History of Benton County, Oregon, Part 34

Author: David D. Fagan
Publication date: 1885
Publisher:
Number of Pages:

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A three-months' campaign by Wright's company, with active scouting and a good deal of skirmishing with hostile parties, effectually protected the immigrant trains coming west. Captain Wright being well supplied with ammunition and provisions contributed by the people of Northern California, was enabled to protract his stay until all the immigrants had passed, some of whom were provided with escorts from his com- . pany and McDermit's, reducing Wright's strength to eighteen men. With these he determined on a campaign against the savages, the main body of whom were securely posted on an island in Tule lake. A company of U. S. dragoons under Major Fitzgerald, had materially assisted, by scouting along the shores of the lake, obliging all the hostiles to seek refuge on the island. A boat was provided, being hauled out from Yreka, in which six armed men reconnoitered almost daily the savages' position. The Modocs had large supplies of fish, grass seeds, wo-cus (pond lily), camas, and ip-a, which were their chief articles of sustenance, stored away in caches around the lake. These were nosed out by Wright's men, assisted by five Shastas and Swill, a Columbia river Indian, a stray Umatilla, and destroyed. The loss affected the Modocs seriously, and they thought of coming to terms. Old Mary, a stray squaw, was sent out to the island, and after a day or two forty Indians came over and peace appeared about to spread her snowy wings over the scene. The object of Captain Wright, however, was not to secure peace, but to kill Indians; and this he set about. As to the manner in which he did it, accounts differ widely.

Captain Goodall, now residing at Kanaka Flat, near Jacksonville, may be esteemed a credible witness, as he lived in Yreka in 1852 and was intimate with the most of the members of the Ben Wright expedition, particularly with the leader. It is reasonable to suppose that he was in Wright's confidence as he was instrumental in sending out the party, and was the more apt to know with certainty concerning it as he, also, was an Indian fighter of experience. The Captain says: "Ben Wright had several pow- wows with them, and when at length it was found necessary to close the campaign on account of approaching winter and snow, a final talk was had, in which a beef was killed and well dosed with strychnine which I bought in Yreka and sent out to Wright. This was given to them and by them eaten half raw. But the plan failed of killing all of them off, for the heat of the fire deprived the poison of its strength. However it was successful thus far, that it made them all very sick with the 'jerks,' and actually killed five of them-that is, made good Indians of them; or in other phrase 'sunned their moccasins.'" Captain Wright and company were discharged at Yreka, their muster-rolls and accounts made out by Captain Goodall, and they were duly paid by the state in scrip, and afterwards by the United States in greenbacks.

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This is one, and an apparently fair version. Next comes the more commonly accepted, but very improbable one of Wright's having poisoned forty Modocs, thus annihilating the whole band with the exception, some say, of two who slipped out of camp just before the feast of poisoned meat began. Several writers have adopted this tale, for example, A. B. Meacham in his ridiculous book "Wigwam and Warpath." It will be seen that the above stories differ only as to the number of Indians killed; which would naturally be exaggerated as time went on. Hence as between the two, we must incline to that of Captain Goodall. Wright, it is said, persistently denied the story; not probably from any deference to refined people's feelings, and certainly not from any desire to screen himself from any measure of obloquy, for he was probably very far from caring for anybody's opinion.

Finally we shall consider the account published in the History of Siskiyou county in 1881. This account, evidently prepared with great pains and unlimited attention to accuracy of details, was written to be read by people who might be presumed to know a great deal concerning the matter. Thus far, we believe, it has escaped adverse criticism, which in the event of error it would be nearly certain to meet. A synopsis of the account is as follows:

Negotiations being in progress, word was sent to the Modocs to come in and feast. The camp was on Lost river, and the Indians who speedily came in, camped near by and on the bank of the river, both camps being about one-fourth of a mile above the natural bridge, and not far from the spot where Captain Jack and the troops first fought, ushering in the Modoc war of 1873. Some half hundred braves, with their squaws, made their home in camp and lived upon the provisions of the whites. Old Schonchin, head chief, foreseeing trouble, left the camp as did others. It appears to have been Wright's intention from the first to endeavor to get the Indians to restore the valuables they were thought to have stolen from immigrants, and then to bring on a fight and kill all of the savages he could. The time was November; the river was very low, and had two banks, forming a high and a low terrace. On the higher one the whites slept, while they cooked and ate on the lower one. The Indians camped but a few yards away, mingled with the whites during eating times, both parties leaving their arms in camp. Wright, it is said, discovered a plan on the part of the Indians to surprise and massacre his force; but be that as it may, he was too quick for them, and put in effect his own plan without delay. Sending six men across the river to where they would be opposite the Indian camp and hence able to cut off their passage across the stream, Wright himself went down among the Indians who were scattered about the camp-fires and shot dead, as a preconcerted signal, a young buck. The other whites being ready, continued the work of destruction and soon no men were left alive except John Schon- chin and Curly-headed Doctor. These two escaped and were heard of twenty years after, in the murder of Canby and Thomas. Forty-seven braves and several squaws were killed. Wright's men numbered but nineteen, including two Indians. Their casualties consisted in severe wounds to Isaac Sanbanch, Poland and Brown. The rest were uninjured. Wright's company then returned to Yreka and were grandly fêted by the people. They rode into town accompanied by a guard of honor, their forty-odd scalps and sundry other mementoes dangling from their rifles, hats, and horses' heads. Cheers rent the air. The enthusiastic crowd lifted them from their horses and bore

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them to the saloons, where the best was none too good. Whisky was free for all, and a grand dinner was given in honor of the returned avengers. For a week, high carnival reigned.

We have seen how these accounts vary; and probably the reader, in trying to settle his doubts, consciously or unconsciously inclines to the last version. Being the result of long and careful investigation and weighing of testimony of parties of all shades of opinion, it should be accepted in preference to the idea of any one man. That poison was prepared by parties in Yreka is true, but all the surviving members of Wright's company deny any attempt to use it, and give as their reason the very evident fact that there was no fun in it; most of them were there killing Indians for the pleas- ure of doing so, and the use of poison would have taken all the amusement away. In killing them with bullets and knives from an ambuscade all the conditions requisite to pleasure in Indian killing were satisfied. Only sickly sentimentalism could regret the worst fate which might be meted out to such monsters of cruelty and wickedness as the Modocs. It is apparent that in point of cruel vindictiveness and unsparing malig- nity they were the worst savages who ever inhabited this coast. Their attacks on the immigrants were utterly causeless, and could have had no motive except the love of diabolical wickedness, for the property of the whites, even their fire arms, was totally useless to the Indians and the captured women were killed. Hence the motives which are supposed usually to incite barbarous men to such deeds of murder, were wanting.

The aspect of a circumstance which took place at the mouth of Galice creek in December, 1852, and consisted in the murder, or supposed murder, of seven miners, is very peculiar. It would appear that all the evidence respecting the killing was derived, if at all, from the extorted confession of the supposed murderers. The circumstances, as they appear in perhaps the earliest account, stand thus: William Grendage, or Grundage, Peter Hunter, James Bacon, - Bacon, - Bruner, William Allen and Palmer, miners at the place mentioned, were missed from their accustomed haunts for several weeks. "Suspicion was aroused against the Indians," and when, some weeks later, Chief Taylor, of the Grave creek band, accompanied by a number of his men, visited Vannoy's ferry to trade, further suspicion was excited by the fact of these supposed poverty-stricken creatures having some gold dust about them in larger quantity than was usual (or allowable, probably). They were closely questioned as to their mode of obtaining it, and also as to the whereabouts of the supposed murdered men. They are said to have replied that the seven were washed off their claim during high water and drowned. "Their manners and explanation led to a strong belief that these Indians had murdered the missing miners, and an investigation proved that Tay- lor and his band had murdered the entire party." He and some of his men were arrested by the citizens, and as there were no courts yet organized in this part of the territory, they were brought before a citizens' jury, tried, convicted and sentenced to be hanged. Finding that the decree of the court was about to be executed, and seeing no chance of escape, they related the particulars of the case themselves and boasted of the share each had taken in the murder and robbery. They gave a minute account of the manner in which they tortured the victims after they were taken captive, stabbing them with knives and burning them with fire-brands, "just to see them jump." The

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Indians were hanged, though Taylor tried to excuse himself by saying he only stabbed the whites with a little knife, while the others used large ones.

Thus runs the account, and as it is the only account known to be in existence, we have an important case to consider, without any corroborative evidence whatever, for there were no eye-witnesses to the murder after the Indians had suffered for the crime. There was no investigation at all; and if such had been fully made it might have resulted in showing that the seven missing miners had, with the characteristic rest- lessness of their class, packed up their tools and left unceremoniously for richer placers, some time before they began to be missed. It is certainly a common enough proceed- ing for miners to desert their claims without giving notice, and possibly this is what the seven did.

It was in the fall of 1852 that Fort Jones, in Scott valley, Siskiyou county, was established. Major Fitzgerald, on returning from the Modoc country, somewhat before the Lost river massacre by Ben Wright, selected the site of the new post, whose first garrison was his company of dragoons. The major being soon ordered hence, was relieved in command of the post by Captain B. R. Alden, and he by Captain, afterwards Major General H. M. Judah. Under the latter were three lieutenants, J. C. Bonnicastle, George Crook and J. B. Hood. The two latter names are now house- hold words for the American people. Crook, as is well known, fought well against the rebellion and became a major general of volunteers, and since the war has done invaluable service as a subluer of Indians, winning thereby a great reputation. Hood was even more famous during the civil war, and taking sides with the south was Joe Johnston's successor in command of the great army that faced Sherman in his cele- brated Atlanta campaign and was disastrously beaten by Thomas at Nashville. Gen- eral Hood died several years since. 27

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CHAPTER XXV.

THE WAR OF 1853.

A Prejudiced Writer Criticised-How the Indians Procured their Arms-Indian Characteristics-Their Allies Not to be Depended on-The Cow Creeks and Grave Creeks in Trouble -- The Rogue Rivers Commit Outrages- Murder of Edwards-An Indian's Revenge -- Murder of Wills and Nolan-Killing of Hodgings, Gibbs, Smith, and Whitmore-Miners and Settlers Seek Safety-Organization of a Military Force-Californians Offer their Services-Energetic Officers and Efficient Troops-The Indians also Organize-The First Fight an Indian Victory-Lieutenant Griffin's Battle-Disgraceful Atrocities- The Governor and General Lane Appealed to -- The Indians Evacuate Table Rock-Ely's Desperate Fight-General Lane Arrives and Assumes Command- Disposition for a Campaign-The Army Follows the Indians -- Finds Them-Battle of Evans' Creek-A Drawn Battle-General Lane Wounded -- A Peace Talk-Armistice Arranged -- Casualties.

A certain writer for the public prints, while treating of the condition of the In- dian affairs in Southern Oregon in the early part of 1853, made use of the following language :

" The summary justice dealt out to 'Taylor' had the effect to somewhat check for a time the depredations of the Indians north of the Siskiyous, and they became more friendly, and more profuse in their expressions of good will toward the whites. These professions proved only a blind, however, under which the Indians matured plans, and collected munitions of war for the renewal of hostilities on a larger scale. By resort- ing to this ruse, they were enabled to augment their forces from neighboring tribes, and form alliances unsuspected by the whites. In the meantime, being allowed access to the premises of the settlers, they procured more or less guns and pistols by theft or otherwise ; and also to accumulate considerable ammunition. In those days all the tea brought into the country was put up in lead caddies, which being emptied, were thrown out with the rubbish, and from this source the Indians collected a very abund- ant supply of lead, and through a few unprincipled dealers they procured a large amount of powder."

It may be a pleasing diversion to examine a few of the statements made with such assurance. It is said that the Indians began, in the spring of 1853, to court the friendship of the whites. This article evidently refers to the Rogue Rivers almost exclusively, thus seeming to imply that this tribe had not thus far been friendly to the whites. Yet there is an immense amount of first-rate evidence to show that this tribe was on excellent terms with the whites in 1852, both before and after the fight at Big Bend. So quickly were the scars of war healed that Sam and Joe felt highly aggrieved because they were not invited to the celebration given at Jacksonville in honor of Cap- tain Lamerick and his brave followers. Several highly respected pioneer inhabitants of Jacksonville, including two or more ladies, have now (1883) given testimony con- cerning the unvarying courtesy and gentleness of the principal chiefs of the tribe, when met in times of peace. Sam and Joe, they say, were favored guests in private

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houses ; and by their dignified and manly ways, won the approbation of all who could appreciate their simple yet honorable character. They were, to be sure, only ignorant and uncultured savages, and perhaps entirely incapable of a high degree of civiliza- tion ; yet with proper treatment they remained harmless and peaceable individuals, however intractable and fierce a great part of their tribe might have been. To charge these simple natives, who were merely children of a larger growth, with such a degree of duplicity as that implied by the writer we have quoted, seems absurd. And at the time mentioned nearly all the Rogue Rivers were in the habit of coming into Jack- sonville, where they begged food, fraternized with the lowest whites, and were friendly to all. Sam, Joe, Tipsu Tyee, Queen Mary, and others were familiar figures. These barbarian aristocrats were immeasurably above their subjects, as they never conde- scended to beg, but took with ready grace what was offered. Their indignation was quickly roused when their worth and dignity were slighted, and to neglect to invite them to eat at the dinner hour was an offense which their haughty blood could not brook. Upon such occasions they would stalk indignantly homeward. Tipsu Tyee, whose home was in the mountains between Applegate and Bear creeks, used frequently to be seen in Jacksonville. This savage, less interesting and attractive than the others, was a bugbear to the miners and settlers, because of his occasional "insolence" and mysterious character. Yet his impulses were not all bad, as the following anecdote will show. This is given on the authority of Henry Klippel, who was an eye-witness. John Sands, a rough miner, intoxicated himself, and meeting Tipsu Tyee in Jack- sonville, struck him over the head with a stick. The insulted savage, bow in hand, drew an arrow to the head, and appeared about to pierce his assailant's heart; but shout- ing "Hi yu lum; nika wake memeloose mika!" lowered his bow. Experts in the Chinook jargon translate the above as "You are very drunk, or I would kill you!" This is certainly a case of forbearance on the Indian's part, as he had ample opportunity for escape to his brushy kingdom in the hills.

Such incidents and peculiarities throw considerable light upon the character of the savages, and go far to prove the improbability of any such deep plots as many have ascribed. Their schemes could not have taken such a range as we are assured they did. All that we can allow in this connection is that the Indians were in time of war accustomed to receive re-inforcements from such neighboring tribes as were accustomed to fraternize with them in time of peace. But it should not be supposed that this aid was regularly granted or withheld by the chiefs or headmen of the neighboring tribes, for on such occasions the young men were accustomed to use their own discretion as to their individual acts of assistance, and were not under sufficiently strict command to be deterred from doing as they liked in that regard. There is a restless element in every tribe and on every reservation, consisting chiefly of young braves desirous of achieving renown in battle, and the history of Indian wars, almost without an exception, shows that the ranks of the hostiles are swelled by such volunteers from neighboring tribes, without any preconcerted arrangement being made; and, it may be remarked, this element seems at times as willing to fight on one side as the other, and to their assist- ance we owe many of our greatest victories over hostile tribes. The extent of the aid furnished is an important, but indeterminate matter. It seems consistent with the Indian character that aid so furnished would be of a most unreliable sort indeed. It

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would most likely occur that the volatile young warriors would desert the cause of their friends when the novelty of the occasion was worn off. Such seems to have been the case in the principal war in Southern Oregon, as we shall see. Before dismissing the subject we may enunciate the broad general truth, that the tribes of American Indians have been found altogether unable to combine together in the sense in which political combinations are spoken of. It is a significant fact that not even Tecumseh nor Pontiac nor King Philip was able to unite several tribes permanently against the whites. Had the latter, with his consummate strategy, been able to consolidate the New England tribes, the unavoidable result would have been to exterminate the Puri- tan colonists of that country. It is true of the Indians of New York and generally throughout the thirteen original colonies, that in their incipiency a thorough union of the hostile tribes would have resulted in a total extinction of the white inhabitants; but providentially for the pioneers of these now powerful and prosperous states, the Indian character was incapable of such union. It is true that Pontiac, and afterwards Tecumseh and his brother the Prophet, brought about a sort of confederacy between the great Indian tribes of the Ohio valley; but these existed for but little time; and we may conclude that if these chiefs of experience and intelligence, operating as they did at a great distance from the whites, could not effectually unite the Indians of their time, the Rogue River chiefs, surrounded and watched by whites, most certainly could not effect that result. It appears consistent to allow only that the Indian allies were but chance visitors or errant warriors from neighboring tribes.

The writer further says: "They procured more or less guns and pistols by theft and otherwise." Giving its due weight to the word otherwise, no one can dispute that assertion. To ascribe procurement by theft, when it is an undisputed fact that their arms were usually procured by a much viler means, is to avoid a topic whose relative importance excuses the indelicacy of naming it. Every one of experience knows that the Indians often came into possession of their guns, horses, ammunition and other valuables through the sale of their women. It is useless to disguise the fact. White men became the eager purchasers, and the Indian who had traded a bad wife for a good gun, felt equally the gainer. Thus both parties were satisfied and harmony prevailed. But by and by the new found bride might tire of her white lord, and taking advantage of his absence, might run away, seeking again the wigwam of her earliest love. In such a case the impassive brave awaited the coming also of the white Lothario, whose judgment was warped by affection, and who to regain the society of his bright particu- lar star, would give a second gun. Thus the Indians grew rich in guns, while the white men found their compensation in gentle woman's blessed companionship. Thus the Indian warriors placed themselves on a war footing, while the whites were figura- tively sunk in luxurious ease. This is certainly an easier mode of providing arms and munitions of war than by theft, even were Sam and Joe's men such expert thieves as certain individuals insist.

Throughout the spring and the first part of the summer of 1853 little was heard of the depredations of the savages, only one incident seeming to mar the ordinary relations of white man and native. The event referred to was the murder of two miners, one an American, the other a Mexican, in their cabin on Cow creek, and the robbery of their domicile. As a matter of course the deed was laid to Indians and probably

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justly; for the Indians along that creek had a very bad reputation. They were of the Umpqua family, but had independent chiefs and were far more fierce and formidable than the humble natives of the Umpqua valley proper. They had committed several small acts of depredation on the settlers in that vicinity, such as attempting to burn grain-fields, out-buildings, etc., but had not, it appears, entered upon any more danger- ous work until the killing referred to. The unfortunate Grave creek band allowed themselves to be mixed up in the affair, and suffered ill consequences ; for a party of whites proceeded to their encampment and fired unceremoniously into it, killing one Indian and wounding another. The total number of Grave Creek Indians who were killed in consequence of their supposed complicity in the acts and in the so-called mur- der on Galice creek previously spoken of was eleven; of whom six were hanged and five shot. The Grave creek tribe was rapidly becoming extinct.

In August, 1853, the Indians broke out into open war, or to limit this assertion somewhat, certain Indians, indifferently from various bands of the Rogue Rivers, com- mitted several bloody atrocities in the valley, alarming the settlers and causing them to seek the protection of fortified places, while the Table Rock band under Sam and Joe, joined by several other bands, left their pleasant location and retired to the hills to escape the vengeance of the whites from whom their leaders wished to permanently remove.

On the fourth of August the first act of the new era of hostilities took place, being the murder of Edward Edwards, an old farmer, residing on Bear creek, about two and a half miles below the town site of Phoenix. In his absence the murderers secreted themselves in his cabin, and on his return at noon, shot him with his own gun, and after pillaging the house, fled to the hills. There were but few concerned in the deed, and subsequent developments fixed the guilt upon Indian Thompson, who was surrendered by the chiefs at Table Rock, tried in the United States circuit court in February, 1854, and hanged two days later. According to the prevailing account of the circumstances of this murder, the deed was committed in revenge for an act of injustice perpetrated on an Indian by a Mexican named Debusha, who enticed or ab- ducted a squaw from Jim's village, and when the chief and the woman's husband went to reclaim her they were met by threats of shooting. Naturally disturbed by the affair, the aggrieved brave started upon a tour of vengeance against the white race, killing Edwards and attempting other crimes. Colonel Ross, a prominent actor in the events that followed, identifies the murderer as Pe-oos-e-cut, a nephew of Chief John, of the Applegates, and represents the difficulty substantially as above stated, adding the particulars that Debusha had bought the squaw, of whom the Indian had been the lover. She ran away to a camp on Bear creek, and the Mexican, with Charles Harris, went to the camp and took her from Pe-oos-e-cut, much to his anger and grief. The disappointed lover next day began venting his rage against the whites by killing cattle and also shot Edwards as described. No sooner had the murder become known, than other savages became imbued with a desire to kill, and during the following fortnight several murders were committed, through treachery mainly.

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History of Benton County, Oregon, Part 34

Author: David D. Fagan Publication date: 1885 Publisher: Number of Pages:

Author: David D. Fagan
Publication date: 1885
Publisher:
Number of Pages: