The Register of Pennsylvania : devoted to the preservation of facts and documents and every other kind of useful information respecting the state of Pennsylvania, Vol. XII, Part 53

Author: Hazard, Samuel, 1784-1870
Publication date: 1828
Publisher: Philadelphia : Printed by W.F. Geddes ;
Number of Pages: 438

USA > Pennsylvania > The Register of Pennsylvania : devoted to the preservation of facts and documents and every other kind of useful information respecting the state of Pennsylvania, Vol. XII > Part 53

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This common and pervading love of freedom-this deep-rooted determination to submit to no encroachment upon their rights, this universal and clear perception of the consequences of submitting to an attempt on the part of Great Britain to usurp the province of their own immediate representatives, this it was, with the natural and unavoidable conclusion that in Union alone there was strength and safety, which caused the colonies first to meet in Congress, by delegates charged with their authority and instructions. These delegates first met at Philadelphia, on the 5th September, 1774, when, as has already been stated, eleven of what are called in the Journal, "the several colonies and provinces in North America," assembled at the Carpenter's Hall. It is not necessary now to occupy your time with an inquiry when or where, or how, the idea of independence and a separate existence first began, or by what means it finally obtained the sanction of the 4th July 1776. The history of this momentous period of our country enables us to discover two leading truths, of far greater impor- tance in the present times. Freedom was the end and object of our forefathers, and independence was the mean to attain it, when every thing else had failed. This is the first of these truths. "Nor have we been want- ing," says the Declaration of Independence, "in atten- tion to our British brethren. We have warned them

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extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. Wehave reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our con- nexions and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we do the rest of man- kind, "enemies in war, in peace friends." The other is not less obvious nor less entitled to our deep and solemn attention. As independence was necessary to freedom, so was union necessary to independence. Independ- ence was not declared till a thorough union was esta- blished. As long as the Congress was composed only of the representatives of Colonies, continuing to acknow- ledge their dependence, and humbly petitioning for a redress of grievances; as long as redress was looked for, with any hope of obtaining it; as long as any intention remained of returning to their allegiance, if their griev- ances were redressed; so long was the union of their counsels but temporary, to cease when the occasion for it should no longer exist. But when the patriotic sages, intrusted with the care of their country's freedom, be- gan to perceive "the necessity which denounced a se- paration," they felt that the union must be drawn closer, and be made perpetual-till that was effected, indepen- dence could not be asserted, nor freedom secured. They saw distinctly that union was as necessary to indepen - dence, as independence was to freedom; and in their enlightened view they were but one. They did not, therefore, declare independence till they were ready also to announce an union, and when they proclaimed the existence of the nation, they proclaimed it with in- separable and indissoluble attributes of union, indepen- dence, and freedom.

Up to the date of the Declaration of Independence, the members of Congress, as we have seen, were the representatives of Colonies and not of States. Till then, no states existed. In that instrument, they style them- selves, for the first time, the Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, and they declare that these "United ,Colonies are and of right ought to be free and independent states." From this it is evident, as would naturally be supposed, that the union of the colonies actually preceded the Declara- tion of Independence, and the existence of States, and is in truth the oldest of our rights. It was the Union that created the states, and not the states that created the Union. It is the Union too, be it ever remembered, that was as much wrested from England, by force of arms, as Independence itself.

Union, Independence, and Freedom, are what that illustrious body of sages and patriots established for us, as the lasting pillars of our happiness. Union first, and then Independence. It no more entered into their minds to conceive that the one would cease, than the other. For both they toiled and suffered. For both our fathers fought and bled, and both they have deli- vered to us, as the common right of every free citizen of the United States, which no power on earth can just- ly require him to part with or surrender. Union, as well as Independence and Freedom, is the birth-right of every child born in these United States. He is born to the inheritance of a nation's glory, to the enjoyment of a nation's protection and power, to the high privi- lege of a nation's name, to something to love and to ho- nor, to a country upon which he can proudly fix his affections, in whose prosperity he can rejoice, towards which he can direct his eye when abroad, and to whose avenging power he can appeal when menaced with in- sult or danger.

The favour of Heaven-signal as it has been, and claiming at all times our most devout gratitude-has been in nothing more manifest than in producing this Union. The wisdom and patriotism of the first Con-

gress were above all conspicuous in the means they employed to cherish, to strengthen, and consolidate, what the hand of Providence had offered to their ac- ceptance. From the moment of their first assembling, it was the dearest object of their concern and care; and when, having indissolubly bound it together, they pledged "their lives and fortunes and their sacred honour," they did so in the name of one united people, who were henceforth to take their equal rank among the nations of the earth. "When," says that cherished instrument, "in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the nations of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them." And again, it says, "appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, we do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare,"-thus in every emphatic passage, when it addresses mankind, and when it invokes the aid and favour of Heaven-in its resolutions, its appeals, its prayers, speaking with the tongue, and breathing the devout aspirations of one people, and that one, the peo- ple of all these colonies.

From that time forward, from the great epoch of the 4th of July, 1776, we have been one people, and blessed be the great Dispenser of human events, we are stil one people. The articles of confederation, which followed not very long after the Declaration of Independence, are in the same spirit. They are styled in the pream- ble " Articles of Confederacy and PERPETUAL UNION." And to establish at once, for every individual, the sure ground of national character, and of right throughout the Union, they declare that " the free inhabitants of each of these States shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States."

If more were wanting to illustrate the wisdom and patriotism of that matchless representative body, and to endear their memory to our hearts, we should find it in the fruits of their labours. Scarcely had the an- nunciation gone forth, till this Union was formally received into the family of nations, and treaties formed with one of the oldest powers of the world-treaties, be it remembered, perpetual in their terms and obliga- tions, and such as a perpetual Union could alone enter into. Union gave to our country consideration and respect abroad, and entitled her to take her place among the nations. Listen to the language of Congress, when presenting the articles of " confederation and perpetual union," in their circular, dated " Yorktown, November 17th, 1777." " Let them be examined with a liberality becoming brethren and fellow citizens sur- rounded by the same imminent dangers, contending for the same illustrious prize, and deeply interested in being for ever bound and connected together by ties the most intimate and indissoluble; and finally, let them be adjusted with the temper and magnanimity of wise and patriotic legislators, who, while they are concerned for the prosperity of their own more immediate circle, are capable of rising superior to local attachments, when they may be incompatible with the safety, happiness, and glory of the general confederacy." * * *

" More than any other consideration it will confound our foreign enemies, defeat the flagitious practices of the disaffected, strengthen and confirm our friends, support our public credit, restore the value of our mo- ney, enable us to maintain our fleets and armies, and add weight and respect to our councils at home, and. to our treaties abroad." * * " It seems essential to our very existence as a free people, and without it, we may soon be constrained to bid adieu to independence, to. liberty, and safety-blessings, which, from the justice of our cause, and the favour of our Almighty Creator, vi- sibly manifested in our protection, we have reason to. expect, if, in an humble dependence upon his divine providence, we strenuously exert the means which are. placed in our power."

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Union emboldened our countrymen to enter upon the hazardous conflict. Union enabled them to carry it triumphantly through. When Washington left the hall of Congress in June, 1775, unanimously elected to command the armies of our country, he carried with him a commission from " the delegates of the United Colonies." " Supported," to use his own words, " by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven," he drew his sword in the name and the services of the Union; and when, having accomplished the glorious purpose for which he had taken the field, he restored that sword to its scabbard, he returned his commission, in December, 1783, to the representatives of the sovereignty of the Union-to " the United States in Congress assembled," then acknowledged by the whole world to be a sovereign and independent nation.

When, in the process of time, the articles of confed- eration were found to be insufficient, and especially when it was seen that they did not adequately secure the Union, the people of the United States, in the same spirit which from their first existence as a people had governed and guided their feelings and their councils, framed the present Constitution of the United States, declaring its first object to be "to form a more perfect Union."

In Union, we have found safety, prosperity, and honor. With it, we have enjoyed the fullest measure of the blessings of independence and freedom. By it, we are the heirs of the fame of our ancestors, which equally enriches us all, and partake of the common glory of being the countrymen of those who have earn- ed unfading renown. Union is connected with every eventful period in our history-it is inscribed upon every glorious achievement in our annals-it is the very condition of our existence as a nation-it is the condition upon which we hold whatever we venerate in the past, whatever we enjoy in the present, and whatever we hope in the future for ourselves and our children. Union is our country. We have never known another. Without it-the vision of patriotism cannot endure the contemplation of such a scene, but turns from it with dismay and horror-without it, we may have a spot to live upon, a place to breathe in, com- forts perhaps even greater than we deserve-but we cannot have that country which has been the object of our affections and respect-that glorious country, which our fathers redeemed from bondage and raised up to be the admiration of the world-that country by which we are associated with the heroes and sages of the Revolution, and are enabled to say, that we are the countrymen of Washington and Franklin -- that coun- try, which makes us partakers of the favours and bles- sings vouchsafed to her in such rich abundance, by a gracious Providence, in all the times that are past. We may have another-but never, never, never, such an one as God in his goodness has given us in the day of our fathers.

cessful purpose, looking beyond the generation which effects it, seems to find its chief inducement in the accumulation of blessings for future ages. The way of the patriot then though it may be rugged and toil- some, and surrounded with many dangers, is cheerful and onward. Animated by the encouraging counte- nance and support of his countrymen, he has also the approbation of his own conscience, and can appeal with confidence to the protection and favour of Heaven. And when his labours are ended, he retires with the feel- ings of satisfaction which belong to one who has been a benefactor of inankind, and with the soothing hope-it cannot be called an infirmity-that his memory will be cherished with kindness by a grateful posterity, and his example be a guide to the footsteps of those who may come after him to take charge of the destinies of his country.

The history of the blessings dispensed to our coun- try and to the first Congress, is not yet complete. It seems, indeed, as if that era in our annals had been permitted by a gracious Providence to be crowned with every distinction that could command admiration and respect, or endear its memory to the ages that were to come. In other revolutions, of any continuance, it has been remarked, that those who began the work have generally fallen victims to the fury of the storm they had been instrumental in raising. Even when they have escaped with their lives, they have generally lost their popularity and their power, and often have been doom- ed not only to suffer degradation themselves, but to witness also the destruction of the hopes they had con- ceived for the cause which incited them to action. We are not surprised at this. When we consider the nature of man and his passions-the nature of faction, its headlong rage, and its mad inconstancy-how, when the public feeling is highly wrought, fits of blind con- fidence are rapidly succeeded by fits of equally blind hatred and suspicion-how, in moments of disappoint- ment, vengeance seeks for objects upon which to in- dulge itself-how, in the midst of excitement, irregu- lar ambition, with the mask of patriotism, is prowling about to take advantage of men's weakness, and lurk- ing treason watches its occasions to inflict a wound- how too, the hand becomes familiar with the sword, and how the sword, wielded by a strong arm, is apt to make itself the arbiter, and with one confounded blow, under pretence of terminating the reign of disorder, to crush the hopes of freedom by silencing its advocates- when we consider these things, and consider too that the struggle for our independence lasted nearly ten years-language is too feeble to express the emotions we feel of astonishment, and gratitude, and virtuous exultation, when we find that the patriots who began the revolution were those who carried it through. Some of them, as we have seen, died before its termi- nation. But, not one of them perished in any strife with his countrymen-not one of them lost the confi- dence of his country, nor did one ever desert her inter- ests, or even incur the suspicion of want of zeal in her service. Of all indeed, who were intrusted in any de. partment, there was but one who proved a traitor. With that solitary exception of a miserable profligate, whose name has become synonymous with infamy, and unworthy to be mentioned, all, who were living, lived with honour. All who were dead, slept in honoured graves. One radiant light shone upon them all, when the voices, which in the beginning had joined in sup- plication for aid and favour in the hour of trial, ascend- ed together, at the end, in praises and thanksgiving to Him who had given the victory.

That such a representative body was assembled as the one our thoughts have been directed to, must be ascribed to the character of the people by whom they were selected. Wisdom and virtue in the representa- tive, where the choice is free, are an argument of wisdom and virtue in those by whom he is chosen. Nor is this all. As the measures which in succession were adopted by Congress, derived their support from the people, and that support was cheerfully granted, at whatever cost, it cannot be but that the same sentiments which governed the proceedings of the public councils, reigned also in the hearts of the people, and reigned with undivided sway. Happy, indeed, must they be Still the aggregate of their felicity is not fully dis- closed. Something remains yet to be said, to exhibit the full measure of the reward of their patriotic wis- dom and constancy. Many of them were permitted to live, as it were, with their posterity -to enter with them into the enjoyment of the fruits of their toils-to wit- esteemed, whose fortunate lot it is to act in times when one great overruling purpose governs all desires, and that one. purpose such as justice and patriotism can warmly espouse. Happier still are they who are ena- bled to accomplish what justice and patriotism command them to undertake. Happiest of all, when this suc- i ness the growth of their country, and the expanding

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influence of her free institutions-and to receive the unaffected homage of the increasing millions made hap- py by their patriotic labours. How they were honoured, I need not tell you. How they were confided in, you well know. Of the members of that Congress, six were members of the convention which formed the present Constitution of the United States. Two were Presi- dents of the United States. One was Vice President, and many others were appointed to stations of the highest trust and confidence. Their country never grew weary of exhibiting her grateful sense of their services and their virtues.

Shall we here conclude this slight and imperfect sketch of the extraordinary happiness which was the reward of these illustrious men? One yet remains, greater than all the rest. They lived in the faith, and they were permitted to die in the persuasion, that what- ever other chastisement might befall their beloved country, she was not doomed to suffer the affliction of disunion. The father of his country, in the inestima- ble legacy of advice and instruction, he bequeathed to us when he took leave of public employment, dwelt with parental solicitude upon the vital topic of union. He warned us that it would be assailed " by internal and external enemies, constantly and actively, though often covertly and insidiously." And while he warned, he exhorted us "to frown indignantly upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties that now link together its various parts." He could not but feel assured that such advice would be obeyed, and that one indignant and withering frown would set- tle on him, who openly and directly, or " covertly and insidiously," under whatever name or pretext, should aim a dagger at the heart of his country, by seeking to destroy or to " enfeeble" the Union. Adams and Jef- ferson, though they lived to the end of the fiftieth year, breathed their last breath among a people firmly unit- ed, and rejoicing in their union. And Carroll-he who outlived them all-was he in this respect less happy than the rest? Was his aged heart disturbed by the fear that the exhortation of Washington might prove to be unavailing? Was the dim sight of the venerable sur- viver afflicted with visions of ruin to his country-his ear invaded with strange words, of spurious coinage, and of evil augury, unknown to the vocabulary of the patriots and sages of the Revolution? Believe it not. The last pulsation of the heart had in it a remnant of the vigour of the Congress of 1776. 'That eye had been accustomed to look through gloom and darkness, and see beyond, a glorious light. That ear had heard the threats of confiscation and the halter, and did not heed them. Standing upon the rock of the Union, with Washington, and Franklin, and Hancock, and Adams, and Jefferson, and their illustrious associates, he had braved the power of the British empire in arms against his infant country, and in the Union had found safety and triumph. The storm had raged around them, but the rock was immoveable. Could such a man be sud- denly persuaded, that madness had overtaken one por- tion of his countrymen; and degenerate fear another? I say again, believe it not. Let us be assured, that he too was permitted to depart with the unshaken and firm conviction, that there was still enough of the spirit of the Revolution to preserve its work.

In this imperfect and hasty glance at the composition, character, and services of the illustrious band, who stood forward as the representatives of the Union, to assert, and at every hazard to maintain the independence of our country, it will at once be perceived, that little more has been attempted than to point to the sources of in- formation, and to invite to a more thorough examination of them. It is well for us to dwell, and to dwell fre- quently and earnestly, upon all that belongs to that period-to study it, to fill our minds and our hearts with it, not as a theme of discourse and panegyric merely, but as a living principle of action, a deep and fixed in-

struction, something entering into our very organiza- tion, and made a part of our nature, so as to determine instinctively all our conduct in relation to our country. Nothing else will secure to us the continuance of the blessings we enjoy. Without it, the forms of free go- vernment may be but a dead letter. Look at our near- est neighbor, a nation, which, like our own, has passed from a colonial state to independence, and framed for herself a constitution as nearly as possible resembling that under which weare in the possession of peace and freedom. Can you discern in her present condition any thing which deserves to be called the working of a free - constitution? At this very moment, the question of who shall wield the power of the State, is depending not upon the result of an election by the citizens, but upon the issue of battles between contending armies. The sword, instead of the ballot box, is again to decide the controversy, as it has done twice within the last five years.

How different has been the lot of that happy coun- try which we are permitted to call our own. The sword has never been drawn in it, but against a com- mon, public enemy. Wherever our arms were seen, the flag of the Union floated over them, and was the sign in which all conquered. In every victory that has been gained, all could rejoice, for it has never been a victo- ry over our countrymen. We have differed about men, and we have differed about measures, but always in a spirit of submission to the Constitution, and of at- tachment to the Union. And when, according to the fundamental law of free government, the will of a ma- jority has been constitutionally declared, as to men or as to measures, we have peacefully acquiesced. The voice of every one is heard, but the voice of the majori- ty must govern. This is the great pervading vital prin- ciple of our constitutions. Whatever may be the dis- tribution of powers, however they may be modified in their investment or exercise, from one great source, they are all derived-from a majority of the people. That such a government, so simple in its structure, so clear in its purpose, should be found adequate to all the legitimate objects for which government is institut- ed among men, who can doubt? Look around upon this land-trace its progress from the moment when it shook off the trammels of colonial subjection, and started in the career of independent national existence -what has the world ever seen that can be compared to it? What does the world now contain that bears any resemblance to it? The eyes of mankind are fixed up- on us with earnest attention, watching the great expe- riment. Will it succeed? For more than fifty years it has succeeded. It has outlived the longest lives. of those who united to establish it. They are now all in their graves. Their work still survives them-the same which they created, and bearing the same im- press as in the beginning, Union, Independence, Free- dom. Why shall it not stand? We are stronger than they were in numbers and in wealth. Are we weaker in wisdom and in virtue? Are we less able to appre- ciate the blessings provided for us, less willing to make the exertions necessary for preserving them? A doubt implies degeneracy. It supposes a want of enlightened patriotism-an unaccountable blindness to our own true interests-an incredible indifference to the happiness of those who are to come after us-an unheard of insensi- bility to the great trust committed to our keeping. For sure it is, that if ever this glorious fabric should fall to ruins-which may Heaven in its mercy forbid -- it must be because there is not wisdom and virtue enough to support it. The age in which it perishes, will be the op- posite of that in which it was constructed; and as the one has earned undying fame, the other will merit uni- versal execration.

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The Register of Pennsylvania : devoted to the preservation of facts and documents and every other kind of useful information respecting the state of Pennsylvania, Vol. XII, Part 53

Author: Hazard, Samuel, 1784-1870 Publication date: 1828 Publisher: Philadelphia : Printed by W.F. Geddes ; Number of Pages: 438

Author: Hazard, Samuel, 1784-1870
Publication date: 1828
Publisher: Philadelphia : Printed by W.F. Geddes ;
Number of Pages: 438