USA > New Hampshire > The history of New-Hampshire > Part 7
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PRINCIPLES OF THE PURITANS.
been involved. At the same time, a remarkable concurrence of circumstances gave peculiar advantage to the bold attempt of Luther, to rouse Germany from her inglorious subjection to the Roman Pontiff, and effectuate a reformation, which soon spread into the neighboring countries. But so intimately were the po- litical interests of kingdoms and states blended with religious prejudices, that the work, though happily begun, was greatly blemished and impeded.
Henry the VIIIth of England took advantage of this amazing revolution in the minds of men, to throw off the papal yoke, and assert his native claim to independence. But so dazzling was the idea of power, and the example of the first christian princes, who had exercised a superintendency in spirituals, as well as tem- porals, that he transferred to himself that spiritual power which had been usurped and exercised by the bishops of Rome, and set up himself as supreme head on earth of the church of England ; commanding both clergy and laity in his dominions to swear al- legiance to him in this newly assumed character.
This claim was kept up by his son and successor Edward the Sixth, in whose reign the reformation gained much ground ; and a service-book was published by royal authority as the standard of worship and discipline for his subjects. This excellent prince was taken out of the world in his youth; and his sister Mary, who then came to the throne, restored the supremacy of the pope, and raised such fiery persecution against the reformers, that many of them fled into Germany and the Netherlands ; where they de- parted from that uniformity which had been established in Eng- land, and became divided in their sentiments and practice respect- ing ecclesiastical affairs : the native effect of that just liberty of con- science which they enjoyed abroad, pursuing their own inquiries according to their respective measures of light ; uninfluenced by secular power, or the hope of acquiring dignities in a national es- tablishment.
The accession of Elizabeth inspired them with new hopes ; and they returned home, resolving to attempt the reformation of the church of England, agreeably to the respective opinions which they had embraced in their exile. But they soon found that the queen, who had been educated in the same manner with her brother Edward, was fond of the establishment made in his reign, and was strongly prejudiced in favor of pomp and ceremony in religious worship. She asserted her supremacy in the most absolute terms, and erected an high-commission court with juris- diction in ecclesiastical affairs. Uniformity being rigorously en- joined, and no abatement or allowance made for tender conscien- ces, (though it was conceded that the ceremonies were indiffer- ent) a separation from the establishment took place. Those who were desirous of a farther reformation from the Romish supersti- tions, and of a more pure and perfect form of religion were de-
1186759
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
nominated Puritans ; whose principles, as distinguished from those of the other reformers who were in favor with the queen, are thus represented.1
" The queen and court-reformers held, 1. That every prince had the sole authority to correct all abuses of doctrine and wor- ship within his own territories. 2. That the church of Rome was a true church, though corrupt in some points of doctrine and government ; that all her ministrations were valid, and that the pope was a true Bishop of Rome though not of the universal church. 3. That the scriptures were a perfect rule of faith, but not a standard of discipline ; and that it was left to the discretion of the christian magistrate, to accommodate the government of the church to the policy of the state. 4. That the practice of the primitive church for the first four or five centuries was a proper standard of church government and discipline ; and in some respects better than that of the Apostles, which was only accommodated to the infant state of the church, while it was un- der persecution ; whereas the other was suited to the grandeur of a national establishment. 5. That things indifferent in their own nature, as rites, ceremonies, and habits, might be settled, determined and made necessary by the command of the civil magistrate, and that in such cases, it was the duty of the subject to observe them."
" On the other hand, the Puritans, 1. Disowned all foreign jurisdiction over the church, but could not admit of that exten- sive power which the crown claimed by the supremacy. How- ever, they took the oath, with the queen's explication, as only restoring her majesty to the ancient and natural rights of sovereign princes over their subjects. 2. They held the pope to be anti- christ, the church of Rome a false church, and all her ministra- tions superstitious and idolatrous. 3. That the scriptures were a standard of discipline as well as doctrine, and if there was need of a discretionary power, it was vested not in the magistrate, but in the officers of the church. 4. That the form of government ordained by the Apostles was aristocratical, and designed as a pattern to the church in after ages, not to be departed from in its main principles. 5. That those things which Christ had left indifferent ought not to be made necessary ; and that such rites and ceremonies as had been abused to idolatry and superstition, and had a manifest tendency to lead men back thereto, were no longer indifferent but unlawful."
" Both parties agreed too well in asserting the necessity of uniformity in public worship, and of using the sword of the mag- istrate for the support and defence of their respective principles ; which they made an ill use of in their turns, whenever they could grasp it in their hands. The standard of uniformity according to the bishops, was the queen's supremacy and the laws of the land ;
(1) Neal's Hist. Puritans, vol. i. p. 95, 98, 4to.
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FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND.
according to the Puritans, the decrees of national and provincial synods, allowed and enforced by the civil magistrate. Neither party were for admitting that liberty of conscience and freedom of profession which is every man's right, as far as is consistent with the peace of civil government. Upon this fatal rock of uniformity, was the peace of the church of England split."
It is melancholy to observe what mischiefs were caused by the want of a just distinction between civil and ecclesiastical power, and by that absurd zeal for uniformity, which kept the nation in a long ferment, and at length burst out into a blaze, the fury of which was never thoroughly quelled till the happy genius of the revolution gave birth to a free and equitable toleration, whereby every man was restored to the natural right of judging and acting for himself in matters of religion. All the celebrated wisdom of Elizabeth's government could not devise an expedient so success- ful. Though her reign was long and prosperous, yet it was much stained with oppression and cruelty toward many of her best sub- jects ; who, wearied with ineffectual applications, waited the ac- cession of James, from whom they expected more favor, because he had been educated in the presbyterian church of Scotland, and professed an high veneration for that establishment. But they soon found that he had changed his religious principles with his climate, and that nothing was to be expected, from a prince of so base a character, but insult and contempt.
In the beginning of his reign, a great number of the Puritans removed into Holland, where they formed churches upon their own principles. But not relishing the manners of the Dutch, after twelve years, they projected a removal to America, and laid the foundation of the colony of Plymouth. The spirit of uniformity still prevailing in England, and being carried to the greatest extent in the reign of Charles the First, by that furious bigot Archbishop Laud ; many of the less scrupulous, but con- scientious members of the church of England, who had hitherto remained in her communion, seeing no prospect of rest or liberty in their native country, followed their brethren to America, and established the colony of Massachusetts, from which proceeded that of Connecticut.
By such men, influenced by such motives, were the principal settlements in New-England effected. The fortitude and perse- verance which they exhibited therein will always render their memory dear to their posterity. To prepare for their enterprise, they had to sell their estates, some of which were large and val- uable, and turn them into materials for a new plantation, with the nature of which they had no acquaintance, and of which they could derive no knowledge from the experience of others. After traversing a wide ocean, they found themselves in a country full of woods, to subdue which required immense labor and patience ; at a vast distance from any civilized people ; in the neighborhood of none but ignorant and barbarous savages ; and in a climate,
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
where a winter much more severe than they had been accustom- ed to, reigns for a third part of the year. Their stock of provis- ions falling short, they had the dreadful apprehension of perishing by famine, one half of their number dying before the first year was completed ; the ocean on one side separated them from their friends, and the wilderness on the other, presented nothing but scenes of horror, which it was impossible for them to conceive of before they endured them.
But under all these difficulties, they maintained a steady and pious resolution ; depending on the providence of the supreme ruler, and never repenting the business on which they had, come into this wilderness. As purity in divine administrations was the professed object of their undertaking, so they immediately set themselves to form churches, on what they judged the gospel plan. To be out of the reach of prelatic tyranny, and at full liberty to pursue their own inquiries, and worship God according to their consciences, (which had been denied thern in their own country) was esteemed the greatest of blessings, and sweetened every bit- ter cup which they were obliged to drink. They always profes- sed that their principal design was to erect churches on the prim- itive model, and that the consideration of temporal interest and conveniency had but the second place in their views .*
In the doctrinal points of religion, they were of the same mind with their brethren of the church of England, as expressed in their articles. The Massachusetts planters left behind them, when they sailed, a respectful declaration importing that they did not consider the church of England as anti-christian, but only withdrew from the imposition of unscriptural terms of commu- nion.1 Some of the Plymouth planters had embraced the narrow principles of the Brownists, the first who separated from the church of England ; but by the improvements which they made in religious knowledge under the instruction of the renowned John Robinson, their pastor in Holland, they were in a great measure cured of that sour leaven. The Congregational system of church government was the result of the studies of that truly pious, learn- ed, humble and benevolent divine, who seems to have had more of the genuine spirit of the reformation, and of freedom from big- otry, than any others in his day. His farewell charge to those of liis flock who were embarking in Holland for America, deserves to be had in perpetual remembrance.2 " Brethren, (said he) " we are now quickly to part from one another, and whether I
(1) Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 487. (2) Neal's Hist. N. E. vol. i. p. 84.
* " It concerneth New-England always to remember, that they are orig- " inally a plantation religious, not a plantation of trade. The profession of " the purity of doctrine, worship and discipline is written upon her forehead. " Let merchants, and such as are increasing cent. per cent. remember this, " that worldly gain was not the end and design of the people of New-Eng- " land but religion. And if any man among us make religion as twelve, and ." the world as thirteen, such an one hath not the spirit of a true New-Eng- "' land man." Higginson's Election Sermon, 1663.
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FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND.
" may ever live to see your face on earth any more, the God of " heaven only knows ; but whether the Lord hath appointed that " or no, I charge you before God and his blessed angels that you " follow me no further than you have seen me follow the Lord " Jesus Christ. If God reveal any thing to you by any other " instrument of his, be as ready to receive it, as ever you were " to receive any truth by my ministry ; for I am verily persuaded, " I am very confident, the Lord has more truth yet to break forth " out of his holy word. For my part, I cannot sufficiently be- " wail the condition of the reformed churches, who are come to " a period in religion, and will go at present no farther than the " instruments of their reformation. The Lutherans cannot be " drawn to go beyond what Luther saw ; whatever part of his " will our good God has revealed to Calvin, they will rather die " than embrace it. And the Calvinists you see stick fast where " they were left by that great man of God, who yet saw not all " things. This is a misery much to be lamented ; for though " they were burning and shining lights in their times, yet they " penetrated not into the whole counsel of God ; but where they " now living, would be as willing to embrace farther light, as that " which they at first received. I beseech you to remember it as " an article of your church covenant, that you be ready to re- " ceive whatever truth shall be made known to you from the writ- " ten word of God. Remember that, and every other article of " your sacred covenant. But I must herewithal exhort you to " take heed what you receive as truth. Examine, consider and " compare it with other scriptures of truth, before you receive it ; " for it is not possible the christian world should come so lately " out of such thick antichristian darkness, and that perfection of " knowledge should break forth at once." It is much to be regretted that this excellent man did not live to come to New-England, and to diffuse more generally such truly catholic and apostolic principles.
Many of the first planters of New-England were persons of good education, and some of them eminent for their abilities and learning. Such men could not but see the necessity of securing to their posterity the advantages which they had so dearly pur- chased. One of their first concerns was to have their children considered, from their earliest years, as subjects of ecclesiastical discipline. This became a matter of controversy, and was largely discussed in sermons and pamphlets, and at length determined by the authority of a synod. A regular course of academical learning was a point of equal importance, and admitted of no dis- pute. They saw that the reputation and happiness of the whole country depended greatly upon it. They therefore took early care for the establishment of schools, and within ten years from their first settlement, founded a college at Cambridge,*, which,
* " When New-England was poor, and we were but few in number, there " was a spirit to encourage learning, and the college was full of students."- Result of a Synod in 1679.
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
from small beginnings, by the munificence of its patrons, has made a distinguished figure in the republic of letters. Many eminent men have there been formed for the service of the church and state; and without this advantage, the country could not have arrived, in so short a time, at its present respectable state ; nor have been furnished with men capable of filling the various stations of usefulness, and of defending our civil and religious liberties.
Though the first planters derived from the royal grants and charters a political right as subjects of the crown of England, to' this territory ; yet they did not think themselves justly entitled to the property of it, till they had fairly purchased it of its native lords, and made them full satisfaction .* Nor did they content themselves with merely living peaceably among them, but exert- ed themselves vigorously in endeavoring their conversion to christianity, which was one of the obligations of their patent, and one of the professed designs of their settlement in this country. This painful work was remarkably succeeded, and the names of ELIOT and MAYHEW will always be remembered as unwearied instruments in promoting it. Great care was taken by the gov- ernment to prevent fraud and injustice toward the Indians in trade, or violence to their persons. The nearest of the natives were so sensible of the justice of their English neighbors, that they lived in a state of peace with them, with but little interruption, for above fifty years.
Slavery was thought so inconsistent with the natural rights of mankind, and detrimental to society, that an express law was made prohibiting the buying or selling of slaves, except those taken in lawful war, or reduced to servitude for their crimes by a judicial sentence ; and these were to have the same privileges as were allowed by the laws of Moses. There was a remarkable instance of justice in the execution of this law in 1645, when a negro who had been fraudulently brought from the coast of Africa, and sold in the country, was, by the special interposition of the general court, taken from his master in order to be sent home to his native land.+ How long after this the importation of blacks
* The Abbe Raynal in his elegant History of the East and West Indies, speaks of the purchase made of the Indians by William Penn in 1681, as " an example of moderation and justice in America, which was never thought " of before, by the Europeans." It can be no derogation from the honor due to the wise founder of Pennslyvania that the example of this moderation and justice was first set by the planters of New-England, whose deeds of convey- ance from the Indians were earlier than his by half a century.
In some parts of the country the lands purchased of the Indians are subject to quit-rent, which is annually paid to their posterity. They have lands re- served to their use, which are not allowed to be purchased of them without the consent of the legislature.
+ " 14. 3d mo. 1645. The court thought proper to write to Mr. Williams " of Pascataqua, (understanding that the negroes which Capt. Smyth brought " were fraudently and injuriously taken and brought from Guinea, by Capt. " Smyth's confession and the rest of the company) that he forthwith send the
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FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND.
continued to be disallowed, is uncertain ; but if the same resolute justice had always been observed, it would have been much for the credit and interest of the country ; and our own struggles for liberty would not have carried so flagrant an appearance of in- consistency.
Severe laws conformable to the principles of the laws of Moses were enacted against all kinds of immorality. Blasphemy, idol- atry, adultery, unnatural lusts, rape, murder, man-stealing, false witness, rebellion against parents, and conspiracy against the com- monwealth, were made capital crimes; and because some doubt- ed whether the magistrate could punish breaches of the four first commands of the decalogue, this right was asserted in the highest tone, and the denial of it ranked among the most pestilent here- sies, and punished with banishment. By the severity and im- partiality with which those laws were executed, intemperance and profaneness were so effectually discountenanced that Hugh Peters, who had resided in the country twenty years,* declared before the parliament, that he had not seen a drunken man, nor heard a profane oath during that period. The report of this extraordinary strictness, while it invited many of the best men in England to come over, kept them clear of those wretches who fly from one country to another to escape the punishment of their crimes.
The professed design of the plantation being the advancement of religion, and men of the strictest morals being appointed to the chief places of government, their zeal for purity of every kind carried them into some refinements in their laws which are not generally supposed to come within the sphere of magistracy, and in larger communities could scarcely be attended to in a judicial way. The drinking of healths, and the use of tobacco were forbidden, the former being considered as an heathenish and idolatrous practice, grounded on the ancient libations ; the other as a species of intoxication and waste of time. Laws were insti- tuted to regulate the intercourse between the sexes, and the ad- vances toward matrimony : they had a ceremony of betrothing, which preceded that of marriage. Pride and levity of behaviour came under the cognizance of the magistrate. Not only the richness but the mode of dress, and cut of the hair were subject to state-regulations. Women were forbidden to expose their arms or bosoms to view ; it was ordered that their sleeves should reach down to their wrist, and their gowns be closed round the
" negro which he had of Capt. Smyth hither, that he may be sent home, " which this court doth resolve to send back without delay. And if you have " any thing to allege, why you should not return him to be disposed of by " the court, it will be expected you should forthwith make it appear either by " yourself or your agent." Massachusetts Records.
* [The length of time above stated which the Rev. Hugh Peters passed in this country may have been a typographical error. He was here not quite six years, having arrived on the 6 October, 1635, and sailed for England, 3 August, 1641.]
S
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
neck. Men were obliged to cut short their hair, that they might not resemble women. No person not worth two hundred pounds was allowed to wear gold or silver lace, or silk hoods and scarfs. Offences against these laws were presentable by the grand jury ; and those who dressed above their rank were to be assessed ac- cordingly. Sumptuary laws might be of use in the beginning of a new plantation ; but these pious rulers had more in view than the political good. They were not only concerned for the exter- nal appearance of sobriety and good order, but thought themselves obliged, as far as they were able, to promote real religion and enforce the observance of the divine precepts.
As they were fond of imagining a near resemblance between the circumstances of their settlement in this country and the re- demption of Israel from Egypt or Babylon ; it is not strange that they should look upon their "commonwealth as an institution of " God for the preservation of their churches, and the civil rulers " as both members and fathers of them."] The famous John Cotton, the first minister of Boston, was the chief promoter of this sentiment. When he arrived in 1633, he found the people divided in their opinions. Some had been admitted to the privi- leges of freemen at the first general court, who were not in com- munion with the churches. After this, an order was passed, that none but members of the churches should be admitted freemen ; whereby all other persons were excluded from every office or privilege civil or military. This great man by his eloquence confirmed those who had embraced this opinion, and earnestly pleaded "that the government might be considered as a theocracy, " wherein the Lord was judge, lawgiver and king; that the laws " which he gave Israel might be adopted, so far as they were of " moral and perpetual equity ; that the people might be consid- " ered as God's people in covenant with him ; that none but per- " sons of approved piety and eminent gifts should be chosen " rulers ; that the ministers should be consulted in all matters of " religion ; and that the magistrate should have a superintending " and coercive power over the churches."2 * At the desire of
(1) Increase Mather's Life, p. 57. (2) Mather's Magnalia, lib. 8, p. 20.
* [There is a very scarce work which was published in 1663, at Cambridge, by Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson, entitled " A Discourse about Civil Government in a new Plantation whose Designe is Religion, Written many years since. By that Reverend and Worthy Minister of the Gospel, JOHN COTTON, B. D. and now published by some Undertakers of a new Plan- tation, for General Direction and Information." .The object of it seems to be, " to prove the expediency and necessity of entrusting free Burgesses which are members of churches gathered amongst them according to Christ with the power of choosing among themselves, magistrates, and men to whom the managing of all public civil affairs of importance is to be committed-and to vindicate the same from an imputation of an under-power upon the churches of Christ which hath been cast upon it through a mistake of the true state of the question." The work seems to be addressed to a brother in the ministry, who had affirmed, that " the limiting of the right and power of choosing civil officers unto free burgesses that are members of churches, brought that tyran-
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