's affairs were desperate ; many of August, he was slain by a party under Captain Church. 2
(1) Hubbard, [Eastern Wars] p. 23, 24, 25. (2) Church's Memoirs, p. 44.
* [One was killed near this place ; and between Exeter and Hampton, they killed one or two men in the woods as they were travelling homewards .- Hubbard's Eastern Wars, 25.]
t [This name was spelled Pigwacket in the former editions, but the true orthography, which conveys the aboriginal pronunciation, is said to be as given above in the text. It is variously written by the early historians. Winthrop has it Pegwaggett ; Hubbard, Pigwauchet ; and Sullivan, Peckwalket and Pickwocket.]
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Those western Indians who had been engaged in the war, now fearing a total extirpation, endeavored to conceal themselves among their brethren of Penacook who had not joined in the war, and with those of Ossipee and Pequawket, who had made peace. But they could not so disguise themselves or their behaviour as to escape the discernment of those who had been conversant with Indians. Several of them were taken at different times and de- livered up to public execution. Three of them, Simon, Andrew and Peter, who had been concerned in killing Thomas Kimball of Bradford, and captivating his family, did, within six weeks, voluntarily restore the woman and five children. It being doubt- ed whether this act of submission was a sufficient atonement for the murder, they were committed to Dover prison till their case could be considered. Fearing that this confinement was a pre- lude to farther punishment, they broke out of prison, and going to the eastward, joined with the Indians of Kennebeck and Ameris- coggin in those depredations which they renewed on the inhabit- ants of those parts, in August, and were afterward active in dis- tressing the people of Pascataqua.
This renewal of hostilities occasioned the sending of two com- panies to the eastward under Captain Joseph Syll, and Captain William Hathorne. In the course of their march, they came to Cochecho, on the sixth of September, where four hundred mix- ed Indians were met at the house of Major Waldron, with whom they had made the peace, and whom they considered as their friend and father. The two captains would have fallen upon them at once, having it in their orders to seize all Indians, who had been concerned in the war. The major dissuaded them from that purpose, and contrived the following stratagem. He proposed to the Indians, to have a training the next day, and a sham fight after the English mode ; and summoning his own men, with those under Capt. Frost of Kittery, they, in conjunction with the two companies, formed one party, and the Indians another. Having diverted them a while in this manner, and caused the In- dians to fire the first volley ; by a peculiar dexterity, the whole body of them (except two or three) were surrounded, before they could form a suspicion of what was intended. They were imme- diately seized and disarmed, without the loss of a man on either side. A separation was then made : Wonolanset, with the Pen- acook Indians, and others who had joined in making peace the winter before, were peaceably dismissed ; but the strange Indians, (as they were called) who had fled from the southward and ta- ken refuge among them, were made prisoners, to the number of two hundred ; and being sent to Boston, seven or eight of them, who were known to have killed any Englishmen, were condemned and hanged ; the rest were sold into slavery in foreign parts.
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This action was highly applauded by the general voice of the colony ; as it gave them opportunity to deal with their enemies in a judicial way, as rebels, and, as they imagined, to extirpate those troublesome neighbors. The remaining Indians, however, looked upon the conduct of Major Waldron as a breach of faith ; inasmuch as they had taken those fugitive Indians under their protection, and had made peace with him, which had been scrict- ly observed with regard to him and his neighbors, though it had been broken elsewhere. The Indians had no idea of the same government being extended very far, and thought they might make peace in one place, and war in another, without any impu- tation of infidelity ; but a breach of hospitality and friendship, as they deemed this to be, merited, according to their principles, a severe revenge, and was never to be forgotten or forgiven. The major's situation on this occasion was indeed extremely critical ; and he could not have acted either way without blame. It is said that his own judgment was against any forcible measure, as he knew that many of those Indians were true friends to the colony ; and that, in case of failure, he should expose the country to their resentment ; but had he not assisted the forces in the execution of their commission, (which was to seize all Indians who had been concerned with Philip in the war) he must have fallen under censure, and been deemed accessary, by his neglect, to the mis- chiefs which might afterward have been perpetrated by them. In this dilemma, he finally determined to comply with the orders and expectations of government ; imagining that he should be able to satisfy those of the Indians whom he intended to dismiss, and that the others would be removed out of the way of doing any further mischief ; but he had no suspicion that he was laying a snare for his own life. It was unhappy for him, that he was obliged in deference to the laws of his country, and the orders of government, to give offence to a people who, having no public judicatories and penal laws among themselves, were unable to distinguish between a legal punishment and private malice .*
Two days after this surprisal, the forces proceeded on their route to the eastward, being joined with some of Waldron's and Frost's men ; and taking with them Blind Will, a sagamore of the Indians who lived about Cochecho, and eight of his people for pilots. The eastern settlements were all either destroyed or de- serted, and no enemy was to be seen; so that the expedition proved fruitless, and the companies returned to Pascataqua.
. It was then thought advisable, that they should march up to-
* The above account of the seizure of the Indians is given from the most authentic and credible tradition that could be obtained within the last sixteen years, from the posterity of those persons who were concerned in the affair. It is but just mentioned by Hubbard and Mather, and not in connexion with its consequences. Neal, for want of better information, has given a wrong turn to the relation, and so has Wynne who copies from him. Hutchinson has not mentioned it at all.
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ward the Ossipee ponds ; where the Indians had a strong fort of timber fourteen feet high, with flankarts ; which they had a few years before hired some English carpenters to build for them, as a defence against the Mohawks, of whom they were always afraid. It was thought that if the Indians could be surprised on their first return to their head-quarters, at the beginning of winter, some considerable advantage might be gained against them ; or if they had not arrived there, that the provisions, which they had laid in for their winter subsistence, might be destroyed. Accordingly, the companies being well provided for a march at that season, set off on the first of November ; and after travelling four days through a rugged, mountainous wilderness, and crossing several rivers, they arrived at the spot ; but found the fort and adjacent places entirely deserted, and saw not an Indian in all the way. Think- ing it needless for the whole body to go further, the weather being severe, and the snow deep, a select party was detached eighteen or twenty miles above ; who discovered nothing but frozen ponds, and snowy mountains ; and supposing the Indians had taken up their winter quarters nearer the sea, they returned to Newich- wannock, within nine days from their first departure.
They had been prompted to undertake this expedition by the false accounts brought by Mogg, an Indian of Penobscot, who had come in to Pascataqua, with a proposal of peace; and had re- ported that an hundred Indians were assembled at Ossipee. This Indian brought with him two men of Portsmouth, Fryer* and Kendal, who had been taken on board a vessel at the eastward ; he was deputed by the Penobscot tribe to consent to articles of pacification ; and being sent to Boston, a treaty was drawn and subscribed by the governor and magistrates on the one part, and by Mogg on the other ; in which it was stipulated, that if the In- dians of the other tribes did not agree to this transaction, and cease hostilities, they should be deemed and treated as enemies by both parties. This treaty was signed on the sixth of Novem- ber ; Mogg pledging his life for the fulfilment of it. Accordingly, vessels being sent to Penobscot, the peace was ratified by Madok- awando the sachen, and two captives were restored. But Mogg, being incautiously permitted to go to a neighboring tribe, on pretence of pursuading them to deliver their captives, though he promised to return in three days, was seen no more. It was at first thought that he had been sacrificed by his countrymen, as he pretended to fear when he left the vessels ; but a cap- 1677. tive who escaped in January, gave a different account of him ; that he boasted of having deceived the English, and laughed
* [James Fryer was the eldest son of Nathaniel Fryer, who was afterwards one of the council. He had received a wound in his knee from the Indians at Richmond's island, which proved mortal a few days after his return to his father's house, at Great Island. Kendal, whose name according to Hubbard should be Gendal, was taken prisoner at the same time with Fryer. Hub- bard, Indian Wars from Pascataqua to Pemaquid, 46, 47.]
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at their kind entertainment of him. There was also a design talked of among them to break the peace in the spring, and join with the other Indians at the eastward in ruining the fishery .- About the same time, it was discovered that some of the Narra- ganset Indians were scattered in the eastern parts ; three of them having been decoyed by some of the Cochiecho Indians into their wigwams, and scalped, were known by the cut of their hair .- This raised a fear in the minds of the people, that more of them might have found their way to the eastward, and would prosecute their revenge against them.
From these circumstances, it was suspected, that the truce would be but of short continuance. The treachery of Mogg, who was surety for the performance of the treaty, was deemed a full justification of the renewal of hostilities; and the state of things was, by some gentlemen of Pascataqua, represented to be so dan- gerous, that the government determined upon a winter expedition. Two hundred men, including sixty Natick Indians, were enlisted and equipped, and sailed from Boston the first week in February, under the command of Major Waldron ; a day of prayer having been previously appointed for the success of the enterprise.
At Casco, the major had a fruitless conference, and a slight skirmish with a few Indians, of whom some were killed and wounded. At Kennebeck, he built a fort, and left a garrison of forty men, under the command of Captain Sylvanus Davis .* At Pemaquid, he had a conference with a company of Indians, who promised to deliver their captives on the payment of a ransom : Part of it being paid, three captives were delivered, and it was agreed that the conference should be renewed in the afternoon, and all arms be laid aside. Some suspicion of their infidelity had arisen, and when the major went ashore in the afternoon with five men, and the remainder of the ransom, he discovered the point of a lance lid under a board, which he drew out and ad- vanced with it toward them; charging them with treachery in concealing their arms so near. They attempted to take it from him by force ; but he threatened them with instant death, and waved liis cap for a signal to the vessels. While the rest were coming on shore, the major with his five men secured the goods. Some of the Indians snatching up a bundle of guns which they had hid, ran away. Captain Frost, who was one of the five, seized an Indian, who was well known to be a rogue, and with
* [Sylvanus Davis resided some time at Sheepscot in Maine. He was an officer in the war of 1675, and received a wound from the Indians, as related by Hubbard in his Account of the Wars with the Eastern Indians in 1675, p. 41. Hutchinson (ii. 21) says that he was " the commander of the fort at Cas- co, where he was taken prisoner and carried to Canada." He was nominated by Rev. Increase Mather as one of the counsellors in the charter of William and Mary, granted in 1691, and his name was inserted as one of the twenty- eight appointed. There is an account written by him, of the management of the war against the English in the Eastern parts of New-England by the In- dians, in 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 101-112.]
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Lieutenant Nutter, carried him on board. The major searching about, found three guns, with which he armed his remaining three men ; and the rest being come on shore by this time, they pursued the Indians, killed several of them before they could recover their canoes, and after they had pushed off, sunk one with five men, who were drowned ; and took four prisoners, with about a thou- sand pounds of dried beef, and some other plunder. The whole number of the Indians was twenty-five.
Whether the casual discovery of their arms, which they had agreed to lay aside, was sufficient to justify this severity, may be doubted ; since, if their intentions had really been hostile, they had a fine opportunity of ambushing or seizing the major and his five attendants, who came ashore unarmed ; and it is not likely that they would have waited for the rest to come asliore before they opened the plot. Possibly, this sudden suspicion might be groundless, and might inflame the prejudice against the major, which had already been excited by the seizure of their friends at Cochecho some time before.
On the return of the forces, they found some wheat, guns, an- chors and boards at Kennebeck, which they took with them .- They killed two Indians on Arrowsick Island, who, with one of the prisoners taken at Pemaquid, and shot on board, made the number of Indians killed in this expedition thirteen. They re- turned to Boston on the 11th of March, without the loss of a man, bringing with them the bones of Captain Lake," which they found entire in the place where he was killed.+
There being no prospect of peace at the eastward, it became necessary to maintain great circumspection and resolution, and to make use of every possible advantage against the enemy. A long and inveterate animosity had subsisted between the Mohawks and the eastern Indians, the original of which is not mentioned, and perhaps was not known by any of our historians ; nor can the oldest men among the Mohawks at this day give any account of it. These Indians were in a state of friendship with their English neighbors ; and being a fierce and formidable race of men, their
* [Capt. Thomas Lake was a merchant of good character, and was the joint owner with Major Clarke of Boston of Arrowsick island, in Maine, where he had a house and occasionally resided. It was while residing here, that he was killed by the Indians on the 14 of August, 1676. Hubbard, Eastern Wars, 41, 42. Hutch. Hist. Mass. i. 209. Records of the 2d church in Boston .- Hubbard, page 72, states that " the body of Capt. Lake, was preserved entire and whole and free from putrefaction by the coldness of the long winter." By what means the body could be so long preserved from decomposition, Captain Lake having been killed in the preceding August, it may be difficult to ex- plain, but we must seek for an additional cause to the one assigned by Hub- bard.]
t Here ends Hubbard's printed Narrative. The account of the remainder of this war is taken from his MS. history, from sundry original letters, and copies of letters, and from a MS. journal found in Prince's collection, and supposed to have been written by Capt. Lawrence Hammond of Charlestown.
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name carried terror where ever it was known. It was now thoughit, that if they could be induced to prosecute their ancient quarrel with the eastern Indians, the latter might be awed into peace, or incapacitated for any farther mischief. The propriety of this measure became a subject of debate ; some questioning the law- fulness of making use of their help, " as they were heathen ;" but it was urged in reply, that Abraham had entered into a con- federacy with the Amorites, among whom he dwelled, and made use of their assistance in recovering his kinsman Lot from the hands of their common enemy.1 With this argument, the object- ors were satisfied ; and two messengers, Major Pynchon of Spring- field, and Richards of Hartford were dispatched to the country of the Mohawks ; who treated them with great civility, expressed the most bitter hatred against the eastern enemy, and promised to pursue the quarrel to the utmost of their power.2
Accordingly, some parties of them came down the country a- bout the middle of March, and the first alarm was given at Amus- keag falls ; where the son of Wonolanset being hunting, discover- ed fifteen Indians on the other side, who called to him in a lan- guage which he did not understand ; upon which he fled, whilst they fired near thirty guns at him without effect. Presently after this, they were discovered in the woods near Cochecho. Major Waldron sent out eight of his Indians, whereof Blind Will was one, for farther information.3 They were all suprised together by a company of the Mohawks; two or three escaped, the others were either killed or taken : Will was dragged away by his hair ; and being wounded, perished in the woods, on a neck of land, formed by the confluence of Cochecho and Ising-glass rivers, which still bears the name of Blind Will's Neck. This fellow was judged to be a secret enemy to the English, though he pretended much friendship and respect ; so that it was im- possible to have punished him, without provoking the other neighboring Indians, with whom he lived in amity, and of whose fidelity there was no suspicion.4 It was at first thought a fortunate circumstance that he was killed in this manner ; but the conse- quence proved it to be otherwise ; for two of those who were ta- ken with him escaping, reported that the Mohawks threatened de- struction to all the Indians in these parts without distinction.5 So that those who lived in subjection to the English grew jealous of their sincerity, and imagined, not without very plausible ground, that the Mohawks had been persuaded or hired to engage in the war, on purpose to destroy them ; since they never actually exer- cised their fury upon those Indians who were in hostility with the English, but only upon those who were in friendship with them ; and this only in such a degree as to irritate, rather than to weaken
(1) Genesis, chap. 14. (2) Hubbard's MS. Hist. [p. 629 of printed copy.] (3) MS. Journal, March 30. (4) Hubbard's MS. Hist. [p. 630 of printed copy.] (5) MS. Journal.
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or distress them. It cannot therefore be thought strange that the friendly Indians were alienated from their English neighbors, and disposed to listen to the seducing stratagems of the French ; who, in a few years after, made use of them in conjuction with others, sorely to scourge these unhappy people. The English, in reality, had no such design ; but the event proved, that the scheme of engaging the Mohawks in our quarrel, however lawful in itself, and countenanced by the example of Abraham, was a pernicious source of innumerable calamities.
The terror which it was thought this incursion of the Mohawks would strike into the eastern Indians was too small to prevent their renewing hostilities very early in the spring. Some of the garri- son who had been left at Kennebeck were surprised by an am- bush, as they were attempting to bury the dead bodies of their friends, who had been killed the summer before, and had lain un- der the snow all winter.1 The remainder of that garrison were then taken off and conveyed to Pascataqua ; whither a company of fifty men and ten Natick Indians marched, under Captain Swaine, to succor the inhabitants, who were alarmed by scattered parties of the enemy, killing and taking people, and burning houses in Wells, Kittery, and within the bounds of Portsmouth .* A young woman who was taken from Rawling's house, made her escape and came into Cochecho, informing where the enemy lay. Three parties were dispatched to ambush three places, by Apr. 22. one of which they must pass. The enemy appearing at
one of these places, were seasonably discovered ; but by the too great eagerness of the party to fire on them, they avoided the ambush and escaped.
Soon after this, the garrisons at Wells and Black Point were beset, and at the latter place, the enemy lost their leader May 16. Mogg, who had proved so treacherous a negotiator. Upon his death they fled in their canoes, some to the eastward and oth -. ers toward York, where they also did some mischief. On a sabbath morning, a party of twenty, under the guidance of May 27. Simon, surprised six of our Indians, who lay drunk in the woods, at a small distance from Portsmouth. They kept all day hovering about the town, and if they had taken advantage of the people's absence from home, in attending the public worship, they might easily have plundered and burned the outmost houses ; but they were providentially restrained.2 At night, they crossed the river at the Long Reach, killed some sheep at Kittery, and then
(1) Hubbard's MS. [p. 630 of printed copy.] (2) MS. Letter of Mr. Moodey.
* The following extract from the before mentioned Journal, shews some- thing of the spirit of the times.
" April 16. The house of John Keniston was burnt, and he killed at Green- " land. The Indians are Simon, Andrew and Peter, those three we had in " prison, and should have killed. The good Lord pardon us."
13
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went toward Wells ; but, being afraid of the Mohawks, let their
prisoners go. Four men were soon after killed at North
June 13. Hill, one of whom was Edward Colcord, whose death was much regretted.1
More mischief being expected, and the eastern settlements needing assistance, the government ordered two hundred Indians of Natick, with forty English soldiers, under Captain Benjamin Swett of Hampton, and Lieutenant Richardson, to march to the falls of Taconick on Kennebeck river ; where it was said the In- dians had six forts, well furnished with ammunition. The vessels July. came to an anchor off Black Point ; where the captain being informed that some Indians had been seen, went on shore with a party ; and being joined by some of the inhabitants, so as to make about ninety in all, marched to seek the enemy ; wlio shewed themselves on a plain in three parties. Swett divided his men accordingly, and went to meet them. The enemy re- treated till they had drawn our people two miles from the fort, and then turning suddenly and violently upon them, threw them into confusion, they being mostly young and inexperienced sol- diers. Swett, with a few of the more resolute, fought bravely on the retreat, till he came near the fort, when he was killed ;* sixty more were left dead or wounded, and the rest got into the fort. 2 The victorious savages then surprised about twenty fishing ves- sels, which put into the eastern harbors by night ; the crews, not being apprehensive of danger on the water, fell an easy prey to them. Thus the summer was spent with terror and perplexity on our part ; whilst the enemy rioted without control, till they had satiated their vengeance, and greatly reduced the eastern settle- ments.3
At length, in the month of August, Major Andros, governor of New-York, sent a sloop with some forces to take possession of the land which had been granted to the Duke of York, and build a fort at Pemaquid, to defend the country against the encroach- ment of foreigners. Upon their arrival, the Indians appeared friendly ; and in evidence of their pacific disposition, restored fifteen prisoners with the fishing vessels. They continued quiet all the succeeding autumn and winter, and lived in harmony with the new garrison.
In the spring, Major Shapleigh of Kittery, Captain Champer-
(1) [Hubbard, Hist. N. E. 633. The names of the four persons killed ac- cording to the Town records of Hampton, were Abraham Colcord, jun., Abra- ham Perkins, jun., Benjamin Hilliard and Caleb Towle. Edward in the text is doubtless a mistake for Abraham. MS. Letter of Rev. Josiah Webster, of 29 January1, 830.] (2) MS. Letter of Mr. Gookin of Hampton. (3) Hubbard's MS. Hist. [p. 634 of printed copy.]
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