History of Westchester county : New York, including Morrisania, Kings Bridge, and West Farms, which have been annexed to New York City, Vol. I, Part 210

Author: Scharf, J. Thomas (John Thomas), 1843-1898, ed
Publication date: 1886
Publisher: Philadelphia : L.E. Preston & Co.
Number of Pages: 1354


USA > New York > Westchester County > History of Westchester county : New York, including Morrisania, Kings Bridge, and West Farms, which have been annexed to New York City, Vol. I > Part 210


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In addition to the parcels above mentioned, one portion of the Fox estate descended by inheritance from Elizabeth Leggett to Thomas Leggett, being lot No. 11 of the original sub-division of the Richardson and Hunt patent.


CHAPTER XXIII.


MAMARONECK.


BY EDWARD FLOYD DE LANCEY, ESQ. Copyright, 1886.


THE Town of Mamaroneck was erected as a Town with its present boundaries by the "Act for dividing the Counties of this State into Towns," passed the 7th of March 1788.1 The language of the Act is, " And all that part of the said County of Westchester, bounded southerly by New Rochelle, easterly by the Sound, Northerly by Mamaroneck River, and westerly by the Town of Scarsdale, shall be, and hereby is, erected into a Town, by the name of Mamaroneck." Scarsdale, which comes just before Mamaroneck in the Act, was erected into a town with these boundaries: " Westerly by Bronx River, Southerly by the Towu of Eastchester and New Rochelle, easterly by the East Bounds of a Tract of Land called the Manor of Scars- dale, and Northerly by the North Bounds of the said Manor of Scarsdale." Both Towns were carved out of the old Manor of Scarsdale, hence the ref- erence to Scarsdale in the boundaries of each. The latter have never been altered since the erection of the Town and are its bounds to-day. It fronts upon Long Island Sound, and extends from it nortlı- westward nearly four miles, with au average width of nearly three miles. It is situated twenty-one miles Northeast of New York City, and is distant Soutlı from Albany, the Capital of the State of New York, about one hundred and forty miles, and the village is south from White Plains, the couuty seat, seven miles. All these distances are those of the roads as they existed prior to the introduction of Rail-Roads.


The town of Mamaroneck has an area of about 4000 acres, or 6} square miles. Its population as shown by the State and U. S. census reports at different periods, has been as follows: in 1790, 452; in 1800, 503; in 1810, 496 ; in 1814, 797; in 1820, 878; in 1825, 1032; in 1830, 838 ; in 1835, 882 ; in 1840, 1416 ; in 1845, 780 ; in 1850, 928; in 1855, 1068; in 1860, 1351; in 1865, 1392; in 1870, 1484; in 1875, 1425; in 1880, 1863. Owing to a political squabble in 1885, the Legislature being Republican, and the Governor a Democrat, the


former would not pass a law to take a census in that year, consequently there are no figures for it, but the population is now believed to be 2000. The average number of voters is about 350.


The name is Indian, and signifies "The Place where the Fresh water falls into the Salt," and describes the unusual natural fact, that the bed of the Mamaro- neck River some distauce above the place of the present bridge connecting it with the town of Rye, (at which place a bridge did not exist till the year 1800) was originally crossed by a ledge of rocks sufficiently high to prevent the tide rising above it, over which the fresh water fell directly into the salt water, and at low tide with a strong rush and sound.2 The Indians gave the name to the place of this uncommon occurrence and to the River itself.


In the earliest deeds and documents, the word is spelled " Momoronock," " Mamoronack " and " Mam- aranock;" the modern spelling does not seem to have obtained generally till toward the middle of the eighteenth century. Very many ways of spelling this word are met with, but all evidently aiming at expressing its Indian sound. The Indians having no written language, all their names and other words which we now have, are based upon the reproducing of their spoken sounds in our letters. If a Dutch- man, Frenchman or an Englishman, undertook to write the same word from an Indian's mouth, very different looking and sounding words would be pro- duced. And as very many of our New York Indian terms and names represent an English spelling of a Dutch or French translation of an Indian sound, we should never be surprised at any variety of spelling.3


Though erected a town so late as 1788, Mama- roneck is one of the oldest places in the County and the State, dating back to 1661, when the then Indian owners Wappaquewam and Mahatahan sold and deeded their individual lands to John Richbell, an Englishman, on the 21st of Sep- tember 1661. Long previous to this time, and in the year 1640 the entire and general Indian title, both to the land and the sovereignty, of all the territory of southeastern Westchester and Connecticut as far east as the Norwalk Islands inclusive, had been ob- tained for the Dutch West Iudia Company by pur- chase by Governor Kieft, through Cornelius van T'ien- hoven, from the Siwanoy Indians.4 Richbell however was the first white man to purchase the individual right of the local Indian owners to the lands at Ma- maroneck.


He was an Englishman of a Hampshire family of


2 Time, blasting, and a succession of dams, have obliterated the orig- inal ledge, but the remains of the reef can still be seen.


3 It has been stated that " Mamaroneck " meant " the place of rolling stones," but for this I can not find any authority. There are not rolling stones anywhere about Mamaroneck either in the river or the town, though both abound with rocks in situ, in the language of the geologists. 4 I. Brod. 296, IL. Albany Records 78, 147, II. Hazard 273, I. O'Call. N. N. 215.


1 ii. Jones and Vorck's Laws, 319.


Mamaroneck the NECornerof


Chins


MAP OF .


River


MAMARONECK


Drawn from Manuscript Map found in State Records at Albany NY. madein 1791.


Wulow Griffens


the Road from Mamaroneck to the White Plains


Cap. Gray's


A Black Oak Stump


Near K


A Meridien Line Shitdrake Creek.


Mamaroneck-


the Bridg Crossing en Mamaroneck River


John Guinis


Whurff


the Bridge crossing Beaver Creek at the County Road


}


Rocks


Chains


199 00


Heath coat's


New' Rochel to Mamaroneck Bridg


Mamaroneck: Harbonr


Buds Neck


Last Neck


lines Krank


Henleys/


the


West Arch


Great Neck


My Bench


L Mill


1-0


along the firent Neck & Sound


20 10 20 30 40 50 60 70


Scale 1 Mile


V 2.30 H Mong Now Rochel East Lane


from


ounty Rood


Hong the Fast Jeck & Sund


The Da


.121110) 115011


Beach


V 4+ 20 F. Along the Southerly bounds of' Scursdell 185.00


East Branch of Sheldrake Creek


Mamaroneck


S.W' Corner of · Harristown


River


Hill


847


MAMARONECK.


Southampton or its neighborhood, who were mer- chauts in London, and who had business transactions with the West Indies and with New England. He was in Charlestown Massachusetts in 1648 according to Savage's Genealogical Dictionary, and he appears in an Inventory of the estate of Robert Gibson of Boston, as owing the estate 36 € on the 8th of August 1656. Prior to 1657 he had been in St. Christopher's Island in the West Indies. In 1657 he entered into a business partnership in Barbadoes, tlieu the centre of the English trade with the West Indies and North America, being at that time, as it is now, an English Island. The scvere and oppressive English Naviga- tion laws the scope of which Cromwell had enlarged, and which he strictly enforced, drove many English- men at that period to embark in a contraband trade, a trade which increased in the next century to so great an extent in North America, that the severe measures adopted by the English Government to suppress it in the latter part of that century proved to be one of the strongest, if not very strongest of the causes of the American Revolution. 1 At Barbadoes the follow- ing curious and striking agreement was entered into by John Richbell with Thomas Modiford of that island, and William Sharpe of Southampton, to establish on the North American coast a plantation for the carry- ing on a trade not permitted by the Navigation laws. It is headed,


" Instructions delivered Mr. John Richbell in order to the intended settlement of a Plantation in the south-west parts of New England, in behalf of himself and of subscribers :"


" God sending you to arrive safely in New England our advice is that you informe yourselfe fully by sober understanding men of that parte of land which lyeth betwixt Connecticott and the Dutch Collony and of the seacoast belonging to the same and the islands that lye bettwixt Long Island aud the Maine, viz. : within what government it is, and of what kinde that government is, whether very strict or remisse, who the Chiefe Magistrates are, on what termes ye Indians stand with them, and what bounds the Dutch pretend to, and being satisfyed in these particulars, (viz.) that you may with security settle therc and without offence to any. Then our advise is that you endeavor to buy some small Plantation that is already settled and hath an house and some quantity of ground cleared and which lyeth so as you may en- large into the woods at pleasure in each, be sure not to fayle of these accommodations.


" I. That it be near some navigable Ryver, or at least some safe port or harbor, aud that the way to it be neither longe or difficult.


"II. That it be well watered by some running streame or at least by some fresh ponds and springs near adjoining.


1 The famous cause of the Writs of Assistance, in which Jolin Adams first distinguished himself, were in defence of Boston Merchants en. gaged in this contraband trade.


"III. That it be well wooded which I thinke you can hardly misse of. That it be healthy high ground, not bogs or fens for the hopes of all consists in that consideration.


" Being thus fitted with a place look carefully iuto the title and be sure to have all pretenders satisfied before you purchase, for to fall into an imbroylid dis- putable title would trouble us more than all other charges whatsoever. Having passed these difficultyes and your family brought in the place direct your whole forces towards the increase of provision which must be according to their seasons, for planting of corne, pease, beanes and other provisions which the country affords, increasing your orchards and gardeus, your pastures and inclosures; and for ye familyes employment in the long winter be sure by the first opportunity to put an acre or two of hemp-seed into the ground, of which you may in the winter make a quantity of canvass and cordage for your own use. In the falling and clearing your ground save all your principal timber for pipe stands and clap board and knee timber, &c., and with the rest endeavor to make Pott ash, which will sufficiently recompense the charge of falling the ground. But still mindfull not to put so many hands about the matter of present profitt that you do in the meane tyme neglect planting or sowing the grounds that are fitt for provisions, our further advice is that as you increase in pasture fitt for cattle and sheep you fayle not to stocke them well, but be sure never to over-stock them by taking more than you can well keep, for an hungry cowe will never turne to account. Lastly we desire you to ad- vise us or either of us how affairs stand with you, what your wants are and how they may be most ad- vantageously employed by us : for the life of our bus- iness will consist in the nimble, quiet and full corre- spondence with us; and although in these instructions we have given you clearly indicates, yet we are not satisfied that you must needs bring in the place so many difficultyes and also observe many inconve- niencies which we at this distance cannot possibly imagine and therefore wc refer all wholly to your discretion, not doubting but that you will doe all things to the best advantage of our designe thereby obliedging


your faithfirl friends and servants Thos. Modiford Will. Sharpe.2


Barbadoes, Sept. 18, 1657."


The precise date of Richbell's arrival in the prov- ince of New York is not now kuown. He seems first to have gone to Oyster Bay Long Island, and thence to Mamaroneck. Hc certainly could not have found a place more in accordance with his "instructions " on the whole coast of North America than the latter.


Directly on the Sound, close to Connecticut, and claimed by its people, but a part of the Dutch prov -


2 Deed Book iii. 126, Sec. of State's Offe, Alb.


848


HISTORY OF WESTCHESTER COUNTY.


ince of New Netherland and ruled by its authorities, with a running river falling directly into its harbour the latter overlooked by high wooded hills, and its borders skirted by the cleared " planting fields " of the Indians, and within a day's easy sail of the " Manhadoes " it was well adapted to the " nimble " business proposed to be carried on by his Barbadoes friends and himself. Richbell first went to Oyster Bay, where on the 5th of September 1660 he bought the beautiful peninsula, afterwards and still known as " Lloyd's Neck." He had a controversy with the Oyster Bay people about some land at Matinecock, which he also bought, and which was finally settled in his favor. In 1665, after the English conquest he obtained a patent for Lloyd's Neck from Governor Nicolls dated December 18th 1665, and the next year sold it to Nathaniel Sylvester, Thomas Hart, and Latimer Sampon, for 450£, by deed dated October 18, 1666.1 He then resided at Oyster Bay where in 1662 he was appointed a constable.1 In the preceding year 1661 his name appears on the Southampton Records as a witness to a mortgage to one Mills on a Virginia plantation.2 In May 1664 he was one of the Commis- sioners for the five English Towns in Long Island.3 In the autumn of that year the English captured New York from the Dutch. Of the expedition to attempt that capture Richbell probably had early knowledge.


It will be recollected that two of the ships the " Martin" and the "William and Nicolas," of the expedition sent to capture New Netherland by the Duke of York, were forced to run into Piscataway, now Portsmouth, New Hampshire, on the 20th of July 1664, on board of which were Carr and Maver- icke, two of the Commissioners.4 One or both of them knew, or had letters to John Richbell who ap- parently was then in Boston to whom they sent the following communication announcing their arrival, written the third day after it happened,- " Mr. Richbell


Wee shall desire you to make all convenient haste to your habitation on Long Island, and by the waye as you pass through the Countrey and when you come hither, that you acquaint such as you thinke the Kings Conimission's will be welcome to, and are af- fected for his Majestyes Service, that some of us are arrived here, & shall suddenly bee in Long Island where they hope they will be ready as in other places to promote his Majestyes interest, their readiness & affection shall be much taken notice of, and your care and Incouragement bee acknowledged by


Your very lovinge friends Robert Carr. Samuel Mavericke.


Pascataway July 23d, 1664. to Mr. John Richbell, there.


1 II. Thompson's " Hist. Long Island." 2 Vol. II., 15. 3 II. Thompson's " Long Island." 4 Ante, page 75.


A warrant under the same hands to presse a horse for Mr. Richbell if occasion should bee, hee paying for the hire." 5


Four years before, Charles II. had constituted a Council in England, to which he committed the care of the Trade with the Plantations in America. It was created by Royal Patent on the seventh of No- vember 1660. This "Council of Trade " consisted of the Lord High Chancellor Hyde, the Lord Treas- urer of England, Thomas Earl of Southampton, Monk Duke of Albemarle, eleven other peers and Nobles, twenty-three Baronets and Knights, and twenty five "Merchants," together sixty two persons all mentioned by name in the Patent itself. Among the "Merchants" was included Robert Richbell, the brother of John. As this "Council of Trade" em- braccd the leading public men in England at that day, with the noble at its head who four years later drew the King's Patent to his brother James for New York, it is almost certain that John Richbell had some prior intimation, from his brother, a member of the same Council, of the expedition intended for the capture of that Province from the Dutch, and the persons who were to be at the head of it. Hence, his presence in Boston before its arrival, and if neither Carr nor Mavericke, the latter of whom had been in America before, knew John Richbell personally, they undoubtedly had been informed beforehand wliere he was to be addressed and what his sentiments were, or they could not have written him the above letter.


It is apparent that Richbell was a man of a better position than the ordinary class of Englishmen then in America, at the time he made his purchase of lands at Mamaroneck in 1661. His purchase of Lloyd's Neck was in September 1660. A year later on Septem- ber 23d 1661 he bought his lands at Mamaroneck, and received from its Siwanoy Indian proprietors Wap- paquewam and Mahatahan, their "Indian Deed " for them dated on that day.


An attempt by another Englishman, also a mer- chant of Barbadoes, and resident of Oyster Bay, who seems to have been either a business rival, or a personal opponent of Richbell, to outwit him and the Indians has singularly enough been the means of preserving for us a perfect history of the original purchase of Mamaroneck in all its details. This man was one Thomas Revell " merchant of Oyster Bay." Finding that Richbell had obtained the Mamaroneck lands in September 1661 Revell undertook in October of the same year to buy the same lands or a part of them, from some other Indians, including Wappaque- wam however, for an increased price. Richbell after getting his deed of the 23d of September 1661 applied to the Dutch Government at New Amsterdam for a "Ground Brief," and subsequently a "Transport," as the Dutch License to purchase Indian lands, and the Patent for them, were respectively termed. Governor


5 III. Col. Hist., 66.


849


MAMARONECK.


Stuyvesant and his Council thereupon had the pur- clase as well as Revell's claim thoroughly investi- gated and testimony taken, and after full deliberation decided in Richbell's favor and issued to him both the " Ground Bricf " and the "Transport." After the English conquest and the order directing the confir- mation of the Dutch grants to their proprietors and before his English Patent of the 16th of October, 1668, was obtained, Richbell recorded these instruments, and he also had recorded the evidence taken before the Dutch Council, his Indian deed of June 6, 1666, confirming that of 1661, and an affidavit of another witness of the original purchase sworn to in 1665.


These documents in full are as follows, and they give us a very lively picture of the men and matters, at Mamaroneck and at Manussing Islaud both whitcs aud Indians, in the autumn of 1661. 1


Immediately after these curious papers will be found the Indian Deed to Thomas Revell, and the Indian Power of Attorney by which he tried to defeat Richbell. These papers Revell had recorded in the records of the Town of Southampton upon Long Island December 23d, 1661, probably as a means of strength- ening his claim. Thus we have a documentary his- tory of both sides of this coutest for the beau- tiful lauds of Mamaroneck in the reign of Charles the Second.


INDIAN DEED TO JOHN RICHBELL. Recorded Mar : 13th 1666 for Mr Richbell. (Liber Two of Deeds 192-199, Albany).


1. Mammaranock, ye 23d Sept. 1661.


Know all Men by these prests. Tbat I Wappaque- iam Right owner & Proprietor of part of this Land, doe by order of my brother who is another Proprie- tor & by consent of the other Indyaus doe this day, sell, Lett & make over, from mee my heyres as- signes for ever unto John Richbell of oyster bay his heyres & assignes for ever three necks of Land. The Eastermost is called Mammaranock Neck, and the Westcrmost is bounded with M' Pells purchase : Therefore know all Men whom these pres- ents concerne that I Wappaquewam, doe this day alienate & cstrange from mee, my heires & assignes for ever unto John Richbell his heyres & assignes for ever, these three uecks of Land with all the Mea- dowes Rivers & Islands thereunto belonging, also the sd. Richbell or his assignes may freely feed Cat- tle or cutt timber twenty miles Northward from the marked Trees of the Necks, ffor & in consideracon the sd. Richbell is to give or deliver unto the afore- named Wappaquewam the goods here under men- tioncd, the one halfe about a mnoneth after the date hereof, and tbe other halfe tbe next Spring following, As the Interpreters can testify, & for the true per-


formance hereof I Wappaquewam doe acknowledge to have reed. two shirts & ten shillings in wampum the day & date above written,


Twenty two Coates one hundred fathom of wampom


Twelve shirts


Ten paire of Stockings


Twenty hands of powder


Twelve barrs of Lead


Two firelockcs flifteene Hoes ffifteene Hatchets Tbree Kettles "


John Finch's affidavit.


2. The deposition of John Fiuch & Edward Griffen both of Oyster bay.


Thesc depouents testify & affirme, That they being at Peter Disbrocs Island 2 (being to the westward of Greenewich) the 23d day of September last past & being there employed by me John Richbell for to In- terpret betwixt the said Mr. Richbell & the Indyans (mentioned in this writing annext) about the pur- chase of tbree Necks of Land. The said deponents doe both of them affirme, that this herein written was a true and rcall bargaine, made the day above sd. be- twixt the said Mr. Jolin Ricbbell & the said Indyans, & the Condicons thereof.


Taken before mee


John Heickes


Hempsteed this 20th of December 1661.


Peter Disbrow's affidavit.


"The Deposicon of Peter Disbroe of Monussing Is- land ætates suæ 30th.


3. The sd deponent upon oath Testifieth, that Mr. Richbell &c went to Mr. Revell (then on the Island aforesd) & warned Mr. Revell not to buy the Land beyond Mammaraneck River of the Indyans, for that (liee said) hee had bought it already : At that time Wappaquewam came to my house Mr. Richbell and John flinch being there also, the said Wappaquewam said hee was the owner of the Land, & did in my hearing owne that hce had sold the land to Mr. Richbell, but the other Indyans over persuaded him to sell it to Mr. Revell, because hec would give a great dealc more ; The said Wappaquewam did also owne that hee had rec'd part of pay for the Land, of Mr. Richbell & John ffinch : This to my best understand- ing was ye Indyans speech unto them; Also at the same time the said Indian Wappaquewam did ver- bally offer unto Mr. Richbeil the Pay that hee had rec'd in part for the sd Land. But Mr. Richbell re- fused, saying hee would not receive it, but according to bargaine hee would have the land & pay him (the sd Indian) lis pay : Moreover the said deponent saith that Mr. Revell being at his house (before the former discourse) that lee the said deponent did tell Mr.


1 The doings of the parties at Maunssing Island in this matter are it is believed the earliest actions in which its settlers took part outside of themselves, that are now known.


2 Peter Disbro or Disbrough, was the leading man of the Greenwich people who first settled Mannussing Island.


850


HISTORY OF WESTCHESTER COUNTY.


Revell that the Land was agreed for by John Finch, & some part of the pay paid. This deposed unto the 12th of M 61 : Before us


1:62


Richard Laws Francis Bell


Affidavit of William Joanes.


4. The deposicon of William Joanes of Monussing Island about 22 years of age.


The sd Deponent upon oath testifieth, That Thomas Close & himselfe being mates, the said Close having beene at oyster bay upon his returne to Monussing aforesd, did tell him that when hee was at oyster bay, That John ffinch and Henry Disbroe of oyster bay did tell him, that John ffinch & M' Richbell had agreed to purehase the land at Mammaranock River, & desired him not to diseover what hee had told them, for that hee had promised them to keepe silence, & if it should bee knowne that hee had told him (the said Joanes) hee should then bee counted a Trayto", this was about September 1661 : Severall moneths after M' Riehbell & John ffinch & Edward Griffin being at Mamaranoeke River & they waiting for the Indyans eoming to them to receive that part of the pay for the land as was agreed there to bee paid, & M' Riehbell had then by him ; They want- ing bread sent for some to the Island Monussing, wherefore the sd deponent came and carryed them some : when to the land he eame M' Richbell had there sett up a Shedd to shelter from the weather, & took possession there, Staying for ye Indians to receive the pay as was promised. M' Revell being then at Monussing, & hearing that M' Revell eame to buy the land, did tell M' Richbell what hee had heard : Where- fore M' Richbell & John ffineh & myselfe eame to Monussing M' Richbell saying that hee would pur- posely goe to forewarne M' Revell not to buy the land, being hee had already agreed for the same: When to Monussing they came, there was some of the Indyans that had sold ye land viz: Cakoe & Wappa- quewam, who would have seeretly gone away (as they judged) but that, John ffinch spyeing of them, ealled them againe, saying to them, are you ashamed of what you are doeing : Then at Peter Disbroe's house the said Cakoe & Wappaquewam did tender to M' Richbell & John ffinch the pay againe which they had reed in part of payment for the Land, but they refused. John ffiueh & M' Richbell saying to them that they would stand to ye bargaine that they had made: The said Wappaquewam did there fully owne that he had sold the Land to M' Richbell & John ffinch : Stamford Apr. 5th 1662. given before me




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