USA > New Hampshire > The history of New-Hampshire > Part 29
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The governor gave them no written answer; but denied that the Abenaquis were under his government, and that he had either encouraged or supplied them for the purpose of war. He said that he considered them as an independent nation, and that the war was undertaken by them, in defence of their lands, which had
(1) Mass. and N. H. Records. (2) [Ibid.] (2) Atkinson's MS. Journal.
* Mr. Hutchinson in his history, has not said a word respecting this em- bassy. [The resolve appointing a commissioner in New-Hampshire passed the General Assembly, 12 December, 1724.]
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1725.
been invaded by the people of New-England. The commission- ers in reply, informed him, that the lands for which the Indians had quarrelled, were fairly purchased of their ancestors, and had been for many years inhabited by the English. They produced his own letters to the governors of New-England, in which he had (inconsistently, and perhaps inadvertently) styled these Indians ' subjects of the king of France.' They also alleged the several treaties held with them as evidence that they had acknowledged themselves subjects of the British crown ; and, to his great morti- fication, they also produced his own original letters to the Jesuit Ralle, which had been taken at Norridgewog, in which the evi- dence of his assisting and encouraging them in the war was too flagrant to admit of palliation. Farther to strengthen this part of their argument, they presented to the governor, a Mohawk whom they had met with at Montreal, who, according to his own volun- tary acknowledgment, had been supplied by the governor with arms, ammunition and provision to engage in the war, and had killed one man, and taken another, whom he had sold in Canada.
In addition to what was urged by the commissioners in general, Mr. Atkinson, on the part of New-Hampshire, entered into a particular remonstrance ; alleging that the Indians had no cause of controversy with that province, the lands in question being out of their claim. To this, the governor answered, that New-Hamp- shire was a part of the same nation, and the Indians could make no distinction. Atkinson asked him why they did not for the same reason make war on the people of Albany ? The governor an- swered, ' The people of Albany have sent a message to pray ' me to restrain the savages from molesting them; in a manner ' very different from your demands :' To which Atkinson with equal spirit replied, ' Your lordship then is the right person, for 'our governments to apply to, if the Indians are subject to your ' orders.'
Finding himself thus closely pressed, he promised to do what lay in his power to bring them to an accommodation, and to restore those captives who were in the hands of the French, on the pay- ment of what they had cost; and he engaged to see that no un- reasonable demands should be made by the persons who held them in servitude. As to those who still remained in the hands of the Indians, he said, he had no power over them, and could not engage for their redemption. He complained in his turn, of the governor of New-York, for building a fort on the river Onon- dago, and said, that he should look upon that proceeding as a breach of the treaty of peace ; and he boasted that he had the five nations of the Iroquois so much under liis influence, that he could at any time, cause them to make war upon the subjects of Great-Britain.
The commissioners employed themselves very diligently in their
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PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTHI.
1725.]
inquiries respecting the captives, and in settling the terms of their redemption. They succeeded in effecting the ransom of sixteen, and engaging for ten others. The governor obliged the French, who held them, to abate of their demands; but after all, they were paid for at an exorbitant rate. He was extremely desirous, that the gentlemen should have an interview with the Indians, who were at war ; and for this purpose, sent for a number of them from the village of St. Francis, and kept them concealed in Mon- treal. The commissioners had repeatedly told him, that they had no power to treat with them, and that they would not speak to them, unless they should desire peace. At his request, the chief of the Nipissins visited the commissioners, and said that they dis- approved the war, which their children the Abenaquis had made, and would persuade them to ask for peace. After a variety of manœuvres, the governor at length promised the commissioners, that if they would consent to meet the Indians at his house, they should speak first. This assurance produced an interview ; and the Indians asked the commissioners whether they would make proposals of peace? they answered, No. The Indians then pro- posed, that " if the English would demolish all their forts, and re- ' move one mile westward of Saco river ; if they would rebuild ' their church at Norridgewog, and restore to them their priest, ' they would be brothers again.' The commissioners told them that they had no warrant to treat with them; but if they were disposed for peace, they should have safe conduct to and from Boston or Portsmouth ; and the governor promised to send his son with them to see justice done. They answered, that "this ' was the only place to conclude peace, as the nations were near ' and could readily attend.' The governor would have had them recede from their proposals, which he said were unreasonable, and make others ; but father Le Chase, a Jesuit, being present, and acting as interpreter for the Indians, embarrassed the matter so much that nothing more was proposed. It was observed by the commissioners, that when they conversed with the governor alone, they found him more candid and open to conviction, than when Le Chase, or any other Jesuit was present ; and, through the whole of their negotiation, it evidently appeared, that the gov- ernor himself, as well as the Indians, were subject to the powerful influence of these ecclesiastics ; of whom there was a seminary in Canada, under the direction of the Abbe de Belmont.
Having completed their business, and the rivers and lakes being clear of ice, the commissioners took their leave of the governor, and set out on their return, with the redeemed captives, and a guard of soldiers, which the governor ordered to attend them, as far as Crown-point. They went down the river St. Lawrence to the mouth of the Sorel, then up that river to Chamblee, and through the lakes to fort Nicholson. After a pleasant passage, of seven days, they arrived at Albany, [on the first of May.]
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1725.
Here they found commissioners of Indian affairs for the prov- ince of New-York, to whom they communicated the observations which they had made in Canada, and what the Marquis de Vau- dreuil* had said respecting the five nations, and the fort at Onon- dago. There being a deputation from these nations at Albany, they held a conference with them, and gave them belts ; request- ing their assistance in establishing a peace with the Abenaquis. From this place, Mr. Atkinson wrote to M. Cavanielle, son of the Marquis, acknowledging the polite reception the commission- ers had met with from the family ; subjoining a copy of the infor- mation which they had given to the commissioners of New-York ; and promising, that a due representation should be made, to the kings of England and France, on the subject of their negotiation. "
The report of the commissioners being laid before the assem- blies of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire, it was determined to prosecute the war with vigor. Orders were issued for the de- fence and supply of the frontiers, and for the encouragement of ranging parties, both volunteers and militia.1 A petition was sent "to the king, complaining of the French governor, and desiring that orders might be given to the other colonies of New-England, and to New-York, to furnish their quotas of assistance, in the fur- ther prosecution of the war ; and letters were written to the gov- ernor of New-York, requesting that such of the hostile Indians as should resort to Albany, might be seized and secured.
The good effects of this mission to Canada were soon visible. One of the Indian hostages who had been detained at Boston through the whole war, together with one who had been taken, were allowed on their parole, to visit their countrymen ; and they returned with a request for peace. Commissioners from both provinces went to St. George's ; where a conference was held, which ended in a proposal for a farther treaty at Boston. In the mean time, some of the enemy were disposed for further mischief. Those who had been concerned in taking Hanson's family at Do- ver, in a short time after their redemption and return, came down with a design to take them again, as they had threatened them be- Sept. 15. fore they left Canada. When they had come near the house, they observed some people at work in a neighboring field, by which it was necessary for them to pass, both in going and return- ing. This obliged them to alter their purpose, and conceal them- selves in a barn, till they were ready to attack them. Two wo- men passed by the barn, while they were in it, and had just reach- ed the garrison as the guns were fired. They shot Benjamin
(1) Assembly Records.
* [He had been the governor of Canada through the war with the French and Indians, called Queen Anne's war, and through Lovewell's war. He died this year (1725) on the 25 of October. He was distinguished for bravery, firmness and vigilance, and gave the English incredible trouble by the long war he maintained against them, by exciting the savages to perpetual in- roads on their frontier. Lord, Lempriere, ii. 749.]
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PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH.
1725.]
Evans dead on the spot ; wounded William Evans and cut his throat. John Evans received a slight wound in the breast, which bleeding pentifully, deceived them, and thinking him dead, they stripped and scalped him. He bore the painful operation without discovering any signs of life, though all the time in his perfect senses, and continued in the feigned appearance of death, till they had turned him over, and struck him several blows with their guns, and left him for dead. After they were gone off, he rose and walked, naked and bloody, toward the garrison ; but on meet- ing his friends by the way dropped, fainting on the ground, and being covered with a blanket was conveyed to the house. He recovered and lived fifty years. A pursuit was made after the enemy, but they got off undiscovered, carrying with them Benja- min Evans, junior, a lad of thirteen years old, to Canada, whence he was redeemed as usual by a charitable collection.
This was the last effort of the enemy in New-Hampshire. In three months, the treaty which they desired was held in Boston, and the next spring ratified at Falmouth .* A peace was concluded in the usual form ; which was followed by re- Dec. 15. straining all private traffic with the Indians, and establishing truck- houses in convenient places, where they were supplied with the necessaries of life, on the most advantageous terms.1 Thoughi the governments on the whole, were losers by the trade, yet it was a more honorable way of preserving the peace, than if an acknowledgement had been made to the Indians in any other manner.
None of the other colonies of New-England bore any share in the expenses or calamities of this war ; and New-Hampshire did not suffer so much as in former wars ; partly by reason of the more extended frontier of Massachusetts, both on the eastern and western parts, against the former of which the enemy directed their greatest fury ; and partly by reason of the success of the ranging par- ties, who constantly traversed the woods as far northward as the White Mountains. The militia at this time was completely trained for active service ; every man of forty years of age having seen more than twenty years of war. They had been used to handle their arms from the age of childhood, and most of them, by long prac- tice, had become excellent marksmen, and good hunters. They were well acquainted with the lurking places of the enemy ; and possessed a degree of hardiness and intrepidity, which can be acquired only by the habitude of those scenes of danger and fa-
(1) Hutch. ii. 318.
* [The commissioners sent from New-Hampshire, and who were present at the formation of this treaty, were from the council, John Frost and Shadrach Walton, and from the house, John Gilman and Theodore Atkinson. Those appointed to attend the ratification of it, were George Jaffrey, Shadrach Wal- ton and Richard Wibird of the council, and Peter Weare, Theodore Atkinson and John Gilman of the house.]
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1725.
tigue, to which they were daily exposed. They had also imbibed from their infancy a strong antipathy to the savage natives ; which was strengthened by repeated horrors of blood and desolation, and not obliterated by the intercourse which they had with them in time of peace. As the Indians frequently resorted to the frontier town's in time of scarcity, it was common for them to visit the families whom they had injured in war ; to recount the circum- stances of death and torture which had been practised on their friends ; and when provoked or intoxicated, to threaten a repe- tition of such insults in future wars. To bear such treatment re- quired more than human patience ; and it is not improbable that secret murders were sometimes the consequence of these harsh provocations. Certain it is, that when any person was arrested, for killing an Indian in time of peace, he was either forcibly res- cued from the hands of justice, or if brought to trial, invariably acquitted ; it being impossible to impannel a jury, some of whom had not suffered by the Indians, either in their persons or families.
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CHAPTER XV.
Wentworth's administration continued. Burnet's short administration. Bel- cher succeeds him. Wentworth's death and character.
DURING the war, the lieutenant governor had managed the ex- ecutive department with much prudence ; the people were satis- fied with his administration, and entertained an affection for him, which was expressed not only by words, but by frequent grants of money, in the general assembly. When he returned from 1726. Jan. 5. Boston, where the treaty of peace was concluded, they presented to him an address of congratulation, and told him that 'his absence had seemed long ; but the service he had ' done them filled their hearts with satisfaction.'1 This address was followed by a grant of one hundred pounds. He had, just before, consented to an emission of two thousand pounds in bills of credit, to be paid, one half in the year 1735, and the other half in 1736. An excise was laid for three years, and was framed for three hundred pounds.
The divisional line between the provinces of New-Hampshire and Massachusetts was yet unsettled, and in addition to the usual disadvantages occasioned by this long neglect, a new one arose. By the construction which Massachusetts put on their charter, all the lands three miles northward of the river Merrimack were within their limits. On this principle, a grant had formerly been
(1) General Court Records.
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PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH.
1726.]
made to Governor Endecott, of some lands at Penacook ; which had been the seat of a numerous and powerful tribe of Indians. The quality of the land at that place invited the attention of ad- venturers from Andover, Bradford and Haverhill ; to whom a grant was made of a township, seven miles square ; comprehend- ing the lands on both sides of the Merrimack, extending south- wardly from the branch called Contoocook.1 This grant awak- ened the attention of others; and a motion was made in the Massachusetts assembly, for a line of townships, to ex- "Dec. 21. tend from Dunstable on Merrimack, to Northfield on Connecticut river ; but the motion was not immediately adopted. The assem- bly of New-Hampshire was alarmed. Newman, their agent, had been a long time at the British court, soliciting the settlement of the line, and a supply of military stores for the fort. Fresh in- structions were sent to him to expedite the business, and to sub- mit the settlement of the line to the king. A committee was ap- pointed to go to Penacook, to confer with a committee of Massa- chusetts, then employed in laying out the lands, and to remonstrate against their proceeding.2 A survey of other lands near Winni- piseogee lake, was ordered ; that it might be known, what number of townships could be laid out, independently of the Massachusetts claim. On the other hand, the heirs of Allen renewed their endeavors, and one of them, John Hobby, petitioned the assembly to compound with him for his claim to half the province ; but the only answer which he could obtain was that 'the courts of law ' were competent to the determination of titles,' and his petition was dismissed.
Both provinces became earnestly engaged. Massachusetts proposed to New-Hampshire the appointment of commissioners, to establish the line. The New-Hampshire assembly refused, because they had submitted the case to the king. The Massa- chusetts people, foreseeing that the result of this application might prove unfavorable to their claim of jurisdiction, were solicitous to secure to themselves the property of the lands in question. Ac- cordingly, the proposed line of townships being surveyed, ' preten- ' ces were encouraged and even sought after, to entitle persons to ' be grantees." The descendants of the officers and soldiers, who had been employed in expeditions against the Narraganset Indians,* and against Canada, f in the preceding century, were admitted ;
(1) Mass. Records. (2) N. II. Records. (3) Hutch. ii. 331.
* [Seven townships were finally granted to the officers and soldiers living, and the heirs of those deceased, who were in the Narraganset war of 1675 and 1676. Two of the townships are within the present limits of New-Hampshire, viz. Amherst, which was called Souhegan-West, until incorporated in 1760, and Merrimack, called Souhegan-East, until 1746.]
t [" Nine townships were granted to the heirs of the militia or soldiers, who went against Canada, Anno 1690, and were called Canada Townships." Douglass, Summary, i. 424. Six of these townships were in New-Hampshire,
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1726.
and the survivors of the late Captain Lovewell's company, with the heirs of the deceased, had a select tract granted to them at Suncook.1 There was an appearance of gratitude in making these grants, and there would have been policy in it, had the grantees been able to comply with the conditions. New-Hampshire fol- lowed the example, and made grants of the townships of 1727. Epsom, Chichester, Barnstead, Canterbury, Gilmanton May 18, and Bow. All these, excepting the last, were undoubtedly 20. within their limits ; but the grant of Bow interfered with the grants which Massachusetts had made, at Penacook and Sun- cook, and gave rise to a litigation, tedious, expensive, and of forty years continuance.
These tracts of land granted by both provinces were too nu- merous and extensive. It was impracticable to fulfil the conditions, on which the grants were made. Had the same liberal policy prevailed here as in Pennsylvania, and had the importation of emigrants from abroad been encouraged, the country might have been soon filled with inhabitants ; but the people of Londonderry were already looked upon with a jealous eye, and a farther intru- sion of strangers was feared, lest they should prove a burden and charge to the community. People could not be spared from the old towns. Penacook was almost the only settlement which was effected by emigrants from Massachusetts .* A small beginning
(1) Mass. Records.
viz. 1. Canada to Beverly; 2. Canada to Salem (now Lyndeborough) ; 3. Canada to Ipswich, all which were situated on Piscataquog, or its branches ; 4. Canada to Rowley (now Rindge) ; 5. Canada to Gallop; and 6. Canada to Sylvester.]
* [Penacook was very early visited by the first emigrants. The first notice which I have found of it is in Gov. Winthrop's Hist. N. E. i. 304, from which it appears that so early as 1639, the government of Massachusetts sent men to discover the Merrimack, who reported that they found " some part of it about Penkook to lie more northerly than forty-three and a half." From Felt's Annals of Salem, p. 358, it appears that the people of Salem had a plantation granted to them at Penacook in 1663, but that they had never made a settle- ment there, although some of them had as early as 1674, erected a trading house there. They petitioned the General Court in 1714, that the grant might be confirmed to them, and assigned among other reasons for its con- firmation, that since the grant was first made, they had been embarrassed by Indian wars. It would seem that their petition was not granted, as seven years afterwards, several persons of Haverhill explored the lands in the vicin- ity, and presented a petition to the General Court of Massachusetts, for a tract of land " situated on the river Merrymake, at the lower end of Pena- cook," to contain eight miles square, and in 1725, obtained the grant of a township about seven miles square. The settlement was commenced in 1726, by inhabitants from Haverhill, Andover and Salisbury. In 1733, they were incorporated into a town by the name of Rumford, having settled a minister in 1730. From 1749 to 1763, there existed a violent and perplexing contro- versy between the proprietors of Bow and the inhabitants of Rumford, which was finally decided by the King in Council, 29 December, 1762. On the 17 June, 1765, the charter of the town was granted, by which it received the name of CONCORD. A church was gathered and Rev. Timothy Walker, who graduated at H. C. 1725, was ordained 18 Nov. 1730. He died 2 September, 1782, aged 77. His successors have been Rev. Israel Evans, Rev. Asa M'-
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PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTHI.
1727.]
was made by the New-Hampshire proprietors, at Bow, on Sun- cook river ; but the most of the intermediate country remained uncultivated for many years. Schemes of settlement were indeed continually forming ; meetings of proprietors were frequently held, and an avaricious spirit of speculation in landed property prevailed ; but the real wealth and improvement of the country instead of being promoted was retarded.
On the death of King George I., the assembly, which had sub- sisted five years, was of course dissolved ; and writs for the election of another were issued in the name of George the Second. 1 The long continuance of this assembly was principally Nov. 21. owing to the absence of Governor Shute, in whose administration it commenced ; and the uncertainty of his return or the appoint- ment of a successor. It had been deemed a grievance, and an attempt had been made, in 1724, to limit the duration of assemblies to three years, in conformity to the custom of England. At the meeting of the new assembly, the first business which they Dec. 15. took up was to move for a triennial act. The lieutenant governor was disposed to gratify them. Both houses agreed in framing an act for a triennial assembly, in which the duration of the present assembly was limited to three years, (unless sooner dissolved by the commander in chief) ; writs were to issue fifteen days at least, before a new election ; the qualification of a repre- sentative was declared to be a freehold estate of three hundred pounds value.2 The qualification of an elector was a real estate of fifty pounds, within the town or precinct where the election should be made ; but habitancy was not required in either case. The selectmen of the town, with the moderator of the meeting, were constituted judges of the qualifications of electors, saving an appeal to the house of representatives. This act having been passed, in due form, received the royal approbation, and was the only act which could be called a constitution or form of govern- ment, established by the people of New-Hampshire ; all other- parts of their government being founded on royal commissions and instructions. But this act was defective, in not determining by whom the writs should be issued, and in not describing the places from which representatives should be called, either by name, extent or population. This defect gave birth to a long and bitter controversy, as will be seen hereafter.
The triennial act being passed, the house were disposed to make other alterations in the government. An appeal was allowed in all civil cases from the inferior to the superior court ; if the matter-
(1) N. H. Records. (2) Edition of Laws in 1771, page 166.
Farland, D. D., and Rev. Nathaniel Bouton. A second congregational (uni- tarian) church was organized and Rev. Moses G. Thomas ordained 25 Febru- ary, 1829. The population of Concord in 1767, was 752 ; in 1775, 1052; in 1790, 1747 ; in 1800, 2052 ; in 1810, 2393 ; and in 1820, 2838.]
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1727.
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