History of Benton County, Oregon, Part 44

Author: David D. Fagan
Publication date: 1885
Publisher:
Number of Pages:

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them that it was the soldiers' intention to kill them. Consequently they left, and Creighton with his men pursued and attacked them. Again, a party of volunteers intercepted several canoe loads of Indians near the mouth of the Rogue river and killed eleven males and one squaw; one male and two squaws only escaped. On the twenty- ninth of April a party of sixty regulars, convoying a pack-train, were attacked near Chetco by the remnant of the band of savages of that name, supposed to number about sixty, but probably less, and two or three soldiers were killed or wounded. The battle ended by the defeat of the natives, who lost six braves killed, and several wounded. In the month of April three volunteer companies operated on the coast, and did much service in spite of their being badly armed and equipped. These were the Gold Beach Guards, the Coquille Guards and the Port Orford Minute Men.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

THE WAR ENDED.

Usefulness of the Volunteers-Council at Oak Flat-Chief John Refuses to Treat-Military Operations-Bat- tle of Big Meadows-Indian Tactics-Arrival of Augur-Movements of the Volunteers-Proclamation of Disbandment-The Indians Surrender-At the Reservation -- The End-Financial History of the War.

The Indian occupancy of Southern Oregon was now reaching its last days. The soil whereon the red man had trod and from whence arose the smoke of his camp fire, was about to pass forever into the possession of an alien race. The stormy scenes of the past six years were about to close, and the striving of white and red men had reached its climax. Hemmed in on all sides, without resources, without friends, the hostile tribes felt ther inability to cope with the organized forces now directed against them, and succumbed to the inevitable. Yet they did not relinquish their native land without tremendous struggles. The severest conflict of the war was the last. The part the volunteers took in the termination of hostilities was very creditable. Major Bruce, it will be remembered, was left in charge of the construction of the proposed fort at the Big Meadows, which was named Fort Lamerick, and was garrisoned by the companies of Blakely, Bledsoe, Barnes, Keith, and Noland, (successor of Captain Buoy), aggregating rather more than 200 effective men. Being above the position occupied by the hostile Indians, Fort Lamerick proved well situated for the purposes for which it was held, and being so strongly garrisoned the Indians were effectually prevented from re-occupying their old haunts to the eastward. While the troops were doing the indispensable duty of confining the savages to the lower part of the river the citizens, safely immured in their own houses, were actively engaged in complaining that the army did nothing and should be discharged. If there was a time when their

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services were valuable it was now that Old John and his allies, rendered desperate by dearth of provisions and the near approach of the regulars, sought to escape from the mountain fastnesses which had been to them a prison. The consequences of a raid by these desperate Indians upon the valleys and inhabited places would have exceeded any ills yet known or imagined save the massacre of Wyoming, which might again have been enacted. In a word, the volunteers rendered the invaluable service of con- fining the enemy to a tract of uninhabited country where they could do no damage, and from whence it was impossible for them to escape.

On the twenty-first and twenty-second of May, Superintendent Palmer and the commander-in-chief held a conference with the Indians, invitations to all of whom had been extended. This is officially known as the Council of Oak Flat, the locality being on the right bank of the Illinois river, some three miles above its mouth. Nearly all the regular troops were present, making quite a display of force, the aggregate number of regulars at hand being about 200. Almost all the hostiles were present, and awed, no doubt, by the impressiveness of the spectacle, most of them agreed to surrender on a certain day. Not so however with chief John. This undaunted chieftain, when called upon to speak, said to Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan : " You are a great chief ; so am I a great chief; this is my country ; I was in it when these trees were very little, not higher than my head. My heart is sick fighting the whites, but I want to live in my country. I will not go out of my country. I will, if the whites are willing, go back to the Deer creek country and live as I used to do among the whites ; they can visit my camp and I will visit theirs ; but I will not lay down my arms and go to the reserve. I will fight. Good bye." And so saying, he strode into the forest.

The result of the negotiations was the agreement of a great many Indians, notably the coast bands, to come in and give up their arms at a time and place fixed by the superintendent. On or before the twenty-sixth of May they were to assemble at the Big Meadows, and be escorted thence to Port Orford. The whole of the regular troops were at the council, save Ord's company which had been sent to Port Orford to escort a provision train to the command at Oak Flat. Reynold's company was sent out to meet the same train, as its safety was very important. On the twenty-fourth Captain Smith left Oak Flat with his eighty dragoons and infantrymen to proceed to Big Meadows and perform escort duty when the Indians surrendered. He crossed the river and encamped on the north side near the place fixed upon for the surrender. On the twenty-fifth the chief in command moved from Oak Flat down the Illinois, and leaving Jones' company at its mouth, went across the Rogue with Augur's company and set about opening a trail for the passage of the surrendered Indians with their guard, who were expected the next day. On the evening of May twenty-sixth Lieu- tenant-Colonel Buchanan with Augur's company was on the north side of the river, some few miles from the mouth of the Illinois; Captain Ord was about ten miles west of Oak Flat, with the train; Jones was at the mouth of the Illinois; Reynolds about ten miles below that point, on the Port Orford trail; Smith at Big Meadows; and the main body of the Indians were on the bank of the Rogue, about five miles above Smith. The twenty-sixth passed and no Indians came in, but Smith was informed that they were delayed by slippery roads, and would be in during the next day. During the evening of the same day, George, a well-known chief of the Indians, and previously

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often spoken of, caused it to become known to Captain Smith that an attack was medi- tated on his camp. He instantly set about moving his command to a much more secure position an the river between two small creeks entering the main stream from the northwest. He occupied an oblong elevation some two hundred and fifty yards in length, and about twenty in width. Between this mound and the river is a narrow bottom called Big Meadows, but which was not the same locality designated by the volunteers as Big Meadows, and whereon stood Fort Lamerick. The latter locality is several miles further up the river, and further removed from the stream. The top of the elevation on which Captain Smith was now encamped formed a plateau of size sufficient for one company to encamp upon, and is of slight elevation. Directly to the north is another elevation of equal height and within rifle range of the first. Early in the morning of the twenty-seventh, Smith sent a messenger to apprise Buchanan of his new position, and that the Indians had not come in. He also added to the express: "I think Old John may attack me."

The express reached Buchanan in due time and was sent back to inquire of Smith if re-inforcements were desired; but finding him surrounded with Indians fighting actively, the express returned to Buchanan, but getting lost in the night, did not reach that officer until the morning of May 28. Buchanan at once ordered Captain Augur to re-inforce Smith, and that officer, marching eighteen miles in four and a half hours, broke upon the savages and scattered them. The story of Smith's defense against large odds is thus told :

Directly after the departure of the messenger, the savages came in from all direc- tions and soon the north mound was covered with them. A body of forty warriors attempted to enter camp, but were halted on the spot and told to lay down their arms at a certain spot. There being a howitzer planted so as to rake that approach, and a body of infantry at hand, the Indians felt it best to retire and consult their chiefs who stood upon the northern mound, where John was actively giving orders. At ten o'clock in the forenoon the Indians, who had completely surrounded Smith's position, made a sudden rush upon it, from both sides; but they were repulsed by the howitzer and infantry. John developed all the tactics and strategy of a consummate general in his management of these and subsequent charges, and from his station gave commands in the Indian tongue, which were distinctly heard in Smith's camp and interpreted to the Captain. Implicit and thorough obedience characterized the conduct of his war- riors, who fought bravely to carry out their commander's intentions. It was a spectacle unparalleled in the annals of savage warfare, to behold a body of undisciplined men move obediently to perform the orders of a leader who was not a leader in the sense to which these children of the forest were accustomed. Disregarding the traditions of his race which impel a chief to perform the most dangerous personal service, John, adopt- ing the methods of civilization, confined himself to the more important duty of organ- izing and directing his warriors. His method of attack was by means of small-arm fire at long range, wherein many of the warriors, particularly of his own band, were adepts; charges by the larger bodies of braves; and unexpected attacks by smaller numbers, who sought to gain the mound by scaling the steeper portions where the guard was weak. Only thirty of Smith's men had arms adapted to long range shooting, the dragoons' musketoons being useless except at close quarters. John's men, on the con-

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A. G. Walling, Lith. Portland, Or.

SPRING HILL FARM, PROPERTY OF ISAAC PORTER, ESQ., One Mile North of Monroe, Benton County, Oregon.

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trary, possessed excellent pieces and shot effectively from almost incredible distances. The battle having been prolonged until night, the Indians drew off and encamped, resolved to renew the fight in the morning. Smith occupied his men in constructing rifle-pits and building with his camp equipage temporary defences, and in procuring water from the river for his thirsty troops. On the following morning the Indians again opened fire and continued the battle. Old John put forth all his efforts to seize victory, as there was every chance that re-inforcements for Smith would soon arrive, when all hope of terminating the war favorably to the Indians would be lost. But in spite of his generalship and personal bravery the assaults were successfully repulsed, and owing to the improved system of defences, less damage was caused by the sharp- shooters upon the north mound.

About four o'clock in the afternoon the Indians formed in two bodies with the intention of attacking both flanks simultaneously, and in force. Just at the critical moment of their attack, Captain Augur's company was seen advancing. In conjunc- tion with these Smith charged and dispersed the enemy, John and all the rest escaping into the woods. Smith's loss was twenty-nine in killed and wounded, the most of whom were hit by bullets from the north mound. Says Captain Cram: "The number of warriors who arranged themselves under the banner of Old John for this last struggle for the defence of their valley was about 400." Aside from the glaring solecism of mentioning Indians as fighting under a banner, this sentence contains the important error of ascribing to John's warriors at least twice their actual force. Two hundred would probably be nearer the mark, and even this number may. be too large, as it is well known that the band over which John was chief only numbered from two to three score, and all in excess must have been volunteers for the occasion. It is reported that the Indians were so confident of capturing Smith and his command that they provided a number of pieces of rope, corresponding to the number of men in the command, wherewith to hang the whites, thereby saving the powder which would be required to shoot them ; but several almost convincing objections to the truth of the report suggest themselves. They also intended, it is said, to attack the scattered forces of Buchanan in detail, and annihilate them before they could effect a junction; a feasible plan in view of their wide separation. To prevent any like attempts for the future, Buchanan concentrated his forces at the Big Meadows on the thirtieth of May, and remained there until the greater part of the Indians had surrendered.

While Captain Smith was thus contending with John and his warriors, the volun- teers some miles up the river were fighting Limpy and George and their people. Major Latshaw left Fort Lamerick on January twenty-seventh with 213 men, and marched twelve miles down the river and during the next day skirmished with the Indians of some rancherias still lower down, killing some and taking fifteen prisoners. On the twenty-ninth, the day following John's defeat by Captain Smith, more skirm- ishing was done, and H. C. Houston, sergeant in Keith's company, was badly wounded. On the following day fighting took place on the south side of the river, between a party of volunteers and some Indians, and Private Cooly, of Wallan's company, was wounded in the thigh and hand. On the thirty-first Major Latshaw, with 150 men, moved to Buchanan's headquarters, at Big Meadows. They here found that Limpy and George had surrendered with their bands on May twenty-ninth, the day 37

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following their fight with the volunteers. They had reported to Buchanan that the woods up the river were full of " Bostons," and that they had never seen so many guns in their lives.

On the fifth of June, a great many Indians having already surrendered, General Lamerick, finding that the enemy had all left the neighborhood of Fort Lamerick, assumed command of his forces in person and moving down the river, encamped at Big Bend, where the regulars were lying. The next day a combined movement was made down the river by three companies of regulars and Captain Bledsoe's company of vol- unteers, and an Indian encampment was destroyed, some twenty or more natives being killed or drowned in endeavoring to escape. Two volunteers were wounded. The main body of the Indians were encamped on the river about fifteen miles below Big Bend, and it was General Lamerick's intention to attack them, but their cabins were found deserted when the attacking party arrived.

Under date of May thirty-first, Governor Curry made proclamation, that as the Indians seemed pretty well subdued, the volunteers in the field were ordered to be dis- banded, with the exception of Keith's and Blakely's companies, which under the command of a major, should remain to protect such settlements as seemed in possible danger, and to perform other necessary duties. This order, issued somewhat prema- turely, was disregarded by General Lamerick, and we find him in the field a month later, no doubt to the vast annoyance of the regular officers, who took to themselves the credit of concluding the war and severely blamed the volunteers for harsh treat- ment of such Indians as fell into their hands.

The remaining acts of the citizen soldiery can be briefly told. Major Bruce headed an expedition down the coast to the country of the Chetco and Pistol River bands, and killed three males and took fifty prisoners. The Indians laid down their arms on being fired on, but some retreating to the brush, were ordered to come out, which they did. The chief of the Chetcoes was brought in by Captain Bledsoe, who distinguished himself by his activity and bravery on many occasions. On June twenty-second, Major Latshaw, with Keith, Noland, and Blakely's companies, marched from the mouth of the river via Fort Lamerick to Camas prairie and Deer creek, and the troops going to Eugene City were there disbanded. General Lamerick, with Barnes' company, proceeded to Port Orford, with orders for this organization to be mustered out on July first. Captain Bledsoe, with his men, remained in service for a short time subsequently.

On the twentieth of June Chief John sent five of his braves to Buchanan's head- quarters to announce that their leader would surrender on the same terms as had Limpy, George and other chiefs, but he wished the whites to guarantee safety to Enos, who was an object of particular aversion to the volunteers. Enos, within a few weeks of the massacre, had joined forces with John, but had been deserted by the Coast Indians whose speedy surrender had alienated him from his former associates. In this strait he had found a friend in John, whose solicitude in his protege's behalf argues a strong vein of humanity in his character. Previously the chief had refused all overtures of peace, saying that war suited him sufficiently well, and that in spite of the desertion of all the other Indians he would remain in his beloved country and fight continually. But by the first of July all the known hostiles had surrendered

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save a few about Pistol river, and John's own band; and the latter were now deserted by a small number of Klamaths, who, loving fighting for its own sake, and doubtless attracted by the renown of the celebrated chief whose achievements had become known to the Indians throughout Oregon and Northern California, left their too quiet home near the lakes, and came to learn the art of war under this savage leader. Deserted by these and sated with unequal combats, John surrendered to the regular army, an escort of 110 soldiers being sent out to accompany him and his little band of thirty- five to Port Orford.

The objects of the war were now accomplished. The last band of hostile Indians had surrendered. On the temporary reservation at Port Orford were gathered about 1,300 Indians of various tribes, and including all the surviving members of the bands which had begun and carried on the war. All the chiefs of note were there; and not less than 300 warriors, the like of whom for bravery, perseverance and fighting powers have rarely been seen. Their career in arms was now effectually stopped; and it remained to remove them from a country where peace for them would be an impossi- bility. The coast reservation was fixed upon as their future abode-a tract seventy miles long, lying upon the coast of Oregon and extending from Cape Perpetua to Cape Lookout, and from the Pacific ocean to the western water-shed of the Willamette. By the first of September, 1856, 2,700 Indians had been removed there, including the Table Rock band under Chief Sam, who were taken there during the previous month of February, while the war was in progress. The Umpquas were removed there also, and were remarkable for their industry and obedience. The new home of the Indians was a well-watered country, hardly so fertile as that they had left, and much less pleasant. Fogs prevail and an enormous rainfall during the winter months makes the region gloomy and unpleasant. Nevertheless, nuts, roots, grasses, fish and game abound and furnished the savages a tolerable living throughout a portion of the year. Upon this extensive tract, the tribes lived at peace with each other and the outside world, guarded from the contact of the whites by strong detachments of military, who held the avail- able passes from the east. Fort Umpqua at the mouth of the river of that name, Fort Hoskins in King's valley, Polk county, and another post still further north stood between them and civilization. At the more suitable localities in this large tract the Indians were located and in some cases began to assist in their own support, the gov- ernment, in consideration of the surrender of their lands, contributing the remainder. Here Old Sam, chief of the Table Rock band, was located, and here he developed traits of commercial enterprise previously unsuspected; for he raised apples and onions and disposed of them to his less provident subjects for exorbitant prices. Enos, too, was there for a time, but his restless habits got him into difficulties and he made illicit expeditions to various parts of the state, and being detected therein was denounced by certain nervous people as a fire-brand who was seeking to again spread the flames of war. There is a tradition in Curry county that Enos was hanged upon Battle rock at Port Orford; but the Indian then executed was one of four Coquille Indians hanged for the murder of Venable and Burton.

John, the central figure of the war, after two years of inaction at the Yaquina, tried to instigate a revolt of the savages, with the object of seizing arms, overpowering the military, and escaping to their old hunting grounds. Being detected therein, John

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and his son Adam were placed in irons, and sent by the steamer Columbia to San Francisco, and confined in the military prison at Alcatraz. During the voyage the two warriors escaped from confinement, and attacking their guard attempted to take the ship. They were soon overpowered, but not before the younger savage lost a leg, which was severed by a blow with a butcher's cleaver. They were turned over to the authorities at Fort Flint, in San Francisco bay, and after a somewhat prolonged resi- dence as prisoners of war, were pardoned on promises of leading peaceful lives in future, and were returned to Oregon. At a later date Adam was in the Klamath lake country, where he became a chief. The termination of his father's career is not dis- tinctly made out.

In 1857 an accurate census of the Indians upon the reserve proved them to num- ber 2,049 souls, in fourteen different bands. In 1869 there were half as many, still keeping up tribal relations. In 1866 the greater part of the reservation was taken away from them, and laid open to settlement by whites, and the comparatively few sur- vivors are confined within the narrow limits of what is called the Siletz reservation, which is a small portion of the former extensive tract. Grande Ronde is another des- ignation for the same reserve.

Subsequent to the removal of the Indians some occurrences took place in Southern Oregon which properly belong to the subject of the Indian wars, because brought about by the few Indians who chose to remain in their old home and brave the anger of their white enemies rather than accompany the rest of their tribe into exile. In the southern part of Curry county there remained a few Indians, and in the southern part of Douglas county, more particularly in the vicinity of Cow creek, another small band were in hiding. On the Illinois river a few were also known to live, the miser- able and lonely relics of Limpy's once powerful band. These latter, impelled, doubt- less, by hunger, committed a few robberies during the month of July, 1856, and made an attempt on the life of one Thompson, but were driven off. The scene of their depredations was chiefly on Sucker and Althouse creeks. On the road between Camas prarie and the Big Meadows the dead bodies of two white men were found about the same time, whose evident murder was laid to Indians. About the middle of August some few Indians supposed to be Cow Creeks, signalized themselves by several attacks on citizens in the southern part of Douglas county. Moffit, a citizen, was pursued by a half-dozen of the band, but escaped. On August fourteenth James Russell and James Weaver, while riding along the road between Canyonville and Deer creek, were shot at and the former severely wounded. Both escaped. The same band, after burn- ing two houses, attacked and wounded another man near Burnett's place. Citizen Klink, of Douglas county, was fired at by Indians while plowing in his field. He ran to his house, shot through both arms. The assailants soon retired, but Major Cranmer, at the head of a volunteer company, arrested six of them a day or two subsequently. It was estimated that 100 Indians were still residing on Cow-creek in August.

On the sixth of the previous month a packer lost his life at the hands of hostile Indians on the Siskiyou mountains. A pack-train was waylaid by Indians while coming from Yreka to Jacksonville, and one Fogle was shot through the breast and soon died. These repeated casualties show conclusively that the state of affairs that existed immediately after the deportation of the tribes was of a most unquiet character;

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History of Benton County, Oregon, Part 44

Author: David D. Fagan Publication date: 1885 Publisher: Number of Pages:

Author: David D. Fagan
Publication date: 1885
Publisher:
Number of Pages: