The history of New-Hampshire, Part 16

Author: Belknap, Jeremy, 1744-1798. cn; Farmer, John, 1789-1838, ed. cn
Publication date: 1831
Publisher: Dover [N. H.] S. C. Stevens and Ela & Wadleigh
Number of Pages: 546


USA > New Hampshire > The history of New-Hampshire > Part 16


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t [John Pike was the successor of the second John Rayner. He was son of Hon. Robert Pike, many years one of the assistants of the colony of Massa- chusetts, who died 12 December, 1706, at the age of 91. He was born at Salisbury, 15 May, 1653, and received his education at Harvard college, where he graduated in 1675, in the class of which year, his name is placed at the head. He was ordained the 31 August, 1681, and remained at Dover until the deso- lation occasioned by the Indians in June, 1689, when he removed to Ports- mouth. The next year he went to Hampton, and from thence to Newbury in 1691. He returned to Portsmouth, 6 October, 1692, and entered upon their Majesties service for Pemaquid fort, for which place lie sailed on the 17 of the same month, and arrived there on the 26th. He returned to Portsmouth, 13 July, 1695, and removed with his family to Dover, 11 November, 1698, where having remained nearly four years, he removed to his native town, 21 Octo- ber, 1702, but again returned to Dover after a year or two, and there closed his days, 10 March, 1710, in the 57th year of his age. (MS. letter of Mr.


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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1684.


During Moodey's imprisonment, Cranfield would neither suffer him to go up to the town to preach, nor the people to assemble at the island to hear, nor the neighboring ministers to supply his place ; only the family where he was confined were permitted to be present with him at sabbath exercises. But whilst the gov- ernor was absent on a tour to New-York, Mason gave leave for opening the meeting-house twice, when they obtained a minister to officiate ; he also allowed both Moodey and Vaughan to make a short visit to their families.1 At length, by the interposition of friends, Moodey obtained a release, though under a strict charge to preach no more within the province, on penalty of farther im- prisonment. He then accepted an invitation from the first church in Boston ; where, being out of the reach of his persecutors, he was employed as a preacher, and was so highly esteemed, that upon the death of President Rogers, he was invited to take the oversight of the college,2 which he modestly declined, and con- tinued his ministrations at Boston, frequently visiting his destitute church at Portsmouth, at their private meetings, till 1692 ; when, the government being in other hands, and the eastern country un- der trouble by the Indians, at the earnest request of his people, and by the advice of an ecclesiastical council he returned to his charge at Portsmouth, and spent the rest of his days there in use- fulness, love and peace .* 3


Upon a calm review of this prosecution, one can hardly tell which is most detestable, the vindictive temper which gave it birth ; or, the profaneness and hypocrisy with which it was conducted. The pretended zeal of the prosecutors was totally inconsistant with a due regard to those laws, and the principles of that church, for which they made themselves such contemptible champions. For it had been long before this time, a received opinion in the church of England, that the validity of all the sacramental ad- ministrations depends on authority derived from the apostles, by episcopal ordination, in an uninterrupted succession ; and one of the statutes on which the prosecution was grounded enacts, 'that ' no person shall presume to consecrate and administer the Lord's


(1) Vaughan's Journal. (2) Harvard College Records. (3) Original MSS.


Joshua Coffin, 23 April, 1830.) Rev. Jabez Fitch, in his MSS. speaks of Mr. Pike as " a person of great humility, meekness and patience, much mortified to the world, and without gall or guile." Dr. Belknap, in the church records of Dover, p. 16, says that Mr. Pike " was esteemed as an extraordinary preach- er, and a man of true godliness. He was a grave and venerable person, and generally preached without notes. Those who were well acquainted with him have given him the character of a very considerable divine." Mather, in the Magnalia, ii. 511, says he " was much beholden to him" for communi- cating many passages which occur in his history. Some of his manuscript sermons were extant when Dr. Belknap wrote. Mr. Pike married in 1681, Sarah, the second daughter of Rev. Joshua Moodey, of Portsmouth.]


* He died at Boston, being there on a visit, July 4, 1697, aged 65. Dr. Cot- ton Mather preached his funeral sermon from Acts vi. 15. " They saw his face as it had been the face of an angel." Magnalia, lib. 4, cap. 7.


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PROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD.


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' supper, before he be ordained a priest by episcopal ordination, ' on pain of forfeiting for every offence one hundred pounds." The ministers then in the province, being destitute of the grand pre- requisite, were incapable by the act, of doing what was so per- emptorily required of them ; and had they complied with the governor's order, must have exposed themselves to the penalty, if he had pleased to exact it from them. But the extending these penalties to the king's American subjects, who had fled hither from the rod of prelatic tyranny, was a most unwarrantable stretch of power ; since the last of these acts, and the only one which had been made since the settlement of the colonies, was express- ly restricted in its operation, to " the realm of England, dominion " of Wales, and town of Berwick upon Tweed."


Disappointed in all his schemes for raising money by an assem- bly, Cranfield next ventured on the project of taxing the people without their consent. The pretext for this was a clause in the commission, empowering him, with the council, " to continue such " taxes as had been formerly levied, until a general assembly " could be called." This had been done, without offence, at the beginning both of this and the former administration, when the change of government rendered it necessary. But the council, though too much devoted to him, were not easily persuaded into the measure at this titne ; till fear at length accomplished what reason could not approve : for, letters being received from the eastward, informing of the discovery of a plot among the Indians, who were instigated by Castine, the Frenchmen, to renew the war early in the spring, the council were summoned in haste, Feb. 14. and presently agreed to the governor's proposal, for con-


tinuing such taxes as had been formerly laid, which he told them was necessary for the immediate defence and security of the prov- ince. This affair, however, was kept secret for the present ; and the people were first to be convinced of the governor's paternal care and kindness in taking the necessary precautions for their safety. It was ordered that the meeting-houses in each Mar. 18. town should be fortified, and by-garrisons were establish- ed in convenient places : supplies of ammunition were ordered to be provided ; circular letters were dispatched to the governors of the neighboring colonies, informing them of the danger ; and, to crown the whole, Cranfield himself, at the request of the council, undertook a tour to New-York to solicit the governor, Dongan, for a number of the Mohawks to come down and destroy the eastern Indians ; promising to pay them for their services out of the money which was thus to be raised.2


At his return from this excursion, he found himself under some embarrassment in his favorite views, from a letter of the lords of trade, which directed him to make use of an assembly, in raising


(1) Stat. 13 and 14, Char. II. (2) Council Records. Vaughan's Journal.


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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. - [1684.


money on the people. He could not, therefore, avoid calling May 27. one, though he immediately dissolved it, because several of the members were those whom he had formerly order- ed to be made constables. At the same time, in his letters to the secretary of state, he represented the assembly as persons of such a mutinous and rebellious disposition, that it was not safe to let them convene ; that they had never given any thing toward the support of government ; that he was obliged to raise money with- out them ; and that it was impossible for him to serve his majes- ty's interest without a ship of war to enforce his orders ; and final- ly, he desired leave to go to the West-Indies for the recovery of his health. When this business was despatched, warrants were issued for collecting the taxes ; which caused fresh murmurings and discontent among the people.


But however disaffected to the governor and his creatures, they were always ready to testify their obedience to the royal orders ; an instance of which occurred at this time. The seas of Ameri- ca and the West-Indies being much infested with pirates, the king sent orders to all the governors and colony assemblies, directing acts to made for the suppressing of piracy and robbery on the July 22. high seas. Cranfield, having received this order, summon- ed an assembly ; and though it consisted almost entirely of the same persons who were in the last ; he suffered them to pass the act, and then quietly dissolved them :1 this was the last assembly that ever he called.


The tax-bills were first put into the hands of the newly made constables ; who soon returned them, informing the governor that the people were so averse to the method, that it was impossible to collect the money. The provost, Thomas Thurton, was then commanded to do it, with the assistance of his deputies and the constables. The people still refusing compliance, their cattle and goods were taken by distraint and sold by auction. Those who would neither pay nor discover their goods to the officers, were apprehended and imprisoned ; and some of the constables, who refused to assist, suffered the same fate. The more considerate of the people were disposed to bear these grievances, though highly irritating, till they could know the result of their applica- tions to the king. But in a country where the love of liberty had ever been the ruling passion, it could not be expected but that some forward spirits would break the restraints of prudence, and take a summary method to put a stop to their oppressions. Sev- eral persons had declared that they would sooner part with their lives, than suffer distraints ; and associations were formed for mu- tual support. At Exeter, the sheriff was resisted and


Dec. 29. driven off with clubs ; the women having prepared hot spits and scalding water to assist in the opposition, as Thurton testi-


(1) Council Records and files.


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PROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD.


1684.]


fied in his deposition on the occasion. At Hampton, he was beaten, and his sword was taken from him ; then he was seated on a horse, and conveyed out of the province to Salisbury, with Jan. 22. a rope about his neck and his feet tied under the horse's belly. Justice Robie attempted to commit some of the rioters ; but they were rescued by the way, and both the justice and the sheriff were struck in the execution of their office. The troop of horse, under Mason's command, was then ordered Jan. 9. to turn out completely mounted and armed, to assist in suppress- ing the disorders ; but when the day came, not one trooper ap- peared.1 Cranfield thus finding his efforts ineffectual, and his au- thority contemptible was obliged to desist.


The agent had been a long time in England, waiting for the depositions, which were to have been transmitted to him, in sup- port of the complaint which he was to exhibit. Cranfield and his creatures here did all that they could, to retard the business ; first by imprisoning Vaughan, and then by refusing to summon and swear witnesses when applied to by others ; who were obliged to go into the neighboring governments, to get their depositions au-' thenticated ; and after all, the proof was defective, as they had not access to the public records. The agent, however, July 11. exhibited his complaint against Cranfield in general terms, consisting of eight articles. 'That he had engrossed the power ' of erecting courts, and establishing fees exclusive of the assem- ' bly : That he had not followed the directions in his commission ' respecting Mason's controversy ; but had caused it to be decided ' on the spot by courts of his own constitution, consisting wholly ' of persons devoted to his interest : That exorbitant charges had ' been exacted and some who were unable to satisfy then had ' been imprisoned : That others had been obliged to submit, for ' want of money to carry on the suits : That he had altered the ' value of silver money : That he had imprisoned sundry persons ' without just cause : That he, with his council, had assumed leg- ' islative authority, without an assembly ; and, That he had done ' his utmost to prevent the people from laying their complaints ' before the king, and procuring the necessary evidence.'2


The complaint was, in course, referred to the board of trade ; who transmitted copies of it, and of the several proofs, to July 23. Cranfield, and summoned him to make his defence ; di- recting'him to deliver to the adverse party, copies of all the affi- davits which should be taken in his favor ; to let all persons have free access to the records ; and to give all needful assistance to them in collecting their evidence against him.3


When he had received this letter, he suspended Mason's suits, till the question concerning the legality of the courts should be decided. He also ordered the secretary to give copies to those


(1) MSS. in files. (2) Weare's MSS. (3) Ibid.


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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1685.


who should apply for them. At the same time, it was complained that the people, on their part, had been equally reserved, in se- creting the records of the several towns; so that Mason, upon inquiry, could not find where they were deposited ; and the town clerks, when summoned, had solemnly sworn that they knew neither where the books were concealed, nor who had taken them out of their possession.1


The necessary evidence on both sides being procured, a new


1685. complaint was drawn up, consisting of twelve articles, which were, 'That at the first session of the assembly, ' Cranfield had challenged the power of legislation and settlement ' of the affairs to himself, against the words of the commission : ' That he had by purchase or mortgage from Mason, made him- ' self owner of the province, and so was not likely to act impar- ' tially between Mason and the inhabitants : That he had made ' courts, whereof both judges and jurors had agreed with Mason ' for their own lands, and some had taken deeds of him for other ' men's lands, so that they were engaged by their interest to set ' up Mason's title : That Mason had sued forty persons, and cast 'all ; and that the governor's interposal to state the cases, as by ' his commission he was directed, had been refused though de- ' sired ; and that the defendants pleas, grounded on the laws of ' England, were rejected : That they could not reconcile the ver- ' dict with the attachment, nor the execution with the verdict, nor ' their practice under color of the execution with either ; that the ' verdict found the lands sued for according to the royal commis- ' sion and instructions, and that commission only gave power to ' state the case, if Mason and the people could not agree ; but ' the execution took land and all : That the charge of every ac- ' tion was about six pounds, though nothing was done in court, ' but reading the commission and some blank grants without hand ' or seal; and these were not read for one case in ten : That ' court charges were exacted in money, which many had not ; ' who though they tendered cattle, were committed to prison for ' non-payment : That ministers, contrary to his majesty's com- ' mission, which granted liberty of conscience to all protestants, ' had their dues withheld from them, even those that were due ' before Cranfield came, and were threatened with six month's ' imprisonment for not administering the sacrament according to ' the liturgy ; that though the general assembly agreed that Span- ' ish money should pass by weight, the governor and council or- ' dered pieces of eight to pass for six shillings, though under ' weight : that men were commonly compelled to enter into bonds ' of great penalty, to appear and answer to what should be ob- ' jected against them, when no crime was alleged : that they had ' few laws, but those made by the governor and council, when bis


(1) MSS. in the files.


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PROVINCE. WALTER BAREFOOTE.


1685.]


' commission directed the general assembly to make laws : that ' the courts were kept in a remote corner of the province ; and ' the sheriff was a stranger and had no visible estate, and so was ' not responsible for failures.'


Upon this complaint, an hearing was had before the lords of trade on Tuesday the tenth of March ; and their lordships report- ed to the king, on three articles only of the complaint, viz. "That ' Cranfield had not pursued his instructions with regard to Mason's ' controversy ; but instead thereof, had caused courts to be held ' and titles to be decided, with exorbitant costs ; and that he ' had exceeded his power in regulating the value of coins.' This report was accepted, and the king's pleasure therein was signified to him. At the same time, his request for absence being granted, he, on receipt of the letters, privately embarked on board a vessel for Jamaica ; and from thence went to England, where he obtain- ed the collectorship of Barbadoes.2 * At his departure, Bare- foote, the deputy-governor, took the chair ; which he held till he was superseded by Dudley's commission, as president of New- England.


Cranfield's ill conduct must be ascribed in a great measure to his disappointment of the gains which he expected to acquire, hy the establishment of Mason's title ; which could be his only in- ducement to accept of the government. This disappointment in- flaming his temper, naturally vindictive and imperious, urged him to actions not only illegal, but cruel and unmanly. A ruler never de- grades his character more than when he perverts public justice to gratify personal resentment ; he should punish none but the ene- mies of the laws, and disturbers of the peace of the community over which he presides. Had there been the least color, either of zeal or policy, for the severity exercised in the prosecution of Moodey, candor would oblige us to make some allowance for human frailty. His ordering the members of the assembly to be made constables, was a mode of revenge disgraceful to the char- acter of the supreme magistrate.3 From the saine base disposition, he is said to have employed spies and pimps, to find matter of accusation against people in their clubs, and private discourse.


(1) Weare's MSS. (2) Neal's Hist. and Fitch's MS. (3) Neal, vol. 2, p. 39.


* [The following note, from the Appendix of the second volume of the first edition of this history, may be here introduced. "Since writing the first vol- ume, I have met with a gentleman of Jamaica, who is a great grandson of Lieut. Governor Cranfield. From him, I learned that Mr. Cranfield was of the family of Lord Monteagle, who was instrumental of discovering the pop- ish plot in the reign of James I. That after his departure from New-Hamp- shire, and whilst he resided at Barbadoes, he suggested the expediency of the 4 and an half per cent. duty on sugars to the British government which was granted by the Assemblies of the islands, and has ever since been continued. That in the reign of King William III., he procured a ship of war, at his own expense, and presented it to the crown. That he died about the beginning of the present century, [the eighteenth] and was buried in the Cathedral Church, at Bath, in England."]


17


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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.


[1685.


And his deceit was equal to his malice ; for, being at Boston when the charter of that colony was called in question, and the people were solicitous to ward off the danger; he advised them to make a private offer of two thousand guineas to the king, promising to represent them in a favorable light ; but when they, not suspecting his intention, followed his advice, and shewed him the letter which they had wrote to their agents for that purpose, he treacherously represented them as " disloyal rogues ;" and made them appear so ridiculous that their agents were ashamed to be seen at court.1 However, when he had quitted the country, and had time for reflection, he grew ashamed of his misconduct, and whilst lie was collector at Barbadoes, made a point of treat- ing the masters of vessels, and others persons who went thither from Pascataqua, with particular respect.2


Although the decision of titles in Cranfield's courts had been represented, in the report of the lords, as extrajudicial, and a royal order had been thereupon issued to suspend any farther proceedings in the case of Mason, till the matter should be brought before the king in council, pursuant to the directions in the com- mission ; yet Barefoote suffered executions, which had before been issued, to be extended, and persons to be imprisoned at Mason's suit. This occasioned a fresh complaint and petition to the king, which was sent by Weare, who, about this time, made a second voyage to England, as agent for the province and attor- ney to Vaughan, to manage an appeal from several verdicts, judgments, decrees and fines which had been given against him in the courts here, one of which was on the title to his estate. 3 An attempt being made to levy one of the executions in Dover, a number of persons forcibly resisted the officer, and obliged him to relinquish his design.4 Warrants were then issued against the ri- oters, and the sheriff with his attendants attempted to seize them, whilst the people were assembled for divine service. This caused an uproar in the congregation, in which a young heroine distin- guished herself by knocking down one of the officers with her bible. They were all so roughly handled that they were glad to escape with their lives.


That nothing might be wanting to show the enmity of the peo- ple to these measures, and their hatred and contempt for the au- thors of them ; there are still preserved the original depositions on oath, of Barefoote and Mason, relating to an assault made on their persons by Thomas Wiggin and Anthony Nutter, who had been Dec. 30. members of the assembly.5 These two men came to Bare- foote's house, where Mason lodged, and entered into dis- course with him about his proceedings ; denying his claim, and using such language as provoked him to take hold of Wiggin, with


(1) Hutch. vol. i. p. 337. (2) Fitch's MS. (3) Weare's MSS. (4) MSS. in files. (5) Ibid.


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PROVINCE. WALTER BAREFOOTE.


1685.]


an intention to thrust him out at the door. But Wiggin being a stronger man seized him by his cravat, and threw him into the fire ; where his clothes and one of his legs were burned. Barefoote, attempting to help him, met with the same fate, and had two of his ribs broken and one of his teeth beaten out in the struggle. The noise alarmed the servants, who at Mason's command brought his sword, which Nutter took away, making sport of their misery .*


Nothing else occurred during Barefoote's short administration, except a treaty of friendship, between the Indians of Penacook and Saco, on the one part, and the people of New-Hampshire and Maine, on the other. The foundation of this treaty seems to have been laid in Cranfield's project of bringing down the Mohawks on the eastern Indians ; which had once before proved a pernicious measure ; as they made no distinction between those tribes which were at peace with the English, and those which were at war. Some of the Penacook Indians who had been at Albany after Cranfield's journey to New-York, reported on their return, that the Mohawks threatened destruction to all the eastern Indians, from Narraganset to Pegypscot. Hagkins, a chief of the tribe, had informed Cranfield in the spring of the danger he apprehend- ed, and had implored assistance and protection, but had been treated with neglect. In August, the Penacook and Saco Indians gathered their corn, and removed their families ; which gave an alarm to their English neighbors, as if they were preparing for


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war. Messengers being sent to demand the reason of their movement, were informed that it was the fear of the Mohawks, whom they daily expected to destroy them ; and being asked why they did not come in among the English for protection, they answered lest the Mohawks should hurt the English on their ac- count. Upon this, they were persuaded to enter into an agree- ment ; and accordingly their chiefs being assembled with Sept. 8. the council of New-Hampshire, and a deputation from the province of Maine, a treaty was concluded, wherein it was stipu- lated, that all future personal injuries on either side, should, upon


* A farther specimen of the contempt in which these men were held, even by the lower class of people, expressed in their own genuine language, may be seen in the following affidavit :




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