USA > New Hampshire > The history of New-Hampshire > Part 31
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ing houses, 606 one story ditto, and 16,434 acres of improved land. This view of the province embraced the towns of Portsmouth, Greenland, Hampton, Hampton-Falls, Dover, Durham, Somersworth, Exeter, Newmarket, New- Castle, Stratham, Kingston, Newington and Londonderry. The remaining ten townships had been granted but a few years and some of them had not been settled. We have no data in our records by which the number of polls, houses, and acres of improved lands in the remaining towns, can be estimated.
1732. Durham, formerly called Oyster River, was incorporated 15 May this year. The act passed the assembly 13 May, and received the signature of Governor Belcher on the 15th.]
* [1733. The Plains in the S. W. part of Portsmouth, agreeably to their petition signed by 72 persons, was set off as a parish 9 March, 1733. It then contained 80 families besides the families of six widows, 108 ratable polls and 450 souls. They had seven years before erected a meeting house, and from the month of February, 1725, to March, 1727, had defrayed the charge of con- stant preaching, paying also their full proportion for the support of the gospel ministry at the Bank at the same time. MS. Petition among the Waldron papers in secretary's office.
The towns of Amherst and Boscawen were granted this year, and settled in 1734. The settlement of the first was commenced by Samuel Walton and Samuel Lampson, from Massachusetts. Others followed from the county of Essex, so that in 1741, there were fourteen families settled there. A church was gathered 22 September, 1741, and on the next day, Rev. Daniel Wilkins was ordained. He died 11 February, 1784, aged 72. The town was called Souhegan-West until it was incorporated by N. HI., 18 January, 1760. See Hist. Sketch of Amherst, 8vo. pp. 35, published in 1820. Boscawen was
231
PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHIER.
1733.]
The governor frequently complained, in his speeches, that the public debts were not paid ; nor the fort, prison, and other public buildings kept in repair ; because of their failure in supply- ing the treasury. The true reason of their not supplying 1734. it was, that they wanted emissions of paper money, to be drawn in, at distant periods. To this, the governor could not consent, being restrained by a royal instruction, as well as in principle, op- posed to all such practices. But one emission of paper was made in his administration ; and for its redemption a fund was establish- ed in hemp, iron, and other productions of the country. When a number of merchants and others had combined to issue notes, to supply the place of a currency, he issued a proclamation against them ; and in his next speech to the assembly, condemned them in very severe terms. The assembly endeavored to vindicate the character of the bills ; but in a few days he dissolved them, with a reprimand ; charging them with trifling, with injustice and hypoc- risy. It must be remembered, that his complaints of an empty treasury were not occasioned by any failure of his own salary, which was regularly paid out of the excise.
Belcher revived the idea of his predecessor, Shute, which was also countenanced by his instructions, that he was virtually pres- ent in New-Hampshire, when personally absent, and attending his duty, in his other province ; and therefore, that the lieutenant- governor could do nothing but by his orders. Dunbar had no seat in the council, and Shadrach Walton being senior member, by the governor's order, summoned them and presided. He also hield the command of the fort, by the governor's commission, granted passes for ships, and licenses for marriage ; and received and executed military orders, as occasion required. The lieu- tenant-governor contested this point ; but could not prevail ; and finding himself reduced to a state of insignificance, he retired in disgust, to his fort at Pemaquid ; where he resided almost two years. The governor's friends gave out that he had absconded for debt, and affected to triumph over the opposition, as poor and impotent ; but their complaints, supported by their agent Thom- linson, and the influence of Bladen at the board of trade, made an impression there much to the disadvantage of Mr. Belcher ; though he had friends among the ministry and nobility ; the prin- cipal of whom was Lord Townsend, by whose influence he had obtained his commission.
After Dunbar's return to Portsmouth, the governor thought it good policy to relax his severity ; and gave him the command of the fort, with the ordinary perquisites of office, amounting to about
granted to 91 proprietors, who gave to it the name of Contoocook, its original Indian name. The settlement commenced early in the year 1734, by people from Newbury and the adjacent towns. It was incorporated by N. H. 22 April, 1760, when from an English admiral, it received the name of Boscawen. See Rev. Mr. Price's History of Boscawen, 8vo. pp. 116, Concord, 1823.]
232
HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
[1734.
fifty pounds sterling. Not content with this, he complained, that the governor did not allow him one third of his salary. The gov- ernor's salary was but six hundred pounds currency ; he spent at least one hundred, in every journey to New-Hampshire, of which he made two in a year. At the same time, Dunbar had two hun- dred pounds sterling, as surveyor general of the woods ; which, with the perquisites, amounting to one hundred more, were divided between him and his deputies. But it must be re- membered that he was deeply in debt, both here and in England.
The rigid execution of the office of surveyor general had al- ways been attended with difficulty ; and the violent manner, in which Dunbar proceeded with trespassers, raised a spirit of oppo- sition on such occasions. The statutes for the preservation of the woods empowered the surveyor to seize all logs, cut from white pine trees, without license ; and it rested on the claimant, to prove his property, in the court of admiralty. Dunbar went to the saw mills ; where he seized and marked large quantities of lumber ; and with an air and manner to which he had been accustomed in his military capacity, abused and threatened the people. That class of men, with whom he was disposed to contend, are not ea- sily intimidated with high words ; and he was not a match for them, in that species of controversy, which they have denomina- ted swamp law. An instance of this happened at Dover, whither he came, with his boat's crew, to remove a parcel of boards, which he had seized. The owner, Paul Gerrish, warned him of the consequence : Dunbar threatened with death the first man who should obstruct his intentions : the same threat was returned to the first man who should remove the boards. Dunbar's prudence at this time, got the better of his courage, and he retired.
With the like spirit, an attempt of the same kind was frustrated at Exeter, whither he sent a company in a boat to remove lum- ber. Whilst his men were regaling themselves at a public house, in the evening, and boasting of what they intended to do the next day ; a number of persons, disguised like Indians, attacked and beat them ; whilst others cut the rigging and sails of the boat, and made a hole in her bottom. The party not finding themselves safe in the house, retreated to the boat, and pushed off; but being there in danger of sinking, they with difficulty regained the shore, and hid themselves till morning, when they returned on foot to Portsmouth.
This was deemed a flagrant insult. Dunbar summoned the council, and complained to them of the riotous proceedings at Exeter, where there was ' a conspiracy against his life, by Apr. 26. ' evil minded persons, who had hired Indians to destroy ' him.' He proposed to the council, the issuing of a proclama- tion, offering a reward to apprehend the rioters. The major part of the council were of opinion, that no proclamation could be is-
1
1734.]
PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER.
233
sued but by the governor .* Information being sent to the gov- ernor, he issued a proclamation ; commanding all magistrates to assist in discovering the rioters.
This transaction afforded matter for complaint, and a memorial was drawn up by Thomlinson, grounded on letters which he had received. It was suggested, that the governor's pretence to favor the surveyor was deceitful ; that the rioters at Exeter were his greatest friends ; that the council, wholly devoted to him, would not advise to a proclamation till they had sent to Boston ; that the proclamation was delayed ; and when it appeared offered no re- ward ; though Dunbar had proposed to pay the money himself ; and, that by reason of this delay and omission, the rioters escaped with impunity.1
In justice to Mr. Belcher, it must by said, that there was no delay on his part, the proclamation being sent from Boston within six days. It also appears, from the secret and confidential letters of the governor, that he disapproved the riot, and even called it , rebellion ; that he gave particular orders to the magistrates, to make inquiry, and take depositions, and do their utmost to discover the rioters. If he did not advertise a reward, it was because there was no money in the treasury ; and if Dunbar had been sincere in his offer to pay it, he might have promised it, by ad- vertisement. The true reason that the rioters were not discovered, was, that their plan was so artfully conducted, their persons so effectually disguised, and their confidence in each other so well placed, that no proof could be obtained ; and the secret remained with themselves, till the danger was over, and the government had passed into other hands.
A law had been made, for holding the inferior court of common pleas, alternately in each of the four old towns ; and the practice had been continued for several years, much to the convenience and satisfaction of the people ; but Dunbar remonstrated against it, to the board of trade, and moved for a disallowance of the act, be- cause the people who had obstructed him in his office deserved not so much favor. The act was in consequence disallow- 1735. ed, and the courts were afterward confined to Portsmouth.
The order for disallowance, came to the hands of Dunbar, who called a meeting of the council, that they might advise to its pub- lication. A majority of them would not consent, till the original
(1) MS. letters.
* This was also the governor's opinion ; and in his letters he frequently asserts that Dunbar had no command in New-Hampshire whilst he was in either of his governments. To be consistent, he should have maintained, that the lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts had no command whilst he was in New-Hampshire ; but there occurs an instance of a proclamation issued by Lieutenant Governor Phips, (March 25, 1737) on occasion of a riot at Bos- ton, whilst the governor was in New-Hampshire ; and at his return, he issued another, in which he refers to the former, not only without censuring it, but in terms of approbation.
32
234
HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
[1735.
order was sent to Boston, and Governor Belcher directed the
June 13. publication of it. This transaction served as matter of
fresh complaint, and was alleged as an argument for the appointment of a governor, who should reside constantly in the province.
To finish what relates to Dunbar. He was caressed by the party in opposition to Belcher, under the idea that he had interest enough in England, to obtain a commission for the government of New-Hampshire. In 1737, he went to England to prosecute his design ; where, by his old creditors, he was arrested and thrown into prison. Thomlinson found means to liberate him ; but per- ceived that he had neither steadiness nor ability for the station at which he aimed, nor interest enough to obtain it ; though, by his presence in England, he served to keep up the opposition to Bel- cher, and was used as a tool for that purpose, till the object was accomplished.1 After which, he was (1743) appointed, by the East India Company, governor of St. Helena.
The trade of the province at this time consisted chiefly in the exportation of lumber and fish to Spain and Portugal, and the Caribbee Islands. The mast trade was wholly confined to Great Britain. In the winter, small vessels went to the southern colo- nies, with English and West-India goods, and returned with corn and pork. The manufacture of iron within the province, which had been set up by the late Lieutenant Governor Wentworth, and other gentlemen, lay under discouragement, for want of experi- enced and industrious workmen. The woollen manufacture was diminished, and sheep were scarcer than formerly ; the com- mon lands on which they used to feed, being fenced in by the proprietors.2 The manufacture of linen was much increased by means of the emigrants from Ireland, who were skilled in that business. No improvements were made in agriculture, and the newly granted townships were not cultivated with spirit or success.
There had not been any settled episcopal church in the prov- ince from the beginning, till about the year 1732; when some gentlemen who were fond of the mode of divine worship, in the church of England, contributed to the erection of a neat building on a commanding eminence, in Portsmouth, which they called the queen's chapel. Mr. Thomlinson was greatly instrumental of procuring them assistance in England, toward completing and furnishing it. It was consecrated in 1734 ; and in 1736 they ob- tained Mr. Arthur Brown for their minister, with a salary from the society for propagating the gospel in foreign parts.
About this time, the country was visited with a new epidemic disease, which has obtained the name of the throat distemper.
(1) Thomlinson's letters, MS. (2) Belcher's letters to the board of trade, MS.
235
PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER.
1735.]
The general description of it was a swelled throat, with white or ash-colored specks, an efflorescence on the skin, great debility of the whole system, and a strong tendency to putridity. Its first appearance was in May, 1735, at Kingston, in New-Hampshire, an inland town, situate on'a low plain. The first person seized, was a child,* who died in three days. About a week after, in another family, at the distance of four miles, three children were successively attacked, who also died on the third day. It contin- ued spreading gradually, in that township, through the summer, and of the first forty who had it, none recovered.1 In August, it began to make its appearance at Exeter, six miles north-east- ward; and in September, at Boston,¡ fifty miles southward, though it was October, before it reached Chester, the nearest settlement on the west of Kingston. It continued its ravages through the succeeding winter and spring, and did not disappear till the end of the next summer.
The most who died of this pestilence, were children ; and the distress, which it occasioned, was heightened to the most poignant degree. From three to six children were lost out of some fam- ilies. Several buried four in a day, and many lost their all. In some towns, one in three, and in others one in four of the sick were carried off. In the parish of Hampton-Falls, it raged most violently. Twenty families buried all their children. Twenty- seven persons were lost out of five families ; and more than one sixth part of the inhabitants of that place died within thirteen months. In the whole province, not less than one thousand per- sons, of whom above nine hundred were under twenty years of age, fell victims to this raging distemper.
Since the settlement of this country, such a mortality had not been known. It was observed, that the distemper proved most fatal, when plentiful evacuations, particularly bleeding, were used ; a great prostration of strength being an invariable symptom. The
(1) Douglass's practical history of a new miliary fever. Fitch's Narrative.
* [Abigail Gilman, according to the late Mr. Welch, of Bow, who then lived in Kingston.]
t On its first appearance in Boston, it was supposed to be nothing more than a common cold ; but when the report of the mortality in New-Hampshire was received, and a young man from Exeter, whose brother had died of it, was seized (October 1735) the house was shut and guarded, and a general alarm spread through the neighboring towns and colonies. Upon his death, no infection was observed in that house or neighborhood ; but the distemper appeared in other places, which had no communication with the sick. The physicians did not take the infection, nor convey it to their families, nor their other patients. It was therefore concluded, that it was not like the small pox, or the plague, communicable by infection, from the sick or from clothes ; and the physicians, having by desire of the selectmen, held a consultation, pub- lished their opinion ; that it proceeded entirely from 'some occult quality in the air.' Weekly News Letter, April 20, 1736.
Dr. Douglass computes the number of persons who had the distemper in Boston at 4000 ; of whom 114 died, which is one in 35. The whole number of inhabitants at that time was estimated at 16,000.
236
HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
[1735.
summer of 1735, when the sickness began, was unusually wet and cold, and the easterly wind greatly prevailed. But it was ac- knowledged to be, not ' a creature of the seasons ;' as it raged through every part of the year. Its extent is said to have been ' from Pemaquid to Carolina ;' but with what virulence it raged, or in what measure it proved fatal to the southward of New-Eng- land, does not appear.
The same distemper has made its appearance at various times since. In 1754 and 1755, it produced a great mortality in several parts of New-Hampshire, and the neighboring parts of Massa- chusetts. Since that time it has either put on a milder form, or physicians have become better acquainted with it. The last time of its general spreading was in 1784, 5, 6 and 7. It was first seen at Sanford in the county of York; and thence diffused it- self, very slowly, through most of the towns of New-England ; but its virulence, and the mortality which it caused, were com- paratively inconsiderable. ' Its remote, or predisposing cause, ' is one of those mysteries in nature, which baffle human inqui- ry.'1 *
(1) Dr. Hall Jackson's observations, 1786.
* The following Table, drawn from an account published by Mr. Fitch, minister of Portsmouth, July 26, 1736, is a Bill of Mortality for 14 months pre- ceding.
TOWNS.
Under 10.
8 8 9 0 1 10 to 20.
1 9 4 1634 Above 20.
Above 30.
as Above 40.
Above 90.
Total.
Hampton,
37
1
1
55
Hampton-Falls,
160
40
1
210
Exeter,
105
18
127
New-Castle,
11
11
Gosport,
34
2
1
37
Rye,
34
10
44
Greenland,
13
2
3
18
Newington,
16
5
21
Newmarket,
20
1
1
22
Stratham,
18
18
Kingston,
96
15
1
1
113
Durham,
79
15
6
100
Chester,
21
21
802
139
35
4
3
1
984
Portsmouthı,
15
Dover,
77
88
After this account was taken, ' several other children' died of the throat distemper. In the town of Hampton, 13 more within the year 1736. So that the whole number must have exceeded a thousand. In the town of Kittery, in the county of York, died 122.
It appears also, from the church records of Hampton, that from January 1754, to July 1755, fifty-one persons died of the same distemper, in that town.
.
PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER.
237
CHAPTER XVII.
State of parties. Controversy about lines. Commissioners appointed. Their session and result. Appeals. Complaints.
WE have now come to that part of the history of New-Hamp- shire, in which may be seen, operating in a smaller sphere, the same spirit of intrigue which has frequently influenced the conduct of princes, and determined the fate of nations. Whilst on the one hand, we see Massachusetts stiffly asserting her chartered claims ; and looking with contempt, on the small province of New- Hampshire, over which she had formerly exercised jurisdiction ; we shall see, on the other hand, New-Hampshire aiming at an equal rank, and contending with her for a large portion of terri- tory ; not depending solely on argument ; but seeking her refuge in the royal favor, and making interest with the servants of the crown. Had the controversy been decided by a court of law, the claims of Massachusetts would have had as much weight as those of an individual, in a case of private property ; but the question being concerning a line of jurisdiction, it was natural to expect a decision, agreeable to the rules of policy and con- venience ; especially where the tribunal itself was a party con- cerned.
It must be observed, that the party in New-Hampshire, who were so earnestly engaged in the establishment of the boundary lines, had another object in view, to which this was subordinate. Their avowed intention was to finish a long controversy, which had proved a source of inconvenience to the people who resided on the disputed lands, or those who sought an interest in them ; but their secret design was to displace Belcher, and obtain a gov- ernor who should have no connexion with Massachusetts. To accomplish the principal, it was necessary that the subordinate ob- ject should be vigorously pursued. The government of New- Hampshire, with a salary of six hundred pounds, and perquisites amounting to two hundred pounds more, equal in the whole to about eight hundred dollars per annum, was thought to be not worthy the attention of any gentleman ; but if the lines could be extended on both sides, there would be at once an increase of territory, and a prospect of speculating in landed property ; and in future, there would be an increase of cultivation, and consequently of ability to support a governor.
The people were told that the lands would be granted to them ; and by this bait they were induced to favor the plan ; whilst the ministry in England, were flattered with the idea, of an increase of crown influence in the plantations.
238
HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
The leading men in Massachusetts were aware of the views of those in New-Hampshire, and determined to guard against them. They presumed, that a line of jurisdiction would not affect prop- erty ; and therefore endeavored to secure the lands to themselves, by possession and improvement, as far as it was practicable. The same idea prevailed among the governor's friends in New-Hamp- shire. They perceived, that a tract of wilderness on the northi eastern side of Merrimack river, and the ponds which flow into it, must doubtless fall into New-Hampshire. For these lands they petitioned the governor, and a charter was prepared, in which this whole tract, called King's-Wood, was granted to them. It contained all the lands not before granted, between the bounds of New-Hampshire on the south-west and north-east ; which, according to the ideas of those concerned, would have been suffi- cient for about four large townships.
Governor Belcher had a difficult part to act. He was at the head of two rival provinces ; he had friends in both, who were seeking their own as well as the public interest : He had ene- mies in both, who were watching him, eager to lay hold on the most trivial mistake, and magnify it to his disadvantage. His own interest was to preserve his commission, and counteract the mach- inations of his enemies ; but as the settlement of the line, and the removing of him from his office, were carried on at the same time, and by the same persons, it was difficult for him to oppose the latter, without seeming to oppose the former. Besides, Mr. Wilks, the agent of Massachusetts, was well known to be his friend ; and when it was found necessary to increase the number, one of them was his brother, Mr. Partridge. On the other hand, Mr. Rindge and Mr. Thomlinson were his avowed enemies. There was also a difference in the mode of appointing these agents. Those of Massachusetts were constituted by the council and representatives, with the governor's consent. Those of New- Hampshire were chosen by the representatives only, the council nonconcurring in the choice ; which, of course, could not be sanctioned by the governor's signature, nor by the seal of the province.
When the petition which Rindge presented to the king, had been referred to the board of trade, and a copy of it given to 1732. Wilks, to be sent to his constituents, it became necessary
that they should instruct him. Their instructions were designedly expressed in such ambiguous terms, that he was left to guess their meaning, and afterward blamed for not observing their directions. His embarrassment on this occasion, expressed in his petition and counter petition, to the board of trade, protracted the business, and gave it a complexion, unfavorable to his constitu- ents, but extremely favorable to the design of New-Hampshire.1
(1) Hutch. ii. 385. Wilks' petitions and report of board of trade, MS.
239
PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER.
1733.]
'To bring forward the controversy, Parris, the solicitor of the agents of New-Hampshire, moved a question, ' From what ' part of Merrimack river the line should begin ?' The 1733. board of trade referred this question, to the attorney and solicitor general, who appointed a day to hear council on both sides. 1 The council for New-Hampshire insisted, that the line ought to begin three miles north of the mouth of the Merrimack. The council for Massachusetts declared, that in their opinion, the solu- tion of this question would not determine the controversy, and therefore declined saying any thing upon it. The attorney 1734. and solicitor reported, that ' whether this were so or not, June 5. ' they could not judge ; but as the question had been re-
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