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Walter Neale, Captain.
John Pickering, Lieutenant.
Tobias Langdon, Ensign.
Samuel Penhallow, Treasurer. Justices of the Peace.
William Vaughan, Portsmouth.
Richard Martyn, do.
Nathaniel Fryer, do.
Exeter. William Moore, Captain. Samuel Leavitt, Lieutenant. Jonathan Thing, Ensign. Great-Island. [New-Castle.]
Nathaniel Fryer, Captain.
Thomas Cobbet, Lieutenant. Shadrach Walton, Ensign. Hampton. Samuel Sherburne, Captain. Edward Gove, Lieutenant. John Moulton, Ensign.
Civil Officers. John Pickering, Recorder.
John Gerrish, Dover. Robert Wadleigh, Exeter.]
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rish, John Walford and John Love. The governor was instruct- ed to send to the secretary of state, the names of six other per- sons suitable for counsellors. Three were a quorum, but the in- structions were, that nothing should be done unless five were present, except in extraordinary emergencies. Major Vaughan, Nathaniel Weare and Richard Waldron were afterward added to the number.1
The council was composed of men, who, in general, had the confidence of the people ; but Usher was very disagreeable, not only as he had an interest in Allen's claim to the lands, but as he had been one of Sir Edmund Andros's adherents, and an active instrument in the late oppressive government. He arrived with the commission, and took upon him the command, on the thirteenth day of August.2 The people again submitted, with extreme re- luctance, to the unavoidable necessity of being under a govern- ment distinct from Massachusetts.
The year 1692 was remarkable for a great mortality in Ports- mouth and Greenland by the small pox. The infection was brought in bags of cotton from the West-Indies, and there being but few people who were acquainted with it, the patients suffered greatly, and but few recovered.3
CHAPTER X.
The war with the French and Indians, commonly called King William's war.
Ir was the misfortune of this country to have enemies of differ- ent kinds to contend with at the same time. Whilst the changes above related were taking place in their government, a fresh war broke out on their frontiers, which, though ascribed to divers caus- es, was really kindled by the rashness of the same persons who were making havoc of their liberties.
The lands from Penobscot to Nova-Scotia had been ceded to the French, by the treaty of Breda, in exchange for the island of St. Christopher. On these lands, the Baron de St.Castine had for many years resided, and carried on a large trade with the Indians, with whom he was intimately connected ; having several of their women, besides a daughter of the sachem Madokawando, for his wives.4 The lands which had been granted by the crown of Eng- land to the duke of York (now King James the Second) interfered with Castine's plantation, as the duke claimed to the river St. Croix. A fort had been built by his order at Pemaquid, and a
(1) MS. Copy of Com. &c. Council minutes. (2) Council minutes .- (3) MS. Letter. (4) Hutch. coll. papers, p. 548.
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garrison stationed there to prevent any intrusion on his property. In 1686, a ship belonging to Pascataqua landed some wines at Penobscot, supposing it to be within the French territory. Palm- er and West, the duke's agents at Pemaquid, went and seized the wines ; but by the influence of the French ambassador in Eng- land, an order was obtained for the restoration of them. Here- upon, a new line was run which took Castine's plantation into the duke's territory. In the spring of 1688, Andros went in the Rose frigate, and plundered Castine's house and fort ; leaving
only the ornaments of his chapel to console him for the 1688. loss of his arms and goods. This base action provoked Castine to excite the Indians to a new war, pretences for which were not wanting on their part.1 They complained that the tribute of corn which had been promised by the treaty of 1678, had been with- holden ; that the fishery of the river Saco had been obstructed by seines ; that their standing corn had been devoured by cattle be- longing to the English ; that their lands at Pemaquid had been patented without their consent; and that they had been fraudu- lently dealt with in trade. Some of these complaints were doubt- less well grounded ; but none of them were ever inquired into or redressed.
They began to make reprisals at North-Yarmouth by killing cattle. Justice Blackman* ordered sixteen of them to be seized and kept under guard at Falmouth ; but others continued to rob and captivate the inhabitants: Andros, who pretended to treat the Indians with mildness, commanded those whom Blackman had seized to be set at liberty. But this mildness had not the desired effect ; the Indians kept their prisoners, and murdered some of them in their barbarous frolics. Andros then changed his meas- ures, and thought to frighten them, with an army of seven hun- dred men, which he led into their country in the month of No- vember. The rigor of the season proved fatal to some of his men ; but he never saw an Indian in his whole march. The enemy were quiet during the winter.
After the revolution, the gentlemen who assumed the govern- ment took some precautions to prevent the renewal of hos- tilities. They sent messengers and presents to several 1689. tribes of Indians, who answered them with fair promises ; but their prejudice against the English was too inveterate to be allay- ed by such means as these.2
Thirteen years had almost elapsed since the seizure of the four hundred Indians, at Cochecho, by Major Waldron ; during all
(1) Hutch. coll. pap. p. 562. (2) Hutchinson, Neal and Mather.
* [Benjamin Blackman graduated at Harvard College in 1663 ; was some- time a preacher at Malden, which place he left about 1678, and went to Saco. Mather, ii. Magnalia, 508. Hutchinson, i. Hist. Mass. 326. Folsom, MS. Hist. Saco.]
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which time, an inextinguishable thirst of revenge had been cher- ished among them, which never till now found opportunity for gratification .* Wonolanset, one of the sachems of Penacook, who was dismissed with his people at the time of the seizure, al- ways observed his father's dying charge not to quarrel with the English ; but Hagkins, another sachem, who had been treated with neglect by Cranfield, was more ready to listen to the seduc- ing invitations of Castine's emissaries. Some of those Indians, who were then seized and sold into slavery abroad, had found their way home, and could not rest till they had revenge.+ Accor- dingly, a confederacy being formed between the tribes of Penacook and Pequawket, and the strange Indians (as they were called) who were incorporated with them, it was determined to surprise the major and his neighbors, among whom they had all this time been peaceably conversant.
In that part of the town of Dover, which lies about the first falls in the river Cochecho, were five garrisoned houses ; three on the north side, viz. Waldron's, Otis's and Heard's ; and two on the south side, viz. Peter Coffin's and his son's. These houses were surrounded with timber-walls, the gates of which, as well as the house doors, were secured with bolts and bars. The neighboring families retired to these houses by night ; but by an unaccounta- ble negligence, no watch was kept. The Indians, who were daily passing through the town, visiting and trading with the inhabitants, as usual in time of peace, viewed their situation with an attentive eye. Some hints of a mischievous design had been given out by their squaws ; but in such dark and ambiguous terms, that no one could comprehend their meaning. Some of the people were un- easy ; but Waldron, who, from a long course of experience, was intimately acquainted with the Indians, and on other occasions had been ready enough to suspect them, was now so thoroughly secure,
* The inveteracy of their hatred to Major Waldron, on account of that transaction, appears from what is related by Mr. Williams in the narrative of his captivity, which happened in 1704. When he was in Canada, a jesuit discoursing with him on the causes of their wars with New-England, " justi- " fied the Indians in what they did against us ; rehearsing some things done " by Major Waldron above 30 years ago, and how justly God retaliated " them." Page 18.
t [In the corrected copy of the author, the following note is inserted. " A vessel carried away a great number of our surprised Indians in the time of our Wars, to sell them for slaves, but the nations whither they went would not buy them. Finally, they were left at Tangier, where they be, so many as live, or are born there. An Englishman, a Mason, came thence to Boston. He told me they desire that I would use some means for their return home. I know not what to do in it, but now it is in my heart to move your honour, so to mediate, that they may have leave to get home, either from thence hith- er, or from thence to England, and so to get home. If the Lord shall please to move your charitable heart therein, I shall be obliged in great thankfulness, and am persuaded that Christ will at the great day reckon it among your deeds of charity done to them for his name's sake." Letter from Rev. John Eliot, of Roxbury to Hon. Robert Boyle, Nov. 27, 1683, in Birch's Life of Boyle, p. 440.]
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that when some of the people hinted their fears to him, he merri- ly bade them to go and plant their pumpkins, saying that be would tell them when the Indians would break out. The very evening before the mischief was done, being told by a young man that the town was full of Indians and the people were much concern- ed ; he answered that he knew the Indians very well and there was no danger.
The plan which the Indians had preconcerted was, that two squaws should go to each of the garrisoned houses in the evening, and ask leave to lodge by the fire ; that in the night when the people were asleep, they should open the doors and gates, and give the signal by a whistle ; upon which, the strange Indians, who were to be within hearing, should rush in, and take their long meditated revenge. This plan being ripe for execution, on the evening of Thursday, the twenty-seventh of June, two squaws applied to each of the garrisons for lodging, as they frequently did in time of peace. They were admitted into all but the young- er Coffin's, and the people, at their request, shewed them how to open the doors, in case they should have occasion to go out in the night. Mesandowit, one of their chiefs, went to Waldron's gar- rison, and was kindly entertained, as he had often been before. The squaws told the major, that a number of Indians were com- ing to trade with him the next day, and Mesandowit while at sup- per, with his usual familiarity, said, ' Brother Waldron, what ' would you do if the strange Indians should come ?' The major carelessly answered, that he could assemble an hundred men, by lifting up his finger. In this unsuspecting confidence, the family retired to rest.
When all was quiet, the gates were opened, and the signal was given. The Indians entered, set a guard at the door, and rushed into the major's apartment, which was an inner room. Awaken- ed by the noise, lie jumped out of bed, and though now advanced in life to the age of eighty years, he retained so much vigor as to drive them with his sword, through two or three doors ; but as he was returning for his other arms, they came behind him, stunned him with a hatchet, drew him into his hall, and seating him in an elbow chair, on a long table, insultingly asked him, " Who shall " judge Indians now?" They then obliged the people in the house to get them some victuals ; and when they had done eating, they cut the major across the breast and belly with knives, each one with a stroke, saying, " I cross out my account." They then cut off his nose and ears, forcing them into his mouth ; and when spent with the loss of blood, he was falling down from the table, one of them held his own sword under him, which put an end to his misery. They also killed his son in law Abraham Lee :* but
* [Abraham Lee was a chymist and probably the first in New-Hampshire. He seemed to have made some trial of his skill in 1685, as the records of the
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1689.
took his daughter Lee with several others, and having pillaged the house, left it on fire. Otis's garrison, which was next to the major's, met with the same fate ; he was killed, with several others, and his wife and child were captivated. Heard's was saved by the barking of a dog just as the Indians were entering : Elder Went- worth, t who was awakened by the noise, pushed them out, and falling on his back, set his feet against the gate and held it till he had alarmed the people ; two balls were fired through it, but both missed him. Coffin's house was surprized, but as the Indians had no particular enmity to him, they spared his life, and the lives of his family, and contented themselves with pillaging the house .- Finding a bag of money, they made him throw it by handfuls on the floor, whilst they amused themselves in scrambling for it. They then went to the house of his son who would not admit the squaws in the evening, and summoned him to surrender, promis- ing him quarter. He declined their offer, and determined to de- fend his house, till they brought out his father and threatened to kill him before his eyes. Filial affection then overcame his reso- lution, and he surrendered. They put both families together into a deserted house, intending to reserve them for prisoners ; but whilst the Indians were busy in plundering, they all escaped.
Twenty-three people were killed in this surprisal, and twenty- nine were captivated ; five or six houses, with the mills, were burned ; and so expeditious were the Indians in the execution of their plot, that before the people could be collected from the other parts of the town to oppose them, they fled with their prisoners and booty. As they passed by Heard's garrison in their retreat, they fired upon it ; but the people being prepared and resolved to defend it, and the enemy being in haste, it was preserved. The preservation of its owner was more remarkable.
Elizabeth Heard, with her three sons and a daughter, and some others, were returning in the night from Portsmouth. They pass- ed up the river in their boat unperceived by the Indians, who were then in possession of the houses ; but suspecting danger by the noise which they heard, after they had landed they betook themselves to Waldron's garrison, where they saw lights, which they imagined were set up for direction to those who might be
Quarter Sessions show that he was indicted for coining that year, but " the grand jury having found upon the bill of indictment, ignoramus," he was discharged, " paying the fees." He married Hester Elkins, 21 June, 1686, and she was probably the daughter of major Waldron named in the text.]
* [The note on Elder Wentworth is transferred from the Appendix to the first volume of the first edition, to this place. " William Wentworth was one of the first settlers of Exeter, and after the breaking up of their combination for government, he removed to Dover, and became a ruling elder in the church there. In 1689, he was remarkably instrumental of saving Heard's garrison, as is related in the proper place. After this, he officiated several years as a preacher at Exeter, and other places, and died at a very advanced age at Dover, in 1697, leaving a numerous posterity. From him the several governors of that name are descended. He was a very useful and good man."}
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seeking a refuge. They knocked and begged earnestly for ad- mission ; but no answer being given, a young man of the compa- ny climbed up the wall, and saw to his inexpressible surprise, an Indian standing in the door of the house, with his gun. The wo- man was so overcome with the fright that she was unable to fly ; but begged her children to shift for themselves ; and they with heavy hearts, left her. When she had a little recovered, she crawled into some bushes, and lay there till day-light. She then perceived an Indian coming toward her with a pistol in his hand ; he looked at her and went away ; returning, he looked at her a- gain ; and she asked him what he would have ; he made no an- swer, but ran yelling to the house, and she saw him no more .- She kept her place till the house was burned, and the Indians were gone ; and then returning home, found her own house safe. Her preservation in these dangerous circumstances was more re- markable, if (as it is supposed) it was an instance of justice and gratitude in the Indians. For at the time when the four hun- dred were seized in 1676, a young Indian escaped and took refuge in her house, where she concealed him ; in return for which kindness he promised her that he would never kill her, nor any of her family in any future war, and that he would use his influence with the other Indians to the same purpose. This Indian was one of the party who surprised the place, and she was well known to the most of them .*
The same day, after the mischief was done, a letter from Sec- retary Addington, written by order of the government, directed to Major Waldron, giving him notice of the intention of the In- dians to surprise him under pretence of trade, fell into the hands of his son. This design was communicated to Governor Brad- street by Major Hinchman of Chelmsford, who had learned it of the Indians.+1 The letter was despatched from Boston, the day before, by Mr. Weare ; but some delay which he met with at Newbury ferry prevented its arrival in season.
The prisoners taken at this time were mostly carried to Cana- da, and sold to the French; and these, as far as I can learn, were the first that ever were carried thither .¿ The Indians had
(1) Mass. Records. Original Letter.
* [Elizabeth Heard was the widow of John Heard, and, according to Math- er, ii. Magnalia, 512, was the " daughter of Mr. Hull, a reverend minister, formerly living at Pascataqua." She had five sons, viz. Benjamin. born in 1644; John, born 1659; Joseph, born 1661; Samuel, born 1663; Tristram, born 1667, and five daughters. Tristram was killed by the Indians as will be seen under the year 1723.]
t [The letter of Major Hinchman, dated 22 June, is published in the Coll'. of the N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 222, 223.]
# One of these prisoners was Sarah Gerrish, a remarkably fine child of sev- en years old, and grand-daughter of Major Waldron, in whose house she lodged that fatal night. Some circumstances attending her captivity are truly affecting. When she was awakened by the noise of the Indians in the'
19
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HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
[1689.
been seduced to the French interest by popish emissaries, who had began to fascinate them with their religious and national prej- udices. They had now learned to call the English heretics, and that to extirpate them as such was meritorious in the sight of heaven. When their minds were filled with religious phrensy, they became more bitter and implacable enemies than before ; and finding the sale of scalps and prisoners turn to good account in Canada, they had still farther incitement to continue their dep- redations, and prosecute their vengeance.
The necessity of vigorous measures was now so pressing, that parties were immediately dispatched, one under Captain Noyes to Penacook, where they destroyed the corn, but the Indians escap- ed ; another from Pascataqua, under Captain Wincol,* to Winni-
house, she crept into another bed and hid herself under the clothes to escape their search. She remained in their hands till the next winter, and was sold from one to another for several times. An Indian girl once pushed her into a river ; but, catching by the bushes, she escaped drowning, yet durst not tell how she came to be wet. Once she was so weary with travelling that she did not awake in the morning till the Indians were gone, and then found her- self alone in the woods, covered with snow, and without any food ; having found their tracks she went crying after them till they heard her and took her with them. At another time they kindled a great fire, and the young Indians told her she was to be roasted. She burst into tears, threw her arms round her master's neck, and begged him to save her, which he promised to do if she would behave well. Being arrived in Canada, she was bought by the Inten- dant's lady, who treated her courteously, and sent her to a nunnery for edu- cation. But when Sir William Phips was at Quebec she was exchanged, and returned to her friends, with whom she lived till she was sixteen years old.
The wife of Richard Otis was taken at the same time, with an infant daughter of three months old. The French priests took this child under their care, baptised her by the name of Christina, and educated her in the Romish religion. She passed some time in a nunnery, but declined taking the veil, and was married to a Frenchman, by whom she had two children. But her desire to see New-England was so strong, that upon an exchange of prison- ers in 1714, being then a widow, she left both her children, who were not permitted to come with her, and returned home, where she abjured the Rom ish faith. M. Siguenot, her former confessor, wrote her a flattering letter, warning her of her danger, inviting her to return to the bosom of the catholic church, and repeating many gross calumnies which had formerly been vented against Luther and the other reformers. This letter being shown to Govern- or Burnet, he wrote her a sensible and masterly answer, refuting the argu- ments, and detecting the falsehoods it contained : Both these letters were printed. She was married afterward to Capt. Thomas Baker, who had been taken at Deerfield in 1704, and lived in Dover, where she was born, till the year 1773.
Mr. John Emerson, by declining to lodge at Major Waldron's on the fatal night, though strongly urged, met with an happy escape. He was afterward a minister at New-Castle and Portsmouth. [The Mr. John Emerson who de- clined to lodge at Major Waldron's on the 27 June, 1689, according to Mather, ii. Magnalia, 511, was " a worthy minister at Berwick," and could not have been the future minister at New-Castle and Portsmouth, as he had not at this time graduated at college. Alden, both in his Collection of Epitaphs and in his Account of Religious Societies in Portsmouth, has fallen into the same error in considering the minister of New-Castle and Portsmouth as the one, who "met with an happy escape by declining to lodge at Major Waldron's."]
* * Some of the circumstances relating to the destruction of Cochecho are taken from Mather's Magnalia. The others from the tradition of the suffer- ers and their descendants.
* [Captain John Wincol belonged to Kittery, which he represented in the General Court of Massachusetts six years, the last time in 1678.]
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piseogee, whither the Indians had retired, as John Church, who had been taken at Cochecho and escaped from them, reported : one or two Indians were killed there, and their corn was cut down. But these excursions proved of small service, as the Indians had little to lose, and could find a home wherever they could find game and fish.
In the month of August, Major Swaine, with seven or eight companies raised by the Massachusetts government, marched to the eastward ; and Major Church, with another party, consisting of English and Indians, from the colony of Plymouth, soon fol- lowed them. Whilst these forces were on their march, the In- dians, who lay in the woods about Oyster river, observed how many men belonged to Huckin's garrison ; and seeing them all go out one morning to work, nimbly ran between them and the house, and killed them all, (being in number eighteen) except one who had passed the brook. They then attacked the house, in which were only two boys, (one of whom was lame) with some women and children. The boys kept them off for some time and wound- ed several of them. At length, the Indians set the house on fire, and even then the boys would not surrender, till they had proinis- ed them to spare their lives. They perfidiously murdered three or four of the children ; one of them was set on a sharp stake, in the view of its distressed mother, who, with the other women and the boys, were carried captive. One of the boys escaped the next day. Captain Garner with his company pursued the enemy, but did not come up with them.
The Massachusetts and Plymouth companies proceeded to the eastward, settled garrisons in convenient places, and had some skirmishes with the enemy at Casco and Blue Point. On their return, Major Swaine sent a party of the Indian auxiliaries under Lieutenant Flagg toward Winnipiseogee, to make discoveries .- These Indians held a consultation in their own language ; and having persuaded their lieutenant with two men to return, nineteen of them tarried out eleven days longer ; in which time, they found the enemy, staid with them two nights, and informed then of ev- ery thing which they desired to know ; upon which, the enemy retired to their inaccessible deserts ; the forces returned without finding them, and in November, were disbanded.1
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