USA > New Hampshire > The history of New-Hampshire > Part 42
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July 1. rious petitioners ; and so rapidly did this work go on, that during the year 1761, not less than sixty townships were granted on the west, and eighteen on the east side of the river. Besides the fees and presents for these grants, which were undefined, a reservation was made for the governor, of five hundred acres in each township; and of lots for public purposes .* These reser- vations were clear of all fees and charges.1 The whole number 1763. of grants on the western side of the river, amounted to one hundred and thirty-eight ; and the extent was from Con- necticut river to twenty miles east of Hudson, as far as that river extended northerly ; and after that, westward to lake Champlain. The rapid progress of these grants filled the coffers of the governor. Those who had obtained the grants were seeking purchasers in all the neighboring colonies ; whilst the original inhabitants of New-Hampshire, to whom these lands had formerly been prom- ised, as a reward for their merit in defending the country, were
(1) Atkinson's MS.
* [In most of the townships there was a reservation of a glebe of 350 acres, although there were but few Episcopalians in the province. Frem a letter of Rev. Ranna Cossit, written about the year 1773, some opinion may be formed respecting the condition of the Episcopal church in the western part of New- Hampshire at that period. He says there were " church people settled scat- tering for above 150 miles on Connecticut river. The nearest of these to any clergyman is more than 130 miles. There are four towns in which the church people have met together the summer past, and read prayers and the best printed sermons they could get. The first of these towns is Alstead, where I assisted them two Sundays. They were very poorly furnished with prayer books and all others, and begged me to ask the society to give them some ; they being newly settled, were unable to buy. The next is Claremont, about 30 miles above, where Esq. [Samuel] Cole, the society's schoolmaster hath instructed so well in the church service, and likewise in singing, that I must say I never was at any place, where I thought divine service was performed with greater decency and sincerity. Seven miles west of this is Springfield, in New-York government, where sundry families of the establishment meet and read prayers, but are very poorly furnished with books. Twenty-four miles above, Dr. Wheelock hath a college, and informs the church people that he will supply them with ministers. There is a considerable number of church people opposite Dr. Wheelock on N. York side of the river, and some on the same side with him, who constantly meet and read prayers among themselves. Forty miles above this is Haverhill, where the summer past they read prayers, and liere, Gov. Wentworth intended I should make my head quarters, if it pleased the society to make ine their missionary in those parts. Here they are poorly furnished with books and desired me to beg the society to give them some." Mr. Cossit sailed for England for holy orders in December, 1772, and was ordained the next year by the bishop of London. He settled at Claremont as the first Episcopal minister of that place, from whence he was recalled by the bishop to the island of Cape-Breton in 1785. He died at Yarmouth in Nova-Scotia in 1815, aged 75.]
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1763.]
overlooked in the distribution ; unless they were disposed to apply in the same manner, as persons from abroad ; or unless they happened to be in favor. When remonstrances were made to the governor on this subject, his answer was, that the people of the old towns had been formerly complimented with grants in Chi- chester, Barnstead and Gilmanton,* which they had neglected to improve ; and that the new grantees were better husbandmen and would promote the cultivation of the province.1
The passion for occupying new lands rose to a great height. These tracts were filled with emigrants from Massachusetts and Connecticut. Population and cultivation began to increase with a rapidity hitherto unknown ; and from this time may be dated the flourishing state of New-Hampshire ; which before had been circumscribed and stinted in its growth, by the continual danger of a savage enemy.t
The grants on the western side of Connecticut river, alarmed the government of New-York; who, by their agent, made appli- cation to the crown, representing ' that it would be greatly to the ' advantage of the people settled on those lands, to be annexed to ' New-York ;' and submitting the cause to the royal decision. 2 In the mean time, a proclamation was issued by Lieuten- Dec. 28. ant-Governor Colden, reciting the grant of King Charles to the duke of York; asserting the jurisdiction of New-York as far eastward as Connecticut river ; and enjoining the sheriff of the county of Albany, to return the names of all persons, who, under color of the New-Hampshire grants, held possession of lands westward of that river. This was answered by a 1764. proclamation of Governor Wentworth, declaring the grant Mar. 13. to the duke of York to be obsolete, and that the western bounds of New-Hampshire were co-extensive with those of Mas- sachusetts and Connecticut ; encouraging the grantees to maintain their possessions, and cultivate their lands ; and commanding civil officers to execute the laws and punish disturbers of the peace.
The application from New-York was referred to the board of trade ; and upon their representation, seconded by a report of a committee of the privy council, an order was passed, by July 20. the king in council ; declaring ' the western banks of Con- ' necticut river, from where it enters the province of Massachu- "setts-Bay, as far north as the forty-fifth degree of latitude, TO BE
(1) Information of the late P. Gilman and M. Weare. (2) Ethan Allen's Narrative, 1774, p. 1.
* [This town was granted in 1727 to 24 persons of the name of Gilman and 152 others. Its permanent settlement did not commence until 27 December, 1761. See Coll. of Farmer and Moore, i. 72-79.]
+ [1763. The towns of New-Boston, Haverhill, Croydon, Cornish, Thorn- ton, Warren, Plymouth, Lancaster, Alstead, Peeling, Sandwich, Candia, Gil- sum and Wentworth were incorporated.
1764. Claremont, Unity, Lincoln, Coventry, Franconia, Poplin, Lynde- borough, Weare, Piermont and Newington were incorporated.]
.
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[1764.
' the boundary line, between the two provinces of New-Hamp- ' shire and New-York.'1
This decree, like many other judicial determinations, while it closed one controversy, opened another. The jurisdiction of the governor of New-Hampshire, and his power of granting land, were circumscribed by the western bank of Connecticut river ; but the grantees of the soil, found themselves involved in a dispute with the government of New-York. From the words TO BE, in the royal declaration, two very opposite conclusions were drawn. The government supposed them to refer to the time past, and construed them as a declaration that the river always had been the eastern limits of New-York; consequently, that the grants made by the governor of New-Hampshire, were invalid, and that the lands might be granted again. The grantees understood the words in the future tense, as declaring Connecticut river from that time to be the line of jurisdiction only, between the two provinces ; consequently that their grants, being derived from the crown, through the medium of one of its governors, were valid. To the jurisdiction, they would have quietly submitted, had no attempt been made to wrest from them their possessions. These oppo- site opinions, proved a source of litigation for ten succeeding years ; but, as this controversy belongs to the history of New- York, it is dismissed, with one remark only. That though it was carried on with a degree of virulence, unfriendly to the progress of civilization and humanity, within the disputed territory ; yet it called into action, a spirit of vigorous self-defence, and hardy en- terprise, which prepared the nerves of that people for encounter- ing the dangers of a revolution, more extensive and beneficial.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Beginning of the controversy with Great-Britain. Stamp act. Resignation of Benning Wentworth.
FROM the earliest establishment of the American colonies, a jealousy of their independence had existed among the people of Great-Britain. At first, this apprehension was perhaps no more thian a conjecture founded on the vicissitude of human affairs, or on their knowledge of those emigrants who came away from England, disgusted with the abusive treatment which they had endured at home. But from whatever cause it arose, it was strengthened by age ; and the conduct of the British government
(1) Original MS.
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1760.]
toward America, was frequently influenced by it. In the reign of James the First, ' speculative reasoners raised objections to ' the planting of these colonies ; and foretold, that after draining ' the mother country of inhabitants, they would shake off her yoke ' and erect an independent government." Some traces of this jealousy appeared in every succeeding reign, not excepting that of William, whom America, as well as Britain, was proud to style ' our great deliverer.' But it became most evident, and began to produce its most pernicious effects, at a time when there was the least reason for indulging the idea.
During the administration of Pitt, a liberal kind of policy had been adopted toward the colonies ; which being crowned with success, had attached us* more firmly than ever, to the kingdom of Britain. We were proud of our connexion with a nation whose flag was triumphant in every quarter of the globe ; and by whose assistance we had been delivered from the danger of our most formidable enemies, the French in Canada. The 1760. accession of George the Third, at this critical and impor-
tant era, was celebrated herc, with as true a zeal and loyalty, as in any part of his dominions. We were fond of repeating every plaudit, which the ardent affection of the British nation bestowed on a young monarch, rising to the throne of his ancestors, and professing to ' glory in the name of Briton.' At such a time, nothing could have been more easy, than by pursuing the system of commercial regulation, already established, and continuing the indulgencies which had been allowed, to have drawn the whole profit of our labor and trade, into the hands of British merchants and manufacturers. This would have prevented a spirit of enter- prise in the colonies, and kept us in as complete subjection and dependence, as the most sanguine friend of the British nation could have wished.
We had, among ourselves, a set of men, who, ambitious of perpetuating the rank of their families, were privately seek- 1763. ing the establishment of an American Nobility ; out of which, an intermediate branch of legislation, between the royal and democratic powers, should be appointed." Plans were drawn, and presented to the British ministry, for new modeling our governments and reducing their powers ; whilst the authority of parliament should be rendered absolute and imperial. The military gentlemen of Britain, who had served here in the war, and on whom, a pro- fusion of grateful attention had been bestowed, carried home re- ports of our wealth ; whilst the sons of our merchants and plant-
(1) Hume. (2) Bernard's select letters. Oliver's letters.
* Though it may be accounted a deviation from the proper style of history, for the author to speak in the first person ; yet he hopes to be excused in ex- pressing the feelings of an American, whilst he relates the history of his own time, and his own country.
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1763.
ers, who went to England for their education, exhibited specimens of prodigality which confirmed the idea. During the war, there had been a great influx of money ; and at the conclusion of it, British goods were largely imported ; by which means, the cash went back again with a rapid circulation.
In no age, perhaps, excepting that in which Rome lost her lib- erty, was the spirit of venality and corruption so prevalent as at this time, in Britain. Exhausted by a long war, and disgraced by a peace which deprived her of her most valuable conquests, the national supplies were inadequate to the continual drain of the exchequer.1" A new ministry, raised on the ruin of that by which America was conquered and secured, looked to this coun- try as a source of revenue. But, neglecting the ' principles of ' law and polity,' which had been early suggested to them by an officious correspondent ; and by which they might have gradually and silently extended their system of corruption into America ; they planned measures by which they supposed an addition to the revenues of Britain might be drawn from America ; and the pretence was, ' to defray the expenses of protecting, defending 'and securing it.'2 The fallacy of this pretence was easily seen. If we had not done our part toward the protection and defence of our country, why were our expenditures reimbursed by parlia- ment ? The truth is, that during the whole war, we had exerted ourselves beyond our ability ; relying on a promise from a secre- tary of state, that it should be recommended to parliament to make us compensation. It was recommended ; the compensation was honorably granted, and gratefully received. The idea of drawing that money from us again by taxes to repay the charges of our former defence, was unjust and inconsistent. If the new conquests needed protection or defence, those who reaped the gain of their commerce, or enjoyed the benefit of grants and offi- ces within those territories, might be required to contribute their aid. Notwithstanding this pretext, it was our opinion, that the grand object was to provide for dependents, and to extend the corrupt and venal principle of crown influence, through every part of the British dominions. However artfully it was thrown out, that the revenue to be drawn from us would ease the taxes of our brethren in Britain, or diminish the load of national debt ; it was not easy for us to believe that the ministry had either of these objects sincerely in contemplation. But if it had been ever so equitable that we should contribute to discharge the debt of the nation, incurred by the preceding war ; we supposed that the monopoly and control of our commerce, which Britain enjoyed, was a full equivalent for all the advantages, which we reaped from our political connexion with her.
(1) History of the minority, 1765, page 286. (2) Bernard's select letters.
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The same gazette, which contained the definitive treaty of peace, announced the intentions of the British ministry to quarter troops in America, and support them at our expense.1 The money was to be raised by a duty on foreign sugar and molasses, and by stamps on all papers legal and mercantile. These inten- tions were at first thrown out in the form of resolves, and after- ward digested into acts of parliament. The first of these 1764. acts, restricting the intercourse which the American colo- nies had enjoyed with the West-India islands, caused a general uneasiness and suspicion, but was viewed as a regulation of trade, and was submitted to, though with reluctance. The effect of this act was to call forth a spirit of frugality, particularly in the intro- duction of a less expensive mode of conducting funerals. Peti- tions and remonstrances were sent to England by some of the colonies ; but instead of any redress, a new act of parliament was made for raising a revenue by a general stamp duty through all the American colonies. . The true friends of constitutional liberty now saw their dearest interests in danger ; from an assumption of power in the parent state to give and grant the property of the colonists at their pleasure. Even those who had been seeking alterations in the colonial governments, and an establishment of hereditary honors, plainly saw that the ministry were desirous of plucking the fruit, before they had grafted the stock on which it must grow.2 To render the new act less odious to us, some of our fellow citizens were appointed to distribute the stamped paper, which was prepared in England and brought over in bales. The framers of the act boasted that it was so contrived as to execute itself ; because no writing could be deemed legal without the stamp ; and all controversies which might arise, were to be de- termined in the courts of admiralty, by a single judge, entirely dependant on the crown.
This direct and violent attack on our dearest privileges at first threw us into a silent gloom ; and we were at a loss how to pro- ceed. To submit, was to rivet the shackles of slavery on ourselves and our posterity. To revolt, was to rend asunder the most endearing connexion, and hazard the resentment of a powerful nation. In this dilemma, the house of burgesses in Vir- 1765. ginia, passed some spirited resolves, asserting the rights of May 28. their country, and denying the claim of parliamentary tax- June 6. ation. The assembly of Massachusetts proposed a con- gress of deputies from each colony, to consult upon our common interest, as had frequently been practised in times of common danger. Several speeches made in parliament by opposers of the stamp-act were reprinted here ; in one of which the Ameri- cans were styled ' sons of liberty,' and the speaker3 ventured,
(1) New-Hampshire Gazette, May 27.
(2) Bernard's select letters .- (3) Colonel Barre.
44
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
[1765.
from his personal knowledge of this country, to foretel our oppo- sition to the act.
The spirit of the Virginian resolves, like an electric spark, diffused itself instantly and universally ; and the cautious proposal of Massachusetts was generally approved. The anxious mind, resting on the bold assertion of constitutional rights, looked forward with pleasure, to the time when an American congress would unite in a successful defence of them. The title ' sons of liberty,' was eagerly adopted by associations in every colony ; determining to carry into execution the prediction of him, who with such noble energy, had espoused the cause of our freedom. They began the opposition at Boston ; by publicly exhibiting effigies of the enemies of America, and obliging the stamp-officer to resign his employ- ment. The popular commotions in that town were afterward carried to an unjustifiable excess ; but the spirit of opposition animated the body of the people in every colony.
The person appointed distributor of stamps for New-Hamp- shire, was George Meserve, son of the late colonel, who died at Louisburg. He received his appointment in England, and soon after embarked for America, and arrived at Boston. Before he Sept. 9. landed, he was informed of the opposition which was making to the act; and that it would be acceptable to the people if he would resign, which he readily did, and they wel- Sept. 12. comed him on shore. An exhibition of effigies at Ports-
mouth had prepared the minds of the people there for his Sept. 18. reception ; and at his coming to town, he made a second resignation, on the parade, before he went to his own house. Sept. 30. This was accepted with the usual salutation ; and every one appeared to be satisfied with the success of the popu- lar measures. Soon after, the stamped paper destined for New- Hampshire arrived at Boston in the same vessel with that intended for Massachusetts ; but there being no person in either province who had any concern with it, it was, by the order of Governor Bernard, lodged in the castle.
The stamp-act was to commence its operation on the first day of November ; previously to which, the appointed congress was formed at New-York, consisting of delegates from the assemblies of Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, New- Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Delaware counties, Maryland and South-Carolina. Having, like the congress at Albany in 1754, formed themselves in geographical order ; they framed a bill of rights, for the colonies ; in which the sole power of taxation was declared to be in their own assemblies. They prepared three distinct addresses to the king, lords and commons, stating their grievances, and asking for redress. These were subscribed by the delegates of six colonies ; the others who were present were not empowered to sign ; but reported their proceeding to their
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constituents, who approved them in assembly, and forwarded their petitions. No delegates went from New-Hampshire to this Con- gress ; but the assembly at their next meeting adopted the same measures, and sent similar petitions to England, which they com- mitted to Barlow Trecothick, their agent, and John Wentworth, a young gentleman of Portsmouth, who was then in England, to be by them presented to the king and parliament.1 These meas- ures were the most respectful and prudent which could be devised ; and were attended with some prospect of success from a change which had been made in the British ministry.
In the mean time, the newspapers were filled with essays, in which every plea for and against the new duties was amply dis- cussed. These vehicles of intelligence were doomed to be load- ed with a stamp ; and the printers felt themselves interested in the opposition. On the last day of October, the New-Hampshire Gazette appeared with a mourning border. A body of people from the country approached the town of Portsmouth, under an apprehension that the stamps would be distributed ; but being met, by a number from the town, and assured that no such thing was intended, they quietly returned. The next day, the bells tolled, and a funeral procession was made for the Goddess Nov. 1. of Liberty ; but on depositing her in the grave, some signs of life were supposed to be discovered, and she was carried off in triumph. By such exhibitions, the spirit of the populace was kept up ; though the minds of the most thoughtful persons were filled with anxiety.
It was doubtful, whether the courts of law could proceed with- out stamps ; and it was certain that none could be procured. Some licentious persons began to think that debts could not be recovered, and that they might insult their creditors with impunity. On the first appearance of this disorderly spirit, associations were formed at Portsmouth, Exeter and other places, to support the magistrates and preserve the peace. The fifth of November had always been observed as a day of hilarity, in remembrance of the powder-plot. On the following night, a strong guard was kept in Portsmouth. By these precautions, the tendency to riot was seasonably checked, and no waste of property or personal insult was committed ; though some obnoxious characters began to tremble for their safety .*
When Meserve arrived, the people supposed that he had brought his commission with him, and were content that it should remain iu his own hands, being rendered void by his resignation. But,
(1) Assembly Records.
* [1765. Raymond, Conway, Concord, the seat of government, and form- erly Penacook, Dunbarton and Hopkinton were incorporated.
1766. Deerfield, Burton, Eaton, Lee, Tamworth and Acworth were incor- porated.]
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HISTORY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.
[1765.
in fact, he did not receive it till after the time fixed for the ope- ration of the act. Having shown his instructions to the governor, and some other public officers, it was suspected that he intended ' to commence the execution of his office.' The sons of liberty 1766. were alarmed; they assembled by beat of drum, and Jan. 9. obliged him publicly to deliver up his commission and in- structions ; which they mounted on the point of a sword, and carried in triumph through the town. An oath was admin- istered to him by Justice Clagett," purporting that he would neither directly nor indirectly attempt to execute his office. The master of a ship, then ready to sail for England, was also sworn to deliver the packet containing the commission and instructions, as it was directed. It was first addressed to the commissioners of the stamp-office in London ; but afterward it was enclosed in a letter to the agents of the province, referring the disposal of it to their discretion. It happened to arrive, when great exertions were making, and a strong probability existed, of the repeal of the stamp-act. The agents therefore concealed the packet, and had the good fortune to suppress the intelligence of all these proceed- ings ; that no irritation might ensue to prevent the expected repeal.
During all these commotions, Governor Wentworth was silent. The ministry, either by accident or design, had neglected to send authentic copies of the stamp-act, to some of the American gov- ernors, and to him among others. There had been no tumults, which rendered his interposition necessary. He was in the de- cline of life, and his health was much impaired. His fortune was made, and it lay chiefly in his native country. One of the reasons given, for the removal of his predecessor, was, that he had en- joyed his office ten years. Mr. Wentworth had been twenty-five years in the chair, and expected soon to be superseded. It was therefore his interest, not to put himself forward in support of un- popular measures. His example was followed by most of the gentlemen in the province, who held offices under the crown. If any of them were secretly in favor of the act, they were restrained by fear, from contradicting openly the voice of the people.
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