USA > Massachusetts > Commonwealth history of Massachusetts, colony, province and state, volume 3 > Part 9
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ning of a party here who have set up an idol whom they are determined to worship with or without reason. ... In short the plan is to sacrifice you and me to the shrine of the idol."
The victory of the Hancock party marked the beginning of an eclipse of the influence of Samuel Adams. This change of popular feeling is partly due to the retrogression of the former head of the patriot party, for, after 1775, Samuel Adams's influence steadily waned till it rose again after the Revolution. His presence in the Continental Congress added nothing to his reputation; while his absence from the state gave to other leaders the control of his party. Hancock's political position rapidly bettered, however, and lasted, with fluctuations, until his death in 1793. In 1779, Hancock was himself chosen Speaker of the House.
The importance attached to the Speakership by the leaders of the revolutionary period is due to the peculiar status of the provisional government. Since the powers of the royal Governor were shared by twenty-eight Councillors, the dignity of the state seemed to be concentrated in the Speaker of the Assembly. Because of this exaltation of Warren's position under the resumed Charter, his displacement by the Hancock- onians in 1778 marks the most significant development in the factional controversies of the period.
RELATION OF GOVERNMENT TO ECONOMIC CONDITIONS (1774 - 1775)
When the repressive acts closed the Port of Boston in 1774, the transitional era in the economic history of Massa- chusetts began. After experiencing the evils of inflation, currency, profiteering, and food scarcity, the state did not succeed in adjusting itself to the new conditions until the close of the Revolution.
Just as the business activity of Boston had been disastrously affected by the closure act of 1774, so the commerce of the rest of the Colony was for the time ruined by the enforce- ment of the Association adopted by the First Continental Congress. After recommendations from the Provincial Con- gress, the towns rigidly carried out the non-import and non- export programs. To such an extent had public opinion
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destroyed foreign trade in Massachusetts Bay, that for eight- een months there were practically no complaints of violation of the Association agreement. James Warren could write to John Adams in November, 1775: "The non-exportation is sacredly observed, and I believe has never been violated in a single instance, and such is the spirit here that it cannot be violated with any degree of safety."
The Provincial Congresses also began to build up an eco- nomic self-defence. Manufactures were encouraged and par- ticularly those that contributed to military supply. During the first two years of the war, the assemblies continually urged the manufacture of saltpetre, and even cannon balls. A salt- petre factory was established at Newburyport in 1775, oper- ating under a price guarantee by the Provincial Congress. Not only were manufactures fostered, but improvements in agriculture and economic problems were also stressed in order to make the Colony as self-sufficient as possible.
Through the cooperation of the sheriffs and constables the Provincial Congresses took over the control of the state finances. In November 1774 a Receiver-General was ap- pointed. No serious need for money was felt until the second Provincial Congress ; but, after Lexington and Concord, funds were urgently demanded. Accordingly in May. 1775, the Receiver-General was empowered to borrow 100,000 pounds payable on June 1, 1777. With this loan the Provincial Con- gress enacted that all the other colonies should give currency to such securities. Herein we find established a bad prec- edent which led to a huge inflation of the currency, because Massachusetts had to honor the depreciating paper of the other colonies in addition to her own.
The people did not readily purchase these "Liberty Bonds" of 1775, and the Provincial Congress was compelled to resort to the expedient of issuing paper money in the middle of May, 1775. Only bills of small denominations were at first printed. In July, 1775, as an expression of intercolonial comity, it was resolved that the notes of all other colonies would be accepted in commercial transactions within Massa- chusetts. The Colony thus embarked on a policy of inflation which was to shackle its prosperity for almost twenty years.
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DISTURBANCE OF BUSINESS (1774 - 1777)
The food question did not become serious in the first years of the war. In October, 1774, Boston suffered somewhat because "the man of war in ye ferry way will not suffer provisions to pass." Again in the last days of the siege of the city by the Continentals, food was almost unobtainable; but the hardships experienced by the townsmen were not so pronounced as they were a few years later. At the end of 1775, Warren wrote from Watertown, "When I consider the great abundance we have of the necessaries and conven- iences of life, that we want nothing but salt petre I could wish a total stop was put on all trade."
After the British evacuated Boston, commercial conditions steadily became worse. In 1774, the merchants had been ruined, by the closure of the courts which made it impossible for them to force their debtors to pay. John Adams then reported "A total stagnation of commerce .... almost." The departure of the British soldiers took from the merchants a large group of their best customers; but conditions were even more aggravated by the effects of "fresh emissions of the paper coin." From 1774 to 1777 paper money to the extent of 500,000 pounds was issued, along with treasury certificates of an even larger amount, as described in detail in another chapter of this volume. Inasmuch as the state was also flooded with the paper issues of other colonies, no wonder depreciation was felt early in 1776. By the middle of that year the cost of living had doubled over the corresponding period of the year previous.
The acts of the Charter government at this time are pretty hard to understand. Conscious of the great increase in credit and the corresponding depreciation that must occur, the Gen- eral Court passed a law making bills of credit of states and the United States legal tender. Any person who had the insolence to discount a bill would henceforth be ineligible to all civil and military offices. The General Court refused during 1776 to levy a single pound in taxes. In the pre- ceding year, taxes had contributed but 46,000 pounds, but six times that amount was raised in 1777.
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EFFECT OF REGULATION OF BUSINESS
COMMERCIAL EFFECT OF REGULATION OF BUSINESS
(1778 - 1779)
The financial and economic expedients and experiments of the war period are elsewhere set forth in this volume. The reflex effect of this attempt to create wealth by statute was to discredit the financial status of the infant state govern- ment. While prices continued to rise, the farmers prospered, but the merchants of the seaport towns were often driven into bankruptcy. Many former traders became farmers, and Gloucester and Wellfleet witnessed the transfer of capital to agriculture. The whaling and fishing industries were par- ticularly hard hit by the war; in two years Gloucester had lost over sixty fishing boats and eighteen merchantmen, while whaling was at a standstill in Dartmouth and Wellfleet.
With the continual rise in prices, disputes and bickerings between town and country increased; but the food scarcity was in part remedied. The non-import, non-export agree- ments, so rigidly enforced under the Provincial Congress and during the first years of the Charter government, began to relax. So that in September of 1777 the General Court was compelled to enact an embargo on the exportation of lumber, "Least it should fall into the enemy's hands and furnish them material for winter quarters."
The hardest times during the whole revolutionary period came in 1779, when a real food shortage occurred. The inter- relation of the states under a federal system began to be felt. John Adams obtained a resolution of the Continental Congress recommending the grain producing states to permit the exportation of flour from their seacoasts under the direc- tion of the Massachusetts Board of War.
In the middle of March, 1779, Eliot wrote to Belknap; "The miseries of famine are now mixed with ye horrors of war. The poor people in almshouses have been destitute of grain and other necessaries these many days. Many reputable families are almost starving. Good Lord Deliver us."
The scarcity was partly relieved throughout the summer months by the timely capture of some British supplies.
Throughout all this period, the farmers were bitterly attacked and were accused of being "all most as cruel as the enemy."
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Besides the series of paper-money ills elsewhere considered, the General Court passed a statute designed to prevent hoard- ing and forestalling. No person was to buy more "dead meat" or "live cattle" than would be needed for one year. Never- theless, the Boston Committee of Correspondence reported that it had been almost impossible to purchase a single joint of fresh meat, which obliged a very large proportion of the inhabitants to live on vegetables.
The General Court, realizing that the shortage was not relieved by statutes, then tried a general embargo upon the export of all foodstuffs from the state (September, 1779).
James Warren declared that the control of paper was the most serious problem which the Charter government had to face. The currency was "in a most wretched situation and requires the most capital attention." Taxation, which should have been resorted to earlier for the support of the war, "grows more popular here, and I believe the Assembly will risque a tax of three if not four hundred thousand pounds." In 1779 and the first half of 1780, almost eighteen million paper pounds was voted by the General Court, a real drain upon the resources of the inhabitants of the state.
SOCIAL EFFECTS OF BUSINESS REGULATION
The General Court was loath to repeat its unsuccessful experiments with price regulation of 1777, but a strong feel- ing grew up that the Charter government should do something to remedy the rapidly rising prices. In June, 1779, the mer- chants of Boston agreed to do their best to prevent a rise in prices and bound themselves not to accept gold or silver in any form. The rest of the state then concerned itself with price regulation and in July, 1779, one hundred and seventy-four delegates, representing one hundred twenty-one towns, convened at Concord and drew up a schedule of prices. In a later session the convention agreed to a horizontal reduc- tion in all prices, but the efforts of these two extralegal bodies ended in absolute failure.
The dynamic economic state resultant from paper currency and heavy taxation had completely ruined many of the old families. On the other hand a small number of men pre- viously in the lower classes had risen to positions of affluence.
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Judge Curwen, the loyalist, then in London, describes the conditions of flux existent in 1779. "Those who five years ago were the meaner people are now, by a strange revolution, become almost the only men of power, riches and influence. The Cabots of Beverly who you know, had but five years ago a very moderate share of property are now said to be the most wealthy in New England." When the Charter gov- ernment was replaced by the Constitution of 1780, conditions were on the mend.
It should never be forgotten, however, that during the period 1775-1779 the very existence of the Massachusetts government was threatened by the effects of its issue of paper money. That the new state survived the economic distress is to be attributed to the innate strength of the people and their continuous sacrifice. Nevertheless, paper money made the whole community neither richer nor poorer. The war consumed property, disturbed business, and cost thousands of precious lives. Yet the land was there, organized communi- ties continued, the ordinary course of life went on. When the crisis of the war was over, the state was in a condi- tion to develop into a progressive, educated, and wealthy community.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
BULLOCK, CHARLES JESSE .- Historical Sketch of the Finances and Finan- cial Policy of Massachusetts from 1780 to 1905 (American Economic Association, Publications, Third Series, Vol. VIII, No. 2, N. Y., Mac- millan, 1907)-Pp. 5-22 deal particularly with taxation and debt.
CLARK, VICTOR SELDEN .- History of Manufacturers in the United States, 1607-1860 (Washington, Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1916)- Chapter x deals with the Revolutionary period.
FAULKNER, HAROLD UNDERWOOD .- American Economic History (N. Y., Harper, 1925)-See chap. VIII, pp. 160-166.
FELT, JOSEPH BARLOW .- "Statistics of Taxation in Massachusetts, including Valuation and Population" (American Statistical Association, Collec- tions, Vol. I, part 3, Boston, 1847)-Pp. 386-489 contain a summary of the various acts of the legislature.
FELT, JOSEPH BARLOW .- An Historical Account of Massachusetts Currency (Boston, Perkins & Marvin, 1839)-See pp. 161-209.
HILL, HAMILTON ANDREWS .- "The Trade, Commerce and Navigation of Boston, 1780-1880" (JUSTIN WINSOR, editor, Memorial History of Boston, 4 vols., Boston, Osgood, 1882-1886)-See Vol. IV, pp. 195-213. HILL, WILLIAM .- The First Stages of the Tariff Policy of the United States (American Economic Association, Publications, Vol. VIII, no. 6, Balto., 1893)-See pp. 66-75, 134-143.
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JOHNSON, EMORY RICHARD, VAN METRE, THURMAN WILLIAM, HUEBNER, GROVER GERHARDT, and HANCHETT, DAVID SCOTT .- History of Domestic and Foreign Commerce of the United States (2 vols., Carnegie Insti- tution of Washington, 1915)-See Vol. I, pp. 132-144, for the Revolu- tionary period.
KEIR, ROBERT MALCOLM .- Manufacturing Industries in America; Funda- mental Economic Factors (N. Y., Ronald Press, 1923)-See pp. 96- 113 for iron and steel industries; pp. 173-181 for wool manufacture; pp. 218-223 for shoe industry.
MASSACHUSETTS BANK RECORDS .- In manuscript in the Baker Library of the Harvard Business School. These records include minutes of the meetings of the Board of Directors.
MIXTER, C. W .- "An Eighteenth Century Record of the Evils of De- preciation" (Quarterly Journal of Economics, 1895-1896, Vol. X, pp. 240-243).
WEEDEN, WILLIAM BABCOCK .- Economic and Social History of New Eng- land, 1620-1789 (2 vols., Boston, Houghton, Mifflin, 1891)-This his- tory is based upon an intensive investigation of original sources. See especially Vol. II, pp. 769-875.
CHAPTER IV
MASSACHUSETTS AND INDEPENDENCY (1629 - 1780)
BY JOHN HENRY EDMONDS State Archivist of Massachusetts
COLONY AND COMMONWEALTH
John Winthrop declared in 1637 that "the essential form of a common weale or body politic, such as this, is the con- sent of a certaine companie of people to cohabite together under one government for their mutual safety and welfare." The earliest uses of the word "commonwealth" in the Colony Records are in the Freeman's Oath (of uncertain date), the Non-Freeman's Oath of April 1, 1634, and the modified Freeman's Oath of May 14, 1634. From that time onward it appears constantly in those Records until March 17, 1682, when it was enacted that "the word 'commonwealth' [in the capital laws] when it imports jurisdico is heereby repealled, and the word 'jurisdiction' is hereby inserted."
INDEPENDENCY IN THE BAY COLONY (1629 - 1647)
Independency can safely be said to have been started on the way when the General Court of the Massachusetts Bay Company, sitting at London, July 28, 1629, "considered cer- tain propositions . to transfer the government of the plantation to those who shall inhabit there," which resulted in the Court's determination of August 29 "that the govern- ment and patent should be settled in New England." The transfer of both to New England (whether authorized or otherwise) was in itself revolutionary, and revolutions (though bloodless) were frequent in the Colony till "no taxa- tion without representation" became a common cry.
Violations of the first charter were so frequent that no one (even the King) paid attention to them save in
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extreme cases; and shortly after the arrival of the second charter in 1692, a way was found to circumvent its most important clauses, such as calling for the Crown's approval of laws, etc., by passing such legislation as "resolves" which were asserted not to be included in that phrase. As an ex- ample of the early drive towards independency, the follow- ing incidents are significant : On April 1, 1634, the freemen, through their deputies, demanded sight of the charter and the rights under it; with the result of a modified Freeman's Oath, and the determination that the General Court alone had the right to admit freemen, make laws, elect, appoint and remove civil and military officers, etc.
On February 22, 1633-34, the Lords in Council (through Mr. Craddock) demanded the charter, on account of its many violations, with no other results but the erection of the beacon, the fortification of the waterfront, and the mobilization of the military forces, thus putting into practice the advice of the clergy "to defend our lawful possessions (if we are able) otherwise to avoid or protract."
Not succeeding with Craddock, the Council tried again, this time with Winthrop, on April 4, 1638, and received only a most respectful address from the General Court (based on the latter portion of the clergy's advice) evading the main question.
On March 9, 1647, Pynchon wrote to Winthrop, discussing the question of a free state and ended with "though we had our liberty, we cannot as yet subsist without England."
INDEPENDENCY IN THE CHARTER STRUGGLE (1661-1686)
On June 10, 1661, the General Court declared: "This government is privileged, by all fitting means, (yea if need be) by force of armes, to defend themselves by land and sea, against all such person or persons as shall, at any time, attempt or enterprise the destruction, invasion, or detriment, or annoy- ance of the plantation, or inhabitants therein, besides other priviledges, mentioned in the patent, not herein expressed." etc.
On May 1, 1665, the Royal Commissioners (who had a preliminary skirmish with the General Court in 1664) con- cluded a discussion of the Charter rights with: " 'Tis possible
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that the Charter which you so much idolize may be forfeited until you have cleared yourselves of those many injustices, oppressions, violences, and bloud for which you are com- plained against, to which complaints you have refused to answer."
On June 16, 1676, Governor Leverett declared "that the lawes made by [his] Majestie and [his] Parliament obligeth [us] in nothing but what consists with the interest of this colony, that the legislative power is and abides in [us] solely to act and make lawes by virtue of [our] charter."
Becoming tired of the Massachusetts policy of avoiding and protracting, the King in Council ordered on June 13, 1683, the issuance of a quo warranto and its service on the Governor and Company at Boston by Randolph. Arriving on October 26, he waited seven weeks without receiving an answer, and before his report had reached London "the writ was out." Then a scire facias was issued, returnable to the Sheriff of London, which resulted in the Lords of Trade and Plantations declaring on November 8, 1684, "that the Charter of Massachusetts Bay [is] now Vacated."
The Rose Frigate, Captain George, arrived at Boston, May 14, 1686, with Joseph Dudley's commission as President and the exemplification of the judgment against the late Governor and Company, which was presented on May 17 to the General Court, whose members answering said: "their being not the least mention of an assembly in the commission, and there- fore wee thinke it highly concerns you to consider whither such a commission is safe, either for you or us." And so ended the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay.
INDEPENDENCY IN THE SECOND CHARTER (1689-1693)
Sir Edmund Andros, the first of the Royal Governors, arrived in Boston on December 20, 1686, and was constantly in trouble with one faction or the other until the news of the landing of William of Orange arrived, about April 1, 1689. Early on the morning, April 18, an armed body of men and boys closed in on the Town House, captured Randolph, Cap- tain George, and all the officials, save Andros and Dudley.
The Council for the Safety of the People and Conservation of Peace met at the Town House, demanded Andros's sur-
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render, chose Bradstreet president; and the old government was in power again, taking chances that the contest in Old England would end favorably to them. Andros gave himself up, escaped, and was retaken; the fort and castle sur- rendered ; Dudley was taken and all were sent to England in February, 1689-90.
INDEPENDENCY UNDER ROYAL GOVERNORS (1693 - 1720)
In the meantime, the politicians of Old and New England had been at work, and, as a result, Sir William Phips (the first Provincial Governor) and Rev. Increase Mather (his spon- sor ) arrived at Boston on the Nonsuch, frigate, May 14, 1692, bringing the Charter of William and Mary.
At first all legislation was by act or order but on March 2, 1692-3, the resolve made its appearance, the Governor and Council innocently desiring Rev. Increase Mather to preach the Election Sermon on May 25; and the drive for independence was on again.
On February 26, 1695-6, the General Court met by ad- journment ; but owing to the deep snow and intense cold only ten members appeared. February 28 (a quorum being pres- ent) the Speaker was chosen and the House proceeded to busi- ness. "It being queried" by the Lieutenant Governor Stoughton "whether the non-appearance of the full number of forty representatives on the day appointed to meet by the adjournment did not discontinue the Court (his Honour pro- posing to call a new Assembly), after debate thereon the Council and House of Representatives, Resolved, it in the Negative," and the resolve had come to stay.
Gradually its use of the resolve crept on, it being used to pay salaries, allow re-hearings before justices, appoint com- mittees on incorporation of towns, declare frontier towns, adopt proposals for defense of the frontiers, determine bound- aries, grant townships, and finally to incorporate towns, such as Dracut.
OFFICIAL ENGLISH OPINION ON INDEPENDENCE (1722)
On December 28, 1722, Governor Shute, after six years of bickering with the General Court, fled to England to attend to his private business, but primarily to present his charges
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against the Province ; and, as a result, the Lords of Trade and Plantation made report to the Lord Justices in 1723 in part as follows :
"The Inhabitants of Massachusetts-Bay, which contains much the greater part of New-England ... are daily endeavour- ing to rest the small Remains of Power out of the Hands of the Crown, and to become independent of the Mother King- dom. The Nature of their Soil and Product are much the same with those of Great Britain : The Inhabitants are numer- ous, upwards of Ninety Four Thousand. Their Militia con- sists of Sixteen Regiments of Foot, and Fifteen Troops of Horse, making in the Year 1718, Fifteen Thousand Men. And by a Medium taken from the Naval Officer's Account for three Years, from the 24th of June 1714, to the 24th of June 1717, for the Ports of Boston and Salem only, it ap- pears that the Trade of this Province Annually employs no less than 3493 Sailors, and 492 Ships, making 25406 Tuns. Hence your Excellencies will be apprized of what Importance it is to His Majesty's Service, that so powerful a Colony should be restrained within due Bounds of obedience to the Crown, and be more firmly attached to the Interest of Great Britain than they at present seem to be; which we conceive cannot effectually be done, without the Interposition of the British Legislature, wherein in our humble Opinion, no Time shall be lost."
PROGNOSTICATIONS OF NEW ENGLAND INDEPENDENCE (1728 - 1754)
This probably inspired that remarkable discussion of the independency of New England in Edmund Halley's "Account of the English Colonies in America," published in his "Atlas Maritimus et Commercialis," London, 1728 :
"I cannot close this summary Account of English Trade, and especially its Circulation among themselves in America, without some Remarks, which I would have been larger upon, if I had had room.
"By this absolute Dependance of the English Colonies in America upon one another for the carrying on their Trade, it appears how groundless those Notions are which some People have entertain'd, concerning the Danger of the Colonies
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of New England breaking off from the English Yoke, and setting up for an Independency of Government, and a Free- dom of Commerce.
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