USA > Colorado > History of Colorado; Volume I > Part 47
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Judge Wilbur F. Stone, who had been named by the democratic conven- tion to oppose Judge Wells in the first election, was then named as joint candidate by the leading members of the state bar. He was of course elected and served out the long term which Judge Wells had so unfortunately, for the republicans, drawn.
JOHN L. ROUTT WINS GOVERNORSHIP
There was a spirited contest for the nomination for governor in the repub- lican convention held at Pueblo August 23, 1876, and of which Alvin Marsh, of Gilpin, was permanent chairman. John L. Routt, who secured the honor, was opposed by George W. Chilcott, Samuel H. Elbert and Lafayette Head. The latter was nominated for lieutenant governor, and Mr. Elbert was named with Henry C. Thatcher of Pueblo and, as stated above, Ebenezer T. Wells, of Arapahoe, for justices of the Supreme Court. James B. Belford, one of the most celebrated orators of the state, was named for representative in Congress.
On the democratic side, at a convention held in Manitou on August 29th, Judge Harley B. Morse, of Gilpin, presiding, Thomas M. Patterson of Arapahoe was nominated for Congress. Gen. Bela M. Hughes was named for governor by acclamation. Wilhur F. Stone of Pueblo, E. Wakely of San Juan and George W. Miller of Arapahoe were nominated for the supreme bench. This election was held October 3, 1876.
THE BELFORD-PATTERSON CONGRESSIONAL FIGHT
The entire republican ticket was elected, thus assuring two republican United States senators. But in the election for Congress James B. Belford received a majority of the vote both for what was called the short and for the full term. Thomas M. Patterson conceded Belford's election for the short term, but on November 7, 1876, ran alone and unopposed for the full term beginning March 4, 1877. General Buckner, of Kentucky, in reviewing the case when the contest came before the House said that the only question before the House was whether or not the certificate of the Governor of Colorado, showing upon its face that the election was held on a day unauthorized by law, entitled the
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holder of such a credential to a prima facie right to a seat. He held that the governor might have avoided all this difficulty by merely stating that Mr. Belford had been duly elected according to the laws of Colorado, for, "I under- take to say, and no one will doubt that if such had been the form of the certi- ficate, Mr. Belford would, unquestionably, have had the prima facie right to a seat here. But the governor does not give such a certificate. He undertakes not merely to give his conclusions of law upon the facts, but he states a fact, which, according to my construction of the law, proves that the election was invalid; that there was no authority of law for holding the election on the day upon which he says Belford was elected. This brings us to the only question really before the House; and this question is not to be decided upon what the Constitutional Convention did upon its view of the law, but it is for each member of the House upon an examination of the authority under which the Convention acted, to determine the question for himself. The rights of Mr. Patterson to a seat here are not involved in this discussion. The question whether the Governor or the State authorities issued the proclamation required by law, is not before the House. Nor is there before the House the question whether Mr. Patterson or Mr. Belford received the largest vote at the election in October or November, or what proportion of votes they received, or whether any particular county did or did not vote at the November election."
The only law, Mr. Buckner concludes, under which Colorado could vote was the law of Congress of 1872, and the amendatory act of 1875, which fixes the date for the election of all representatives to Congress for the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November.
Mr. Patterson was seated for the full term.
CHAFFEE AND TELLER GO TO SENATE
On January 7, 1877, Colorado had its first senatorial election. There had been much wrangling and wire-pulling by sectional leaders, Pueblo and El Paso both coming with candidates, George M. Chilcott and W. S. Jackson, to oppose Jerome B. Chaffee and Henry M. Teller. Almost at the outset, however, the feeling that Jerome B. Chaffee should be chosen permeated all minds, and on the night of January 9th he was named by the republican caucus. Finally on the 14th the southern part of the state turned to Henry M. Teller, and one of the most constructive minds ever sent to the United States Senate was thus honored with the election. The senators were sworn in December 4, 1877. In the drawing Mr. Teller secured the short term, which expired March 3, 1878, and Mr. Chaffee that which expired in March 1880. On December 9, 1878, Mr. Teller was reelected for the full term ending in 1883. The democrats at the latter election voted for Thomas Macon of Fremont. At the first senatorial election they voted for Thomas Macon and William A. H. Loveland of Jefferson.
The recognition of his state was but the beginning of the honors that came unbidden to Senator Teller throughout his career.
In 1882 when he had been in the Senate but a single term he was made Secretary of the Interior by President Arthur, a position which he filled with such conspicuous success that the nation was placing him among its presidential possibilities. But Colorado with its small electoral vote was not destined to
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be a "mother of presidents", though it had in its borders many statesmen who in larger and politically more doubtful communities could have aspired to the honor.
In practically all his remaining campaigns for the United States Senate his position was never that of the wrangling fighting politician. The friends who managed his campaigns, both republicans and democrats, fought for the man who so to speak had put Colorado "on the map" nationally. Yet there were but two campaigns in which the opposition to Henry M. Teller showed its teeth. In 1885 it was Senator Chaffee who led the hosts against the reelection of N. P. Hill, another of Colorado's great men. This was really Chaffee's fight, with Henry M. Teller, Colorado's most noted figure, lending to his faction the influence and power Chaffee needed to win out.
The last contest was with Senator Wolcott, who was defeated rather by the defections in his own party than by the strange combination of circumstances which brought about the reelection of Senator Teller.
His return to Colorado from the republican national convention out of which he had led his "silver" friends, was made the occasion of one of the most notable ovations ever given any man in public life in the state. Nothing so endeared him to his people as the firm stand he had taken in the cause of his constituency. The sacrifice was really a great one. Henry M. Teller was in line for whatever he aspired to from the hands of a republican President. A cab- inet portfolio or the greatest of the country's foreign missions was in his grasp.
At this time there was but little hope for democratic success. Nor was Teller ready to become a democrat. He called himself a Silver republican, and under this name led his faction into the Bryan fold. To republican eyes in that first silver campaign this was plainly an effort to split the old party. So that it is clear that this great man was burning the bridges behind him. He had, however, the courage of his convictions even though his stand for his state led to the destruction of all hopes he may have had for further national distinction from his old party.
The work of Henry M. Teller was always constructive. To a great extent the Public Lands policy of the Government was made helpful to the West as far as this was possible for him in Senate committees and as Secretary of the Interior.
On all the work of the judiciary committees of the Senate during his terms of office he has left the impress of his clarifying and practical intellect.
Senator Jerome B. Chaffee was another of Colorado's great men, although hardly to be classed in intellectuality or statecraft with either Senator Teller or Senator Wolcott. To no one man in Colorado does the honor of achieving statehood belong, yet if this honor could be divided the larger share would go to Jerome B. Chaffee. He became the republican leader of Colorado when he was chosen territorial delegate to Congress, although he was already a power when chosen speaker of the Territorial Assembly in 1863. Nor was his influence confined to Colorado. In the party councils he was even then a growing power.
Within the state the Hill faction was really never reconciled to his leader- ship, but when all the causes for this quarrel are simmered down, it becomes like nearly every internal party wrangle, merely a fight for patronage-a fight in which leaders are estranged despite themselves.
The illness of Senator Chaffee put him out of the political running for a time,
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but his remarkable recovery, followed by the Teller-Hill contest, in which he managed the Teller campaign, demonstrated that his influence in his party was still to be figured with.
The first presidential electors chosen by the Legislature were Herman Beck- urts, Otto Mears and William L. Hadley.
In 1878, just on the eve of the biennial campaign, the News, which had been the property of William N. Byers was sold to W. A. H. Loveland, a dem- ocrat, and thus became a factor in the coming gubernatorial election for the new proprietor of the News was made the nominee for governor at the Pueblo convention on July 17th, the day after his newspaper purchase.
Thomas M. Patterson was again nominated for Congress.
In the republican party there was every evidence of dissension. The northern part of the state had gathered in all of the plums and the south felt that it would go even to the absurd extreme of trying to create a new state unless there was a complete change in the apportionment of honors. The movement, while the occasion of considerable joshing, ended, however, in the selection of Fred- erick W. Pitkin, of Ouray, for the gubernatorial nomination, and a large rep- resentation from the southern part of the state on the ticket. James B. Belford again ran for Congress.
On August 14th the third party, known as "the Greenbackers", nominated a ticket headed by Dr. R. G. Buckingham, of Arapahoe, for governor. The entire republican ticket was elected.
N. P. HILL ENTERS THE FIELD
In 1879 the Legislature selected the successor to Jerome B. Chaffee. His reëlection would have been a foregone conclusion, but a serious illness, which it was believed would end fatally, compelled him to decline the honor. This left the party without a head, for Senator Chaffee had been its leader and guid- ing spirit for much over a decade. Prof. Nathaniel P. Hill, who was then manager of the Boston & Colorado Smelting Company, with Senator Chaffee's consent and support, became an avowed candidate for the United States senator- ship and party leadership in the state. The candidates opposing Mr. Hill were Thomas M. Bowen, of Rio Grande, John L. Routt, H. A. W. Tabor, William A. Hamill, of Clear Creek, W. S. Jackson, of El Paso, John Evans, Henry C. Thatcher, of Pueblo, and George M. Chilcott. The result was in doubt at the outset only, for Professor Hill was nominated on the fourth ballot. The dem- ocrats voted for W. A. H. Loveland.
In 1880 the political contest was again three-cornered, the greenbackers naming Rev. A. J. Chittendon, of Boulder, as their candidate for governor, while the republicans renominated Governor Pitkin by acclamation, and the dem- ocrats named John S. Hough, of Hinsdale, as their standard bearer. For Congress James B. Belford was again named by the republicans, opposed by Robert S. Morrison, of Clear Creek, a democrat. This was the period of torch light processions, and in one of these the transparencies were lettered to arouse the anti-Chinese prejudices of the community. The "Morey letter", an unskil- ful and infamous forgery, helped to arouse the anger of the voters. This
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resulted, on October 31, 1880, in what are known as the anti-Chinese riots. These are fully covered in another chapter of this history.
PITKIN CHOSEN GOVERNOR
The effect of the riots on the election is not apparent. The republicans, who had continuously controlled the state, again won by the old-time substantial majorities. The election of James A. Garfield to the presidency was followed by the first determined effort to secure representation for Colorado in the cabinet. For this honor former Governor Routt was urged by Senators Teller and Hill, and former Senator Chaffee, by Congressman Belford and by General Grant, who personally urged the appointment. While this first effort failed, the honor came to the state rather unexpectedly in 1882, when President Arthur recon- structed the cabinet and named Senator Teller Secretary of the Interior. When his resignation reached Governor Pitkin he lost no time in appointing George M. Chilcott of Pueblo to fill the vacancy, thus ending the long and bitter contro- versy between republicans of the northern and southern sections of the state.
The republican party of the state, continuously victorious, now began to weaken under the stress of a bitter factional fight, with Senator N. P. Hill and Henry R. Wolcott on one side and ex-Senator Chaffee and Henry M. Teller on the other. In the campaign of 1882 the Chaffee wing was strong enough to defeat Henry R. Wolcott for the gubernatorial nomination, and named E. L. Campbell, of Lake County, as its standard bearer, James B. Belford again receiving the congressional nomination. The democrats nominated James B. Grant, head of the Grant Smelting Company, and one of the most popular men in the state. The two republican papers of Denver, the Tribune and Senator Hill's paper, the Republican, bolted their party nominee.
The greenback-labor party, with George W. Woy as its gubernatorial can- didate, made inroads on both of the older parties. James B. Grant while elected by a heavy majority failed to carry the remainder of his ticket to victory.
BOWEN AND TABOR GO TO SENATE
The senatorship was before the fourth General Assembly, which convened January 9, 1883, and the campaign just ended left the factions apparently in irreconcilable conflict. Former Governor Pitkin, H. A. W. Tabor, Thomas M. Bowen and George M. Chilcott managed to split up the vote of the Assembly . so that the reelection of Senator Hill became impossible. On January 26th, on the ninety-second ballot, Thomas M. Bowen was chosen as the successor of Senator Hill and Horace A. W. Tabor was named for the unexpired term of Secretary Teller. It was a Chaffee victory, and was followed by one other in 1884, his last appearance as republican leader. The convention of that year was inclined to make peace between factions and the nomination of Benjamin H. Eaton of Weld County for governor was a popular one. George G. Symes, of Denver, in a hot fight defeated James B. Belford for the congressional nomina- tion. The democrats nominated Alva Adams, of Pueblo, for governor, and Charles S. Thomas, of Lake County, for Congress. The greenbackers were still in the field, and again with George W. Woy.
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While the republicans were victorious, Blaine carrying the state by 8,650, the remainder of the ticket won in some instances by less than half this figure.
But it had been altogether a fight for the next senatorship with Jerome B. Chaffee in the field for the return of Secretary Teller, and the friends of former Senator Hill massing to defeat him. When on January 20th the first ballot was taken Teller had 35 votes, Hill 17, with the remainder scattering, the dem- ocrats casting 22 votes for Dennis Sullivan. Hill's declination was followed by the reelection of Mr. Teller.
In 1886 the leadership of the republican party had fallen upon Edward O. Wolcott, who was even then preparing to succeed Senator Bowen. The party nominated William H. Meyer, of Costilla, for governor, and George G. Symes for Congress. The democrats renominated Alva Adams of Pueblo for governor, recognizing in him one of the best campaigners in the party. For Congress it nominated Rev. Myron W. Reed, of Denver. While there were no apparent factional differences in the republican party, the election ended in a victory for Alva Adams, his friends in the southern part of the state, without regard to party affiliations, voting for him.
In 1888 the democrats named their party leader, Thomas M. Patterson, for governor and the republicans nominated John A. Cooper, also of Denver. Hosea Townsend, of Custer County, was named for Congress. The democrats opposed him with Thomas Macon, of Fremont. The election hinged largely upon the senatorial succession to Thomas M. Bowen. The republican victory was decisive. In the republican legislative caucus Edward O. Wolcott received 45 votes, Bowen 15, and Tabor I. Mr, Wolcott was elected on January 16, 1889. The democrats cast their eleven votes for Charles S. Thomas. Thus began a senatorial career that surpassed in brilliancy, if not in greatness, that of Senator Henry M. Teller.
It may be well to interrupt the narrative of political events with a brief resume of his campaigns.
Senator Wolcott maintained undisputed leadership in his party until 1902, and in the trying days of 1896 when only a remnant clung to him, the famous appeal issued from his home at Wolhurst was the evidence he gave to his state of his deep love for and of his unquestioning adherence to the party which had honored him in the past. "What we need in Colorado is less hysterics and more common sense. We are one of forty-six states in the Union, each free and sover- eign. Within our borders live about one one hundred and fiftieth of the people of the United States. We live in a Republic where the majority rules. The vast majority of the people of the United States are honest and of high average intelligence, and devoted to the perpetuity of free institutions. Our great desire is to induce a majority of the people of the United States to believe as we believe. The way to the accomplishment of this result is not by vituperation and abuse."
Senator Wolcott presided over the republican state convention at Colorado Springs in 1896. In his address he confessed to a prior promise to join any great party that declared for free silver-a promise his intense love for his party would never have permitted him to keep. But he explained it by saying that "I did not dream that they were going to join hands with populists and give us the anarchistic platform, nor did I ever dream that the change would make me Vol. I-28
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stand on the same platform with Governor Waite and General Coxey. When I really came to face the possibility of leaving the dear old party, I wouldn't play-that's all. I walked up to the trough, but I couldn't drink." In that bitter contest Senator Teller was opposing him and Bryan supporters were break- ing up republican meetings. In the midst of interruptions at the big Coliseum meeting, one of few he addressed that year, he shouted to the Bryan men who were raising a row, "I want to tell you you've got the right town and number, but the wrong street. Your meeting places are in the saloons on Sixteenth Street. Go back and tell them that this is a place of meeting of decent people, who respect individual opinion."
But with all this bitterness the great party leader was able to say in one of his speeches of that trying time: "I hold in my hand typewritten copies, and they are not five per cent. of what I could have got from the files of that paper, of the most filthy and dirty and outrageous and lying attacks that were ever made upon my colleague (Senator Teller) during the different years he has been in public life. I won't soil my tongue by reading them. They include the direct charge that since my colleague has been in public life fighting the battle for silver in Washington he has been an enemy of silver and would defeat it if he could. They charge him with personal dishonor and personal misconduct, and personal dishonesty, when there never was a man of purer life connected with public affairs."
This was the man in whose nature it was always to be magnanimous.
Thomas F. Dawson in his excellent two volume biography of Senator Wol- cott thus accurately characterizes him, "His intellectual processes were swift, independent and accurate; his mental vision broad and keen-penetrating, com- prehensive. He always thought and acted on a large scale."
In the campaign of 1902 Mr. Wolcott made the mistake of heeding the cry of a few of his party to keep out of the Peabody fight and to allow it to be fought out not complicated by the senatorship. The men who opposed him had control of the party machinery. J. B. Fairley, chairman of the state republican committee, together with Phillip B. Stewart, a growing power in the party, opposed him. At the big Coliseum meeting November 18th, which the opposing faction tried to call off, Wolcott spoke to an audience that packed every nook and corner of the hall.
The factional differences in the republican party had in 1888 been deepened by local party fights. Thus in Denver there was what was called the "Gang" and what was termed "Gang Smashers." With state and Federal patronage in their control, the republican leaders had aroused much opposition from the unrecognized element.
ROUTT CHOSEN GOVERNOR
In 1890 this contest ended in two Denver conventions, which fought like Kilkenny cats for recognition in the state convention held at the Coliseum September 18th. John L. Routt was named for governor, and Hosea Town- send was renominated for Congress. The democrats named Caldwell Yeaman, of Las Animas, for governor, and T. J. O'Donnell, of Denver, for Congress. The prohibitionists, who had also nominated a ticket in 1888, again appeared
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with a ticket headed by John A. Ellett, of Boulder. There was in this election the first evidence of actual independent voting on the part of the people, a drifting away from party dictation. Thus James N. Carlile of Pueblo was elected treas- urer on a pledge to turn into the state treasury all interest on public funds. The democrats also elected Joseph H. Maupin, attorney general, and Dr. N. B. Coy, superintendent of public instruction. In 1891 the reelection of Senator Teller was without opposition in his own party, the democrats voting for Judge Caldwell Yeaman.
And here may be said to end the first of the epochs of state government. The year 1891 was still one of great prosperity. The population had by the census of 1890 been placed at 410,000; the mines were producing increasing quantities of the precious metals, and silver mining was still immensely remunerative, although its price was beginning to decline. Denver was in the midst of a notable building era. Its financial institutions had increased in number and apparently in strength.
The Denver Steel Company, capitalized at $5,000,000, was organized by men of great wealth and influence. The Overland Cotton mills, whose buildings had cost over $300,000, began operating. The Denver Paper mills were in full blast in August, 1891. The Hitchcock Woolen mills had its spindles going at this time.
REPUBLICAN FACTIONS IN RIOT
On January 13, 1891, Governor John L. Routt was inaugurated. The factional fight in the republican party was now switched from primaries and conventions into the legislative halls. It was still a contest between what they termed the "gang" and the "gang smashers." The respective leaders in the House were H. H. Eddy, of Routt County and James H. Brown, of Denver, with the latter control- ling the situation, although the former had been able to elect J. W. Hanna, of La Plata, speaker. The first clash came over the appointment of committees. This ended in actual riots on the floor of the. House, the Brown faction finally deposing Hanna and electing Jesse White, of Custer, speaker. For days both factions met, presided over by their respective speakers. In the meantime the only joint harmonious act was the caucus nomination of Henry M. Teller for the United States senatorship. Governor Routt finally submitted the matter to the Supreme Court, which declared White legally elected speaker.
So bitter was the feeling that one of the indirect consequences of this struggle was the fatal wounding of Police Inspector Charles A. Hawley by Harley McCoy, a "reform" deputy, and the shooting of officer J. C. Norris by one of McCoy's aides. Fortunately, although three companies of militia were placed under arms, the governor did not call upon them for actual service during the rioting.
One of the acts passed by this General Assembly had a far-reaching effect. This was the creation of Boards of Fire and Police Commissioners for the City of Denver, thus transferring a vast political power from the mayor to the governor, who had the appointing of these newly-created officials. It further provided "that the governor shall at all times have power and authority to revoke the appointment of any member of said board for good and sufficient causes, to be specifically stated in such revocation."
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