USA > New Hampshire > The history of New-Hampshire > Part 38
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In these irritating skirmishes, the summer was spent ; till a large body of French and Indians attacked Fort Massachusetts, at Hoosuck .? This fort was lost for want of ammunition Aug.20. to defend it. After this success, the enemy remained quiet during the rest of the summer.
The prospect of an expedition to Canada had induced many of the soldiers who were posted on the frontiers to enlist into the regiments, because they preferred active service to the dull routine of a garrison. The defence of the western posts was not only hazardous, but ineffectual ; and some persons in the north- western part of Massachusetts thought it inexpedient, to be at the
(1) Haven's MS. letter. (2) Norton's Narrative.
- * [This man was Moses Roberts. He was not killed by the Indians as might be inferred in the text. He had been stationed as a sentinel, and having be- come alarmed, retreated from his post into the woods, when another sentinel, hearing a noise in the bushes, and seeing them wave, supposed the Indians were approaching, fired his gun and shot Roberts, who died the next morning, blaming himself and justifying the man who shot him. MS. Communication from Rev. Thomas C. Upham.]
t [These men were killed and captured on the road leading from Concord to Hopkinton, within about a mile of the seat of Judge Green. There is a full account of the massacre in Moore's Annals of Concord, 23-25, and in the Coll. of the N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 171-173. There has been lately erected. near the scene of destruction by a descendant of one of the victims of Indian" cruelty, a durable monument, on which is the following inscription : "This Monument is erected in Memory of SAMUEL BRADLEY, JONATHAN BRADLEY, OBADIAH PETERS, JOHN BEAN and JOHN LUFKIN, who were massacred August 11th, 1746, by the Indians near this spot. Erected by Richard Bradley, son of the late Hon. John Bradley and grandson of Samuel Bradley." The names of those who were taken were Alexander Roberts and William Stickney. Roberts returned from captivity, but Stickney was drowned when he was within about one day's journey of the white settlements. The loss sustained by the Indians was four killed and several wounded, and two of them mortally. On the 10 November following, the Indians killed a Mr. Estabrook on the road between the principal settlement and the place of the former massacre.]
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1746.
charge of defending a territory, which was out of their jurisdiction.
November. Their petitions prevailed with the assembly, to withdraw their troops from the western parts of New-Hampshire. The inhabitants were then obliged to quit their estates. They deposited in the earth, such furniture and utensils as could be saved by that means ; they carried off on horseback such as were portable ; and the remainder, with their buildings, was left as a prey to the enemy, who came and destroyed or carried away what they pleased. Four families, who remained in Shattack's fort, (Hinsdale) defended it against a party of Indians, who attempted to burn it.1 Six men only were left in the fort at Number-Four, who, in the following winter deserted it ; and it was wholly desti- tute for two months. In this time, some gentlemen, who under- stood the true interest of the country, prevailed on the assembly of Massachusetts, to resume the protection of those deserted places ; and to employ a sufficiency of men, not only to garrison them, but to range the woods and watch the motions of the enemy.
In the latter end of March, Captain Phinehas Stevens, who commanded a ranging company of thirty men, came to Number- 1747. Four; and finding the fort entire, determined to keep
possession of it. He had not been there many days, when April 4. he was attacked by a very large party of French and In- dians, commanded by M. Debeline. The dogs, by their bark- ing, discovered that the enemy were near ; which caused the gate to be kept shut, beyond the usual time. One man went out to make discovery and was fired on; but returned with a slight wound only. The enemy, finding that they were discovered, arose from their concealment and fired at the fort on all sides. The wind being high, they set fire to the fences and log-houses, till the fort was surrounded by flames. Capt. Stevens took the most prudent measures for his security ; keeping every vessel full of water and digging trenches under the walls in several plac- es ; so that a man might creep through, and extinguish any fire, which might catch on the outside of the walls. The fire of the fences did not reach the fort ; nor did the flaming arrows which they incessantly shot against it take effect. Having continued this mode of attack for two days, accompanied with hideous shouts and yells ; they prepared a wheel carriage, loaded with dry fagots, to be pushed before them, that they might set fire to the fort. Before they proceeded to this operation, they demand- ed a cessation of arms till the sun-rising, which was granted. In the morning, Debeline came up with fifty men, and a flag of truce, which he stuck in the ground. He demanded a parley, which was agreed to. A French officer, with a soldier and an Indian, then advanced; and proposed that the garrison should
(1) Sumner's and Olcott's MS. letters.
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PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH.
1747.]
bind up a quantity of provisions with their blankets, and having laid down their arms should be conducted prisoners to Montreal. ] Another proposal was that the two commanders should meet, and that an answer should then be given. Stevens met the French commander, who, without waiting for an answer, began to enforce his proposal, by threatening to storm the fort, and put every man to death, if they should refuse his terms, and kill one of his men. Stevens answered, that he could hearken to no terms till the last extremity ; that he was intrusted with the defence of the fort, and was determined to maintain it, till he should be convinced that the Frenchman could perform what he had threatened. He add- ed, that it was poor encouragement to surrender, if they were all to be put to the sword for killing one man, when it was probable they had already killed more. The Frenchman replied, ' Go and ' see if your men dare to fight any longer, and give me a quick ' answer.' Stevens returned and asked his men, whether they would fight or surrender. They unanimously determined to fight. This was immediately made known to the enemy, who renew- ed their shouting and firing all that day and night. On the morn- ing of the third day, they requested another cessation for two hours. Two Indians came with a flag, and proposed, that if Stevens would sell them provisions they would withdraw. He answered, that to sell them provisions for money was contrary to the law of nations ; but that he would pay them five bushels of corn for every captive, for whom they would give a hostage, till the captive could be brought from Canada. After this answer, a few guns were fired, and the enemy were seen no more.2
In this furious attack from a starving enemy, no lives were lost in the fort, and two men only were wounded. No men could have behaved with more intrepidity in the midst of such threaten- ing danger. An express was immediately despatched to Boston, and the news was received there with great joy. Commodore Sir Charles Knowles was so highly pleased with the conduct of Captain Stevens, that he presented him with a valuable and ele- gant sword, as a reward for his bravery. From this circum- stance, the township when it was incorporated, took the name of Charlestown .*
Small parties of the enemy kept hovering, and sometimes dis- covered themselves. Sergeant Phelps killed one, near the fort, and escaped unhurt, though fired upon and pursued by two others.
Other parties went farther down the country ; and at Roches- ter, they ambushed a company who were at work in a field. The
(1) Stevens's letter, in Boston Evening Post, April 27. (2) [Ibid.]
* [Commodore Knowles was afterwards an admiral in the British Navy, and in 1770, being invited by the empress of Russia, went into her service,- Hutchinson, il. 390.]
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
[1747.
ambush was discovered by three lads, John and George Place, and Paul Jennens. The Indians fired upon them. John Place returned the fire and wounded an Indian. Jennens presented his gun but did not fire ; this prevented the enemy from rushing upon them, till the men from the field came to their relief and put the Indians to flight.1
- At Penacook, a party of the enemy discovered themselves by firing at some cattle. They were pursued by fifty men ; and re- treated with such precipitation, as to leave their packs and blank- ets, with other things behind. One man had his arm broken in this conflict." About the same time, a man was killed there, + who had just returned from Cape-Breton, after an absence of two years. Another was killed at Suncook ; and at Nottingham, Robert Beard, John Folsom and Elizabeth Simpson, suffered the same fate.3
In the autumn, Major Willard and Captain Alexander, wound- ed and took a Frenchman near Winchester, who was conducted to Boston and returned to Canada. Soon after, the enemy burn- ed Bridgman's fort ; (Hinsdale) and killed several persons, and took others from that place, and from Number-Four, in the ensu- ing winter. No pursuit could be made, because the garrison was not provided with snow-shoes, though many hundreds had been paid for by the government.
The next spring, Captain Stevens was again appointed to com- mand at Number-Four, with a garrison of an hundred men ; Cap- 1748. tain Humphrey Hobbs being second in command.4 A
scouting party of eighteen, was sent out under Captain May 25. Eleazer Melvin. They discovered two canoes in Lake Champlain, at which they fired. The fort at Crown-Point was alarmed, and a party came out to intercept them. Melvin cross- ed their track, and came back to West River ; where, as his men were diverting themselves by shooting salmon, the Indians suddenly came upon them and killed six.5 The others came in at different times to Fort-Dummer.
On a Sabbath morning, at Rochester, the wife of Jonathan Hodgdon was taken by the Indians, as she was going to milk her
May 1.
cows.
She called aloud to her husband. The Indians
would have kept her quiet, but as she persisted in calling, they killed her, apparently contrary to their intentions. Her hus- band heard her cries, and came to her assistance, at the instant of her death. His gun missed fire, and he escaped. The alarm, occasioned by this action, prevented greater mischief.6
(1) June 7-Haven's MS. letters. (2) July 28-Boston Evening Post .- (3) Upham's MS. letter. (4) Olcott's MS. letter. (5) Doolittle's Narrative. (6) Haven's MS. letter.
t [Perhaps a Mr. Estabrook, who was killed at Penacook, on the 10 Nov- ember, that year. Moore, Annals of Concord, 25.]
-
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PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH.
1748.]
The next month, they killed three men belonging to Hinsdale's fort, Nathan French, Joseph Richardson and John Frost. Sev- en were taken ; one of whom, William Bickford, died of his wounds. Captain Hobbs, and forty men, being on a scout
near West River, were surprised by a party of Indians, June 16. with whom they had a smart encounter, of three hours continu- ance. Hobbs left the ground, having had three men killed and four wounded. The same party of the enemy killed two July 14. men and took nine, between Fort Hinsdale and Fort-Dummer.
The cessation of arms between the belligerent powers did not wholly put a stop to the incursions of the enemy ; for af- 1749. ter it was known here, and after the garrison of Number- June 17. Four was withdrawn, excepting fifteen men, Obadiah Sart- well was killed, and a son of Captain Stevens was taken and car- ried to Canada ; but he was released and returned.1 -
During this affecting scene of devastation and captivity, there were no instances of deliberate murder nor torture exercised on those who fell into the hands of the Indians ; and even the old custom of making them run the gauntlet, was in most cases omit- ted. On the contrary, there is a universal testimony from the captives who survived and returned, in favor of the humanity of their captors. When feeble, they assisted them in travelling ; and in cases of distress from want of provision, they shared with them an equal proportion. A singular instance of moderation de- serves remembrance. An Indian had surprised a man at Ashuelot. The man asked for quarter, and it was granted. Whilst the In- dian was preparing to bind him, he seized the Indian's gun, and shot him in one arm. The Indian, however, secured him ; but took no other revenge than, with a kick, to say, 'You dog, how 'could you treat me so ?' The gentleman from whom this infor- mation came, has frequently heard the story both from the cap- tive and the captor. The latter related it as an instance of Eng- lish perfidy ; the former of Indian lenity.2
There was a striking difference between the manner in which this war was managed, on the part of the English and, on the part of the French. The latter kept out small parties continually en- gaged in killing, scalping and taking prisoners ; who were sold in Canada and redeemed by their friends, at a great expense. By this mode of conduct, the French made their enemies pay the whole charge of their predatory excursions, besides reaping a handsome profit to themselves. On the other hand, the English attended only to the defence of the frontiers; and that in such a manner, as to leave them for the most part insecure. No parties were sent to harass the settlements of the French. If the whole country of Canada could not be subdued, nothing less could be attempted. Men were continually kept in pay, and in expecta-
(1) Olcott's MS. letters. (2) Ibid.
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1749.
tion of service ; but spent their time either in garrisons, or camps, or in guarding provisions when sent to the several forts. Though large rewards were promised for scalps and prisoners, scarcely any were obtained unless by accident. A confusion of councils, and a multiplicity of directors, caused frequent changes of meas- ures, and delays in the execution of them. The forts were ill supplied with ammunition, provisions, clothing and snow-shoes. When an alarm happened, it was necessary, either to bake 1747. bread, or dress meat, or cast bullets, before a pursuit could be made. The French gave commissions to none but those who had distinguished themselves by some exploit. Among us, persons frequently obtained preferment, for themselves or their friends, by making their court to governors, and promoting favor- ite measures in town meetings, or general assemblies.
A community recovering from a war, like an individual recov- ering from sickness, is sometimes in danger of a relapse. This war was not decisive, and the causes which kindled it were not removed. One of its effects was, that it produced a class of men, who, having been for a time released from laborious occupations, and devoted to the parade of military life, did not readily listen to the calls of industry. To such men, peace was burdensome, and the more so, because they had not the advantage of half pay. The interval between this and the succeeding war was not long. The peace took place in 1749, and in 1754 there was a call to resume the sword.
CHAPTER XXI.
Purchase of Mason's claim. Controversy about Representation. Plan of extending the settlements. Jealousy and resentment of the savages.
WHILST the people were contending with an enemy abroad, an attempt was making at home, to revive the old claim of Mason, which their fathers had withstood, and which for many years had lain dormant, till recalled to view by the politi- cians of Massachusetts, as already related. After Thomlinson had engaged with Mason, for the purchase of his title, nothing more was heard of it, till the controversy respecting the lines was 1744. finished, and Wentworth was established in the seat of government, and in the office of surveyor of the woods. The agreement which Thomlinson had made, was in behalf of Oct. 30. the Representatives of New-Hampshire ; and the instru- ment was lodged in the hands of the governor, who sent it to the house for their perusal and consideration. It lay on their
-
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PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH.
1744.]
table a long time, without any formal notice.1 Quickening mes- sages were sent time after time ; but the affairs of the war, and Mason's absence at sea, and in the expedition to Louisburg, where he had a company, together with a disinclination in the house, which was of a different complexion from that in 1739, prevented any thing from being done.
In the mean time, Mason suffered a fine and recovery, by which the entail was docked, in the courts of New-Hampshire, and he became entitled to the privilege of selling his in- 1745. terest. He also presented a memorial to the assembly, in Feb. 22. which he told them that he would wait no longer ; and unless they would come to some resolution, he should take their silence as a refusal. Intimations were given, that if they would not ratify the agreement, a sale would be made to other 1746. persons, who stood ready to purchase. At length, the house came to a resolution, ' that they would comply with the a- ' greement, and pay the price ; and that the waste lands should ' be granted by the general assembly, to the inhabitants, as Jan. 29. ' they should think proper.' A committee was appointed to treat with Mason, about fulfilling his agreement, and to draw the proper instruments of conveyance ; but he had on the same day, by deed of sale, for the sum of fifteen hundred pounds currency, conveyed his whole interest to twelve Jan. 30. persons, in fifteen shares. When the house sent a message to the council to inform them of this resolution, the council objected to that clause of the resolve, ' that the lands be granted by the gen- ' eral assembly,' as contrary to the royal commission and instruc- tions ; but if the house would address the king, for leave to dis- pose of the lands, they said that they. were content.
These transactions raised a great ferment among the people. Angry and menacing words were plentifully thrown out against the purchasers ; but they had prudently taken care to file in the recorder's office a deed of quit-claim to all the towns which had been settled and granted within the limits of their purchase .*__
(1) Assembly records.
* The purchasers of this claim were,
'Theodore Atkinson, (three fifteenths) Thomas Packer, M. H. Wentworth, (two fifteenths) Richard Wibird, Jotham Odiorne,
Thomas Wallingford,
John Wentworth, son of the Governor, Joshua Peirce,
Samuel Moore,
George Jaffrey, Nathaniel Meserve, John Moffat, (one fifteenth each.)
The towns quitclaimed were,
Portsmouth, Londonderry,
Bow,
Dover,
Chester,
Chichester,
Exeter,
Nottingham,
Epsom,
Hampton,
Barrington,
Barnstead,
Gosport,
Rochester, and afterward
Kingston,
Canterbury,
Gilmantown.
40
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1746.
In this quit-claim, they inserted a clause in the following words, ' excepting and reserving our respective rights, titles, inheritance ' and possessions, which we heretofore had, in common or sever- ' alty, as inhabitants or proprietors of houses or lands, within any ' of the towns precincts, districts or villages aforesaid.'1 This precaution had not at first its effect. A committee of both houses was appointed to consider the matter, and they reported that 'for ' quieting the minds of the people, and to prevent future diffi- ' culty, it would be best for the province to purchase the claim, ' for the use and benefit of the inhabitants ; provided that the pur- ' chasers would sell it for the cost and charges.'2 This report was accepted, concurred and consented to, by every branch of the legislature. A committee was appointed to consult counsel, Ang. 4. and agree on proper instruments of conveyance. The same day, this committee met with the purchasers, and conferred on the question whether they would sell on the terms proposed ? At the conference, the purchasers appeared to be divided, and agreed so far only, as to withdraw their deed from Aug. 12. the recorder's office. The committee reported that they could make no terms with the purchasers ; in consequence Aug. 28. of which, the deed was again lodged in the office and recorded.
Much blame was cast on the purchasers, for clandestinely taking a bargain out of the hands of the assembly. They said in their vindication, ' that they saw no prospect of an effectual Sept. 4. ' purchase by the assembly, though those of them who ' were members, voted for it, and did what they could to encourage ' it ; that they would have gladly given Mason as much money, ' for his private quit-claim to their several rights in the townships ' already granted and settled ; that Mason's claim had for many ' years hung over the province, and that on every turn, they had ' been threatened with a proprietor ; that Mason's deed to a com- ' mittee of Massachusetts, in behalf of that province, for a tract of ' land adjoining the boundary line, had been entered on the records, ' and a title under it set up, in opposition to grants made by the ' governor and council ; that it was impossible to say where this 'evil would stop, and therefore they thought it most prudent to ‘ prevent any farther effects of it, by taking up with his offer, ' especially as they knew that he might have made a more advan- ' tageous bargain, with a gentleman of fortune in the neighboring ' province ; but that they were still willing, to sell their interest to ' the assembly, for the cost and charges; provided that the land ' be granted by the governor and council ; and that the agreement ' be made within one month from the date of their letter.33
Within that month, the alarm caused by the approach of D'An- (1) Records of deeds. (2) Assembly records. (3) MS. letter in Proprie- tary office.
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PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH.
1746.]
ville's fleet, put a stop to the negotiation. After that danger was over, the affair was revived ; but the grand difficulty subsisted. The purchasers would not sell, but on condition that the lands should be granted, by the governor and council. The assembly thought that they could have no security that the land would be granted to the people ; because the governor and council might grant it to themselves, or to their dependents, or to stran- 1747. gers, and the people who had paid for it, might be excluded Aug. 20. from the benefit which they had purchased. A proposal was afterward made, that the sale should be to feoffees in trust for the people ; and a form of a deed for this purpose was drawn. To this proposal, the purchasers raised several objections ; and as the assembly had not voted any money to make the purchase, they declined signing the deed; and no farther efforts being made by the assembly, the purchase rested in the hands of the proprietors. In 1749, they took a second deed, comprehending all the Masonian grants, from Nauinkeag to Pascataqua ; whereas the former deed was confined to the lately established boundaries of New-Hampshire. This latter deed was not recorded till 1753.1
After they had taken their first deed, the Masonians began to grant townships, and continued granting them to petitioners, 1748. often without fees, and always without quit-rents. They
quieted the proprietors of the towns, on the western side of the Merrimack, which had been granted by Massachusetts, before the establishment of the line; so that they went on peaceably with their settlements. The terms of their grants were, that the grantees should, within a limited time, erect mills and meeting- houses, clear out roads and settle ministers. In every township, they reserved one riglit for the first settled minister, another for a parsonage, and a third for a school. They also reserved fifteen rights for themselves, and two for their attorneys; all of which were to be free from taxes, till sold or occupied. By virtue of these grants, many townships were settled, and the interest of the people became so united with that of the proprietors, that the prejudice against them gradually abated ; and, at length, even some who had been the most violent opposers, acquiesced in the safety and policy of their measures, though they could not concede to the validity of their claim.
The heirs of Allen menaced them by advertisements, and warned the people against accepting their grants. They depended on the recognition of Allen's purchase, in the charter of Massa- chusetts, as an argument in favor of its validity ; and supposed, that because the ablest lawyers in the kingdom were consulted, and employed in framing that charter, they must have had evi- dence of the justice of his pretensions, before such a reservation
(1) Records of deeds.
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1748.
could have been introduced into it. So strong was the impression, which this argument had made, on the minds of speculators in England, that large sums had been offered, to some of Allen's heirs, in that kingdom ; and, Thomlinson himself, the first mover of the purchase from Mason, in behalf of New-Hampshire, had his doubts ; and would have persuaded the associates to join in buying Allen's title also, even at the price of two thousand pounds sterling, to prevent a more expensive litigation, the issue of which would be uncertain.1 But they, being vested with the principal offices of government ; being men of large property, which was also increased by this purchase ; and having satisfied themselves, of the validity of their title, by the opinions of some principal lawyers, both here and in England, contented themselves with the purchase which they had made ; and by maintaining their pos- session, extended the cultivation of the country within their limits.
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