USA > Pennsylvania > The Register of Pennsylvania : devoted to the preservation of facts and documents and every other kind of useful information respecting the state of Pennsylvania, Vol. XII > Part 27
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It is proper in all works of a public nature, that a broad and liberal view should be taken, that no con- tracted or local interests should be allowed to retard its progress; but that all should join in it with one heart and mind, and that the route selected, should be one most likely to accommodate the public at large, and presenting the best natural advantages for the economi- cal construction of the road.
BRISTOL COLLEGIATE INSTITUTION.
A new Institution for the instruction of youth, is about to be established under the above title, on the beautiful farm, called China Retreat, on the Delaware river, three miles below Bristol in this county. The es- tate belonging to the institution, and upon which the College edifice and other buildings are erected, embraces a tract of near 400 acres of fine land.
The prominent objects of this institution are to pre- pare young men, by a regular course of study, for the ministry, or for any of the liberal professions. Manual labor as affording exercise indispensable to the health of the students, will be specifically required, and they will be employed three hours in each day in the week, upon some manual labor in shops or upon the farm. The avails or profits of their labor for five days in the week, as estimated by the actuary, will be allowed to each. It is thought that they will be able to derive sufficient gains from this, to furnish themselves with private libraries, text books, clothes, &c. and in many instances defray all their necessary expenses. Students upon entering the institution, will be required to make a distinct pledge, that they will cheerfully engage in manual labor the prescribed time each day, and that they will abstain from the use of ardent spirits, during their connexion therewith.
The Collegiate year will begin on the first Wednes. day in October next, and end the fourth August.
There will be four classes, of about 30 each, and the course of studies will be comprised in four years.
There will likewise be an academical department for boys over 15 years of age, who are preparing for a course, when they will enter the Freshman Class in the College. For boys from 12 to 15 years of age there will be a select preparatory school subject to the same regulation as the collegiate students.
By several liberal donations to the Institution, and the exertions of the Education Committee, belonging to the Episcopal Church, a large number of indigent young men will be educated upon application, and presenting suitable testimonials of morality, &c.
It will be under the direction of the Rev. Chauncey
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1833.]
Colton, of Washington city, distinguished as the late head, of one of the most popular institutions in this country. Suitable professors will be engaged in all the different departments, and it is designed to make this institution rank with any of its cotemporaries in this country. The best classical and literary education will be given, together with all the most useful branches of science and learning.
We cannot but greet this institution with our best wishes, and feel persuaded it will be truly beneficial to the country at large, and we deem its location in our county, of important and immediate consequence to our citizens. Whatever is calculated to promote the intellectual advantages of any portion of the rising ge- neration, we doubt not, will be properly estimated and encouraged, and its influence and usefulness should be promoted to the fullest extent.
There are some peculiarities about this institution, which renders it rather dissimilar to any other Col- lege. The terms are put so low, that its advantages may be embraced, by the sons of persons in very mo- derate circumstances; and young men, who design to pursue the profession of school teaching, will have grant- e to them several important privileges. Besides the free scholars, young men of studious and industrious habits, will be able in the hours allotied to labor, to pay, almost entirely for their education. The union of bo- dily labor, with the mental exercises of pupils, will tend greatly to strengthen and invigorate the constitu- tion, and as the mind is improved and cultivated, the physical powers of the body will be strengthen- ed, and rendered capable of sustaining the health and independence of subsequent life.
Although the regulations of the Institution, will be strictly in conformity with the ceremonies of the Epis- copal church, it will not partake of a sectarian charac- ter, in the admission of students. All that is required of a candidate for admission, is that he possesses strict- ly moral and temperate habits, without reference to the religious tenets, or the profession he may choose in af- ter life. Conducted as we believe it will be, in the ablest manner, and upon principles liberal and catholic, with exercises calculated to promote the health and in- vigorate the constitutions of students, we sincerely hope it may be eminently successful.
The Rev. G. W. Ridgely, recently pastor of the Episcopal Church at Bristol, is the Corresponding Se- cretary and general agent for the Collegiate Institution. To his kindness we are indebted, for a copy of a pamph- Let, containing the terms, course of studies, &c. which may be seen at this office .- Ib.
ORATION,
Delivered in the Second Presbyterian church, before the Philadelphia Association for celebrating the Fourth of July, without distinction of party-by JOHN Mo- RIN SCOTT, Esq. July 4, 1833.
Gentlemen of the Association:
We are assembled to render our annual homage to freedom. More than half a century has elapsed-entire generations of men have passed away-since the day rose upon our country which gave to it a place among the nations of the earth, and proclaimed it the home of the free and the brave. Every individual who then signed that instrument, which, as the chances of war might determine, was to prove his death-warrant, or the imperishable record of his fame, sleeps in the silence of the grave. Their children have followed them, or if they survive, show already the silvered locks and fur- rowed cheek of age; and we who are met to discourse of our great forefathers, look back upon them, through a series of years, which consecrates their memories, and unites their fame, with that of the mighty dead of all ages and of all nations.
ness of primitive form is lost; bold relief subsides into the general mass; till at length new forms arise-new combinations are generated, and while the ancient ma- terials remain, the shapes they originally bore, are to be sought for only in the records of history. This fate has not yet befallen our great national festival-the annual celebration of our natal day. Its approach is still hailed with universal joy: the event which it commemorates is as green in our memories as the sod of our beautiful valleys: the aged and the young still unite in pæans to Liberty: and were it possible for us now to look down from some elevated spot in the blue vault of heaven, and with supernatural vision embrace in one glance the expanse of our country, we should behold millions of freemen uniting in the spontaneous effusions of joy, of praise, and of gratitude. It could not be otherwise: the event which stamps the day, though its authors are si- lent in the tomb, is still a living and a speaking event --- speaking to the oppressed of all nations, a language which is teaching them to break their chains-to un- dermine the huge fabrics of oppression reared in the darkness of human intellect, and cemented by the pres- sure of ages: which is instructing the natives of France, of Germany, of England and of Ireland, in the true sto- ry of their rights: which is carrying conviction to the hearts of hereditary monarchs that power has passed from their sceptres-and to the bosoms of the people, that the world was formed for them and not " for Cæsar." An event glorious in itself-in its con- sequences without a parallel.
Still, in the mode and fashion of the celebration, time has begun to work a change. At first, and for many years, that in which our ancestors rejoiced, was sim- ply, and by itself, the independence which they had achieved-the splendid triumph gained by the perse- vering fortitude of an infant people, over the gigantic strength of an enemy renowned in arms, and rich in all the sinews of war. It was enough that they were in- dependent. That the colonies were converted into a nation-self-poised and self-governed. This sentiment filled all hearts-animated every breast-was the key note of every harangue. The battles which led to it, the victories which won it, were rehearsed to ears that never wearied of the theme. The struggle was over- the victory was theirs-but that struggle might recur; that haughty nation might again call her stripling antag- onist to the field-might seek to crush the rising ener- gies of her rebellious offspring-and, therefore, with prophetic caution, the story of the Revolution was told from year to year-its battles fought again and again: and Princeton and Trenton, Germantown and Mon- mouth, Saratoga and Yorktown, were the themes of their orations. And in thirty years the second struggle did come; while yet some of the fathers of the nation remained upon the surface of its soil: and it was met- fearlessly and manfully-and the tide of invasion was turned back from our shores, crimsoned with the blood of the invaders-and the trident they had so long wield- ed in undisputed supremacy, was seized with a grasp, and held with a pertinacity ominous of its future fate.
That war was ended too, and like the war of the re- volution, ended gloriously. It taught the nations of Europe, whose rapacious conduct had shown their dis- belief of our stability, that we were able to maintain by our arms, our rank as a nation. It gave to us respect and admiration abroad, not as an infant people which might become great, but as an established nation, which had already appropriated all the elements of power. That second war and its incidents then became the li- ving topic of interest; its heroes, and its victories suc- ceeded in their turn, to the heroes and the victories of the war of the revolution, which then, as belonging to another age, assumed their high and permanent stations in the ever-during temple of historic fame.
It belongs to the institutions of man, as well as to man That second war of our country independent, is in its turn becoming history. Many who won its victories himself, to change; to perish. By imperceptible de- grees, the freshness of original creation fades; distinct- I have gone to join their predecessors of seventy-six, and
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[AUGUST
others are falling into the "sere and yellow leaf." Eighteen years of peace have glided by on the noiseless and polished wheels of time-have calmed the tumul- tuous feelings of war, and given us leisure to look inward upon ourselves. We no longer need to be reminded of former trophies as preparatory excitements to future achievements, our country stands in its relations to foreign nations "proudly eminent,"-in the calm dignity of conscious strength-desiring peace, ready for war: receiving atonement for former aggressions; protected from new, by the disseminated knowledge of her power.
The character of our national celebration partakes of this attitude of our national concerns. It presents less of military display-more of political and philosophical discussion. 'The public addresses, in themselves ema. nations from our political institutions, indicate and re- flect the popular feeling. Like a series of ancient medals, exhibiting brief allusions to leading events-a series of our national orations would instruct the histo- rian in the progressive state of our national sentiment, and the varying fortunes of the republic: redolent of war when foreign relations are uncertain: proclaiming the blessing of peace when the political atmosphere is serene-discussing state rights when the confederacy clashes with some favorite theory -- lauding the Union when ambition threatens to dissolve its ties. Even from the assembling of this Association; from the simple fact of an address delivered to young Americans without distinction of party ; may be deduced the conclusion of a new era in this our noble state. Would that the ex- ample might extend throughout the Union: that the young men of our nation, with all the pure feelings and uncorrupted sentiments of early life, with hearts unem- bittered by party contests, with tongues undefiled by party slanders, with minds unimpaired by party preju- dices, would every where band themselves into proud fraternities, sworn to elevate the American name, to emblazon the glories of the American nation: our coun- try their only watchword-right or wrong-still our country, our country.
'To you, my young friends, it belongs-to you, who, in a few years, must rule the destinies of this people, belongs the glorious privilege of infusing this new spirit into the bosom of America-of framing a new declaration of independence; independence of the shackles of par- ty, of the slavery of names. That the madness of party is inseparable from republican government is the doctrine of despots, the very essence of their argument -and if it were true, should be denied by republicans as they would deny a blot in their own domestic circle. Let it be our pride to disabuse the human intellect of this deceitful proposition-to display a republican peo- ple united in feeling and sentiment as well as in arms.
In truth, I ask of you to do little more than tread the path which the progress of events has already made obvious. Party spirit, such as it once existed in these United States, is no longer known. Personal predilec- tions and partialities we have; a warm canvass for oppo- sing candidates will excite our interest, and rouse us to adverse exertions-but with the contest the excitement ends, and the billows raised in momentary tumult sub- side to the gentle undulations of a calm.
It has required the amalgamating influence of fifty years, thus to attune the public mind to harmony. The foundation of party feeling was laid in the early history of our republic-and bitterness was borrowed from the recollections of civil war. Men became separated before the war of independence by contrariety of sentiment in relation to the aggressions of Great Britain: they fought and bled under opposing banners-received and inflict- ed mutual injuries: and although the triumph of liberty swept away this ground of controversy, and drove from the soil those who had opposed its regeneration, it left nevertheless, among the early fathers of the republic, a hostile and uncompromising spirit-prone to denounce differ nce of political views, and to exalt beyond due
measure, correspondence of political sentiment. Then came the framing and modelling of the great republic -the putting together disjointed parts-the attempt to form one great whole: And state jealousies, uncertain boundaries, and unequal portions of debt contracted by the individual colonies in the general struggle, formed copious sources of hostile discussion under the first con- federacy, and kept the edges of controversy sharp and keen. That confederacy soon, very soon, exhibited symptoms of inefficiency to which the patriot could not be blind: and then arose the question of a new organi- zation; the shape which it should assume; the quantum of power which should be given to the general govern- ment; and taken from the individual states: the character and authority of the chief magistrate-the tenure of his office-,-the power of the national judiciary-the basis of representation in the national chambers -- all of them subjects of deep and lasting interest, upon which the views of the leading men of that day differed widely, as early education or sectional partialities might direct. Under these exciting discussions, lines of demarcation began to be shadowed forth, and similarity of opinions to form the boundaries of political association. The constitution was at last adopted; that under which we have seen almost half a century of unexampled prosperi- ty. But under that constitution were to be settled the questions of army, and of navy-of our relations with foreign powers-of neutrality; while Europe was agi- tated by the whirlwind of revolution-or of obedience to sympathy with ancient allies, and the resumption of arms with them. Commerce too, its intricacies and its liabilities to aggression, lent its aid to extend the field of embarrassment; and universal excitement, fervid passion, ardent controversy, seized the public mind. Great leaders arose-choice spirits-to guide the intel. lectual warfare. Around them the people rallied, as passion, interest, or conviction, might determine their choice. The controversy raged-even the fair sex lent their aid to the general uproar, and with their delicate fingers framed the emblems of contending party-men and boys wore them; and many a sturdy battle was fought by the little urchins in defence of their respec- tive colors. Private friendships were broken-family ties disregarded-and society was split into great ad- verse factions, each confined within his own pale, and regarding all beyond, as strangers or as enemies. Gra- dually, however, this storm subsided; our own domestic policy became settled; and our relations with foreign nations assumed that character of equal justice to all, of entangling alliances with none, from which the repub- lic has never since departed. Our country 'prosper- ed beyond all example-commerce flourished-cities sprang up-the wilderness was subdued-new states were organized as if by magic-population trebled- the public debt was reduced-our flag was seen in eve- ry bay, and harbour, and inlet, and ocean-the powers of Barbary were humbled-the infant began to assume gigantic dimensions-foreign jealousies were excited- and at last, as if to effect one general and grand re- union of American freemen, came that second war: And then, upon the altar of our common country was offered up all that rema ned of passion, prejudice, and party feeling. The sacrifice was accepted-and the next oblation was made by an united people rendering thanks for their second great triumph. From that period we have had our contests-but they have been for men, rather than for measures: conducted with all the pomp and circumstance, but with little of the real acrimony of party. Its bitterness is no longer infused into the cup of private and social life; friendships re- main unbroken-family ties undissolved. Upon the great topics which formerly threw us into a foam of agitation, we have united in sentiment, and the modern duty and aim has been, to see that principles which all approve shall be faithfully administered and carried into effect.
Let it not be supposed that I mean to inculcate upon
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1833.]
the young men of our native land, indifference to the political aspect of their country, or inattention to the- conduct of their public men. On the contrary; there never was a moment in our political history which de- manded greater watchfulness-more entire devotion to the public weal. It is in vain to deny that we were lately upon the eve of a great convulsion-tottering on the brink of a precipice-over which the leap, or the fall, would have inflicted fearful, if not fatal, injury. Already were the powers of Europe gloating upon the prospect of our disunion-of the breaking up, and scat- tering abroad upon the winds of discord, of all that proud fabric of freedom, which had been to them a standing monument of reproach, " with fear of change perplexing monarchs." Sarcasms, sneers and jibes at the government of the people by the people-prophe- cies of dissolution-kind intimations that the maternal arms of the mother country would be open to her re- pentant offspring-that the fatted calf would be killed to welcome the wanderer back, infused joy into the bosoms of transatlantic politicians-and brought burning blushes into the cheek of every native of the soil. oh! my country !- yet " darkened so you shone above them all !">
Aye, young men-young men of this great and cen- tral State-you were threatened with disunion! In the south and in the north, the value of union became a subject of calculation-or arithmetical estimate-of trial in the scales of expediency. Father of nations-can it be? Does there exist an American, who would raise a parricidal arm against his country's glory-who would give up one jot or tittle of his share in the splendid heritage of republican fame? Let us not believe it. Temporary hallucination may have misled-but the weed grew but upon the surface-to the heart its roots cannot have penetrated-and with the abatement of the sudden heat which gave it unnatural growth, will with- er, die, disappear.
Yet, it will not do to rest our fate upon the anticipa- tions of sanguine hope. The startling phantom, the hideous spectre of disunion, has been offered to our gaze-has already " seared our eyeballs:" we must examine it closely-become familiar with its hideous and disgusting features-and from the very accumula- tion of abhorrence, "put on manly resolution" to ba- nish the unreal mockery from the land.
Disunion of this our beloved country! Let us, calmly if we can, look at the picture and calculate-aye, that is the word-calculate its results-and where shall we begin the withering catalogue of ills ?- what gloomy Cassandra shall we invoke to denounce the gathering wo?
Our name-yes, our name! let us begin there-an American citizen-a citizen of the United States. Who is not proud of that title? In what land of civilized man is it not a passport to regard? Where do we not with pride announce our country-and claim our birth right? And for what title shall we exchange it? From what diminished portion of our mighty empire shall we hereafter hail? A Pennsylvanian-a New Yorker-a Carolinian-a Virginian? Shall these be our titles? How small, how insignificant, in contrast with the sim- ple and dignified answer: I am a citizen of the United States.
Under what flag shall we sail? To what waving em- blem of our country's glory shall we look, and claim the safeguard of its ample folds? What shall become of the stars and stripes-the banner of freedom! Allow me to quote the words of the accomplished and gentle- manly Poinsett, than whom his country does not pos- sess a nobler or a better man.
of the American Ambassador was then, as it ought ever to be, the refuge of the distressed and persecuted. It was pointed out to the infuriated soldiery as a place filled with their enemies. They rushed to the attack- my only defence was the flag of my country, and it was flung out at the instant that hundreds of muskets were levelled at us. We placed ourselves beneath its waving folds, and the attack was suspended. We did not blench, for we felt strong in the protecting arm of this mighty republic. We told them that the flag that waved over us, was the banner of that nation, to whose example they owed their liberties, and to whose protection they were indebted for their safety. The scene changed as by enchantment-and the-e men who were on the point of attacking my house and massacreing the inhabitants, cheered the flag of our country, and placed sentinels to protect it from outrage. Fellow citizens, in such a mo- ment as that, would it have been any protection for me or mine, to have proclaimed myself a Carolinian? Should I be here to tell you this tale, if I had hung out the palmetto and the single star? Be assured that to be respected abroad we must maintain our place in the union."
Of this honored name-of this proud flag, disunion will deprive us; they will be lost to us forever-not to us alone, but to the world. 'The name may remain, claimed by some fragment of this once great people; the flag may be retained by the same inglorious fraction; but their meaning and their spirit will be gone-the name will no longer indicate that you are members of that splendid republic which broke through the tram- mels of despotism-the flag will no longer assert par- ticipation in the glories of unnumbered victories-the name and the flag united, will cease to prove your claim to kindred with Washington: of that heritage you will be despoiled. Better, far better, if we must part, that the name be abandoned for ever, and the flag be furled for ever-precious, yet sacred relics, over whose im- maculate purity history may bend with reverence, and weep for their early departure-than that they be re- tained, shorn of their honour, robbed of their brightness. Let them go out like those fixed stars, which having shone for ages upon the world, suddenly disappear from the magnificent canopy of heaven, and are seen no more amidst its awful hosts.
What more ! How long will freedom stand the shock? how long will republican government survive? It is a momentous and a doubtful question, which in its full extent time alone can solve-but upon which it well be- comes us to pause and deliberate. Let us waive the influence upon foreign nations-there, the blow would be fatal, and the translantic despot would bless the western republican for the gift of chains and manacles more infrangible than the work-shop of his own legiti- mate brain could devise -- what among ourselves, to our own children, would be the result? Even here, I say, the question is full of uncertainty. "Clouds and dark- ness hang upon it." It is true, that the people of the eastern and middle States are thoroughly and practical- ly versed in the doctrines of equality of rights-that they understand and are attached to these political institu- tions which are founded upon, and, in their turn, uphold these doctrines-that under ordinary circum- stances, the universal existence of these opinions, and the absence of all laws of primogeniture, would guard them efficiently against the sudden usurpation of an in dividual, or the insidious approaches of an aristocracy. In the southern States a different temper may possibly prevail-a population, on their eastern board, com- paratively sparse-property in the shape of landed estate, cultivated by slaves, and giving to the possessor a species of seignoral dignity-a less extended elective franchise-comparative seclusion from the world, and from the assimilating process of constant intercourse with men, have given in those States a tone to society less favourable to republican doctrines, as we under-
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