History of Colorado; Volume I, Part 48

Author: Stone, Wilbur Fiske, 1833-1920, ed
Publication date: 1918
Publisher: Chicago, S. J. Clarke
Number of Pages: 954


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HISTORY OF COLORADO


THE LONG SILVER FIGHT


The state campaign of 1892 was an integral part of both the silver and populist movements, which had just begun their long-looked-for swing into national prominence. Colorado's leaders had for years urged a governmental policy of the "free and unlimited coinage of silver." That this doctrine was so generally accepted was to a great extent the result of its continued advocacy by the ablest spokesmen in the Senate, Henry M. Teller and Edward O. Wolcott, and by the active campaign which began with the first national silver convention held in Denver in January, 1885, and out of which grew the National Bimetallic Association. In this all of the Colorado advocates were active, and it had also the enthusiastic support of Senator John P. Jones, of Nevada, Martin Maginnis, of Montana, Morris L. Gage, of Kansas, Governor F. A. Tuttle, of Arizona, and John W. Donelson, of Wyoming.


Through the efforts largely of state newspapers, all of which advocated the cause, the movement gained further strength and the Colorado Silver Alliance soon had its branches in all parts of the state. The second national silver con- vention, held in St. Louis in November, 1889, made the question a vital national issue. To this Colorado had sent forty-three representative men, covering every branch silver party organization in the state. It became evident to the entire nation that the silver question was growing in strength and was even at that time strong enough to smash party lines if that were found necessary.


The third national silver convention was held in Washington from May 26 to May 28, 1892. To this Colorado, which then had 220 silver clubs, sent Henry M. Teller, Thomas M. Patterson, B. Clark Wheeler, G. G. Symes, Mrs. J. M. Luthe, Ed. F. Brown and George G. Merrick, the latter a prolific and able writer on the subject.


It was George G. Merrick, together with Harley B. Morse, who on January 3, 1891, called at the Philadelphia mint and demanded that a silver brick weigh- ing 514.8 ounces be coined for them. This as anticipated was promptly refused. It was hoped that the entire question could then be taken to the Supreme Court, but there jurisdiction was denied.


The national people's party, organized in Cincinnati, May 19, 1891, was the first to advocate and to actually espouse the cause of silver. The people's party had its beginnings in the days of the greenbackers, and most of its principles, even that involving the free and unlimited coinage of silver, were advocated by the convention which in 1876 had nominated Peter Cooper for President. There were spasmodic "People's" movements in all sections of the country. In 1890 the people's party of Colorado nominated a state ticket under the title "Independent." The Farmers' Alliance of the Northwest, the Agricultural Wheel of the Southwest, the Laborers' Union of the South, the Knights of Labor, had formulated their political demands at a conference in St. Louis in December, 1889, and on February 22, 1892, they came before the public with these demands, clarified and strengthened by two years of careful consideration. When this convention, inviting all voters to its ranks, met in Omaha on July 2, 1892, it came forth a full-fledged "People's" party, endorsing silver, and nominating J. B. Weaver of Iowa for President.


Thus in 1892 the two old party organizations entered the Colorado field with


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fear and trepidation. The spirit of unrest was over all. The moneyed interests in the east were evidently turning against silver, but the labor and independent element was strong enough, it was believed, to swing the new party to victory within or without the old ranks.


The other national conventions had acted,-the one openly unfavorable and the other diplomatically evasive on the question.


The issue had now disrupted the old organizations in both parties.


Thomas M. Patterson, who owned the Rocky Mountain News, bolted the dem- ocratic party and advocated the election of Weaver, although at the outset strongly favoring a democratic state ticket.


On July 28, 1892, the State Silver League and the people's party state conven- tion were both in session in Denver. The former made overtures for joint action on nominations, which were promptly rejected. The people's party then en- dorsed the Omaha platform and nominated a ticket headed by Davis H. Waite, of Pitkin County, for governor. On July 29th the silver league endorsed the ticket, although many democrats, including T. M. Patterson, left the hall, refusing to sacrifice the democratic state organization. Toward the end of the campaign, when the disruption was complete, Patterson supported Waite as well as Weaver.


On September 8th the republican state convention met at Pueblo and both Senators Teller and Wolcott advocated adherence to the party and a fight within its ranks on the silver question. This policy won the day, and Joseph C. Helm, of Denver, was named for the gubernatorial sacrifice.


The democratic state convention, with its organization a mere spectre, met in Pueblo September 12th. Charles S. Thomas, T. J. O'Donnell and Thomas M. Patterson were still ardently hoping that there could be a state democratic ticket with a Weaver head. On the other hand, A. B. Mckinley, Platt Rogers, Caldwell Yeaman, Cleveland democrats, were irreconcilable on the compromise, and finally bolted and nominated a ticket headed by Joseph H. Maupin of Fremont. Later the Thomas and Patterson factions split over the manner of the Weaver endorsement, and Thomas and his followers left the convention hall. On September 26th the democratic state central committee, after learning that the secretary of state had certified to the electoral ticket of the Cleveland democrats, endorsed the entire people's party ticket. The prohibitionists also had a ticket in the field headed by John Hipp, of Denver.


Weaver carried the state by 14,964. Waite was elected governor by a plu- rality of 4,537; Lafe Pence and John C. Bell, people's party candidates, were elected to Congress by 2,395 and 12,005 plurality respectively. The Legislature stood : House, republicans, 33; democrat-populists, 32; Senate, republicans, 15; populists, 13; democrats, 7.


The administration of Governor Waite was turbulent, to say the least. Nor was he entirely responsible for the strife and the contentions of this period, for it was the era of the panic, the storm clouds of which had been gathering for some years. On June 26, 1893, the mints of India were closed to the coinage of silver. Within a week silver fell from 83 cents to 62 cents an ounce. This was followed by the shutting down of the silver mines and smelters and with an immense army of men out of employment the result was inevitable. The wildest reports of prospective repudiation, all utterly unfounded, were spread throughout the


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east. Expressions uttered publicly and separated from contexts were used to confirm these reports. Thus the utterance of Governor Waite that "it is infinitely better that blood should flow to our horses' bridles, rather than our liberties should be destroyed," was construed to imply revolution. That it was indiscreet is evident, but in its purport it had no meaning of the kind implied in the east.


The heavy withdrawals of eastern capital followed, and on July 17th the panic was brought home to all by the shutting down of the three Denver savings banks-the People's, the Colorado and the Rocky Mountain Dime and Dollar Savings banks. On July 18th the Union National, the Commercial National and the National Bank of Commerce announced temporary suspension.


This was followed by the closing of three private banks in Denver, the German National, the People's National, the State National; the Union Bank of Greeley, the J. B. Wheeler Banking Company at Aspen, the Bank of Loveland, savings banks at Pueblo, Salida and New Castle. In Denver alone twelve banks closed in three days. Business was at a standstill. Many business firms were forced to suspend.


The First National, the Colorado National, the American National, the Denver National and the City National weathered the storm.


Heavy loans, inability to force collections, the sweeping away of realty values and equities and the drain of withdrawals for weeks prior to the suspension, were the main causes for the failures.


The encouraging promise of help from Comptroller James H. Eckels, the fact that five banks had stood the awful strain without flinching, the statements of bank examiners of early adjustments, all helped to improve the situation.


At the November election the populists divided the offices with the republi- cans, showing still further gains, however, over the gubernatorial year.


LABOR WAR OF 1894


But the law empowering the governor to appoint the Denver Fire and Police Board now brought the municipal and state powers into serious conflict. Late in 1893 the governor had determined to remove Commissioners Jackson Orr and D. J. Martin, his own appointees. They on their part asserted that the governor had been balked by them in his effort to build up a populist machine in the fire and police departments of Denver. The governor on the other hand asserted that Orr and Martin were deputizing policemen to protect gambling places. On March 7, 1894, the governor tried the officials and found them guilty, appoint- ing Dennis Mullins and Samuel D. Barnes to fill the positions. The ousted com- missioners claimed there was no "cause for removal" and began changing the City Hall of Denver into an armed fortress. Judge Graham, of the district court, enjoined the governor from forcibly removing the officials, claiming that he could not call out the militia unless called upon by regularly constituted au- thorities. Maintaining that the commissioners were in insurrection, Governor Waite ordered the national guard under arms by noon of March 15th. That afternoon a crowd of thousands gathered about the City Hall. When the troops arrived at Lawrence and Fourteenth streets they were placed in position for as- sault. One company with battery was stationed at the rear end of the old Cham-


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ber of Commerce building, later the Davis Drug Company building. At this point they could see the muzzles of 300 Winchester rifles guarding the doors and windows of the City Hall. In the meantime Federal troops under command of Brigadier General McCook arrived and went into camp near the depot. The governor declined the proffered aid, but at eight o'clock ordered the national guard to the armory, where it was to remain under arms.


In the meantime the attorneys had been busied with a compromise, and the matter was finally put up to the Supreme Court for decision, the governor, how- ever, asserting that under no circumstances would he obey any court order denying his right to call out the national guard. On April 15th, a month after his display of force, the Supreme Court issued a writ of ouster and the new Waite appointees were sworn in.


The labor war of 1894 was the final trouble of this stormy administration. This is fully covered in another chapter of this history.


In 1894 Governor Waite determined to go to the polls for vindication. His administration had been assailed from inception to finish, even by the leaders of his own party. Thus Thomas M. Patterson and the News fought his renomina- tion, but later supported the ticket.


"The paramount issue in Colorado is the suppression of anarchy, the restora- tion and the maintenance of law and order." This was the keynote of the repub- lican platform of 1894. Its nominee for governor was Albert W. McIntire, of Conejos County. The "silver wing" and the "white wing" or Cleveland demo- crats, smoothed out their differences and nominated Charles S. Thomas for gov- ernor. The state gave McIntire a plurality of 19,604, and his entire ticket was elected. John Shafroth, republican, was sent to Congress by a plurality of 13,487. The Legislature stood: Senate-republicans, 15; populists, 17; demo- crats, 3; House-republicans, 43; populists and democrats, 22. The first women to sit in the Legislature were Mrs. Clara Cressingham and Mrs. Frances-S. Klock, of Denver, and Mrs. Carrie C. Holly, of Pueblo, all republicans.


In the spring of 1895 Colorado began its preparations for the national cam- paign of 1896, in which the opening gun was fired by Joseph C. Sibley and Richard Bland. The former spoke on April 16th to 5,000 people gathered on the capitol grounds. In May, Richard Bland was given ovations all over the state.


Former Governor Alva Adams, Congressman John F. Shafroth and E. B. Light of Denver were delegates to a conference called by Governor Rickards of Montana and held May 15th in Salt Lake City for the purpose of inaugurating a campaign of education on the silver question. The "Bimetallist," a weekly issued at Chicago, was the first fruit of this conference.


The first national silver convention was held in Memphis June 11th and 12th, and to this former Governor Alva Adams went as delegate from the Salt Lake conference. A. W. Rucker, of Colorado, was on the committee appointed at Memphis to call a second convention. The Colorado leaders made it clear that in convention or at the polls they would not vote for any candidate who was not an advocate of the free coinage of silver. The first republican to make this pledge was John F. Shafroth. Many western republicans followed with like pledges.


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.


On August 17, 1895, the democrats of Colorado in mass convention declared unequivocally for the free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to I.


On April 15, 1896, the democrats of Colorado sent the following delegates to the democratic national convention to be held June 7th, in Chicago: At large, Charles S. Thomas, T. J. O'Donnell, Denver; Bo Sweeney, Las Animas; First district, Robert W. Speer, E. F. McCarthy; Second district, E. H. Seldomridge, S. I. Hallett.


The republican delegation was chosen with the understanding that it would not be pledged to abide by a decision which would pronounce for a single gold standard. Senator Wolcott wisely declined to go on the delegation. Senator Teller in a telegram asserted that "I cannot go to the national convention unless the state convention is in accord with my ideas in declaring that in the coming campaign the silver question is the paramount issue."


. The convention not alone elected Teller to head its delegation but endorsed his every act in connection with the silver issue. The delegation was: At large, Henry M. Teller, Gilpin; Frank C. Goudy, Arapahoe; Dr. John W. Rockafellow, Gunnison ; James M. Downing, Pitkin; First district, A. M. Stevenson, John F. Vivian; Second district, J. J. Hart, Charles H. Brickenstein.


The populist convention held in Denver July 2d, declared for a union of all silver forces, endorsed the action of Senator Teller, and declared the silver ques- tion to be the issue of the day. Waite and his followers withdrew and adopted a complete populist platform. The delegation to the St. Louis convention was led by Thomas M. Patterson, Myron W. Reed, Horace G. Clark and Samuel D. Nicholson.


When the national silver party held its state convention on June 25th, it elected a delegation of 100, headed by I. N. Stevens, Dennis Sheedy, H. A. W. Tabor and J. H. Brown, to represent it at St. Louis July 22d.


At the St. Louis republican convention Senator Teller carried out his pledge and walked out of the convention. The entire delegation of Colorado and Idaho and portions of those of Nevada, Utah and Montana left the hall with him. Senator Wolcott returned to the state and reorganized the republican party, which was now but a remnant.


In the state campaign which followed the democrat, populist, silver republican and national silver parties all entered the field against the regular republicans. Even the "Middle-of-the-Road" populists held a state convention and nominated Davis H. Waite for governor and John McAndrew for attorney general, passing up all other nominations.


While all but the Mckinley republicans had the four Bryan presidential elect- ors, E. T. Wells, republican, A. T. Gunnell, democrat, T. M. Patterson, populist, J. W. Thatcher, democrat, they failed to fuse on state tickets. After many con- ferences the democrats and silver republicans named Alva Adams, democrat, for governor, Simon Guggenheim, republican, for lieutenant governor, Charles H. S. Whipple, democrat for secretary of state, George H. Kephart, of Durango, for treasurer, John W. Lowell, of Routt, for auditor, Bryan L. Carr, of Pueblo, for attorney general, Grace Espey Patton, of Fort Collins, state superintendent of public instruction.


The populists and national silver party named Morton S. Bailey of Fremont, for governor; B. Clark Wheeler, of Aspen, for lieutenant governor; William


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HISTORY OF COLORADO


Scott Lee, of Denver, for secretary of state; George Seaver, of Pueblo, for auditor; Horace G. Clark, of Weld, for treasurer; L. S. Cornell, of Denver, for superintendent of public instruction.


On the Mckinley republican ticket George W. Allen, of Denver, was named for governor; Hosea Townsend, of Custer, for lieutenant governor; Edwin Price, of Mesa, for secretary of state; James H. Barlow, of El Paso, for treas- urer; George S. Adams, of Weld, for auditor; Alexander Gillett, of Gunnison, for attorney general; Mrs. Ione T. Hanna, of Denver, for superintendent of public instruction.


Shafroth and Bell had only the Mckinley republican opposition, and were returned by the following votes: Shafroth, 61,928; McClelland, 3,282; Bell, 69,175; Hoffmire, 12,590.


Alva Adams polled 86,881 votes; Bailey, 71,808; George W. Allen, 23,845; Waite, 3,421.


The Legislature was composed as follows: Senate, democrats, 5; silver re- publicans, 8; republicans, 6; populists, 11 ; national silver party, 5; House, demo- crats, 20; silver republicans, 2; republicans, 10; populists, 23; national silver party, 7; single taxer, I ; socialist, I ; non-partisan, I. Mrs. Olive C. Butler, re- publican, Mrs. Evangeline Heartz, populist, and Mrs. Martha A. B. Conine, non- partisan, were the women in the House.


The election of Senator Teller was, of course, a foregone conclusion. Out of a total membership of ninety-eight he received ninety-two votes.


In the fall Senator Teller refused to sanction a union of his silver republican faction with the Mckinley republicans. In fact the separation was now so com- plete that it was but a brief period until the so-called irreconcilable silver repub- licans, including Teller and Shafroth, were classed as democrats, and a great host of the national silver party men had gone back to the republican party.


In the election of 1898 this became apparent early in the campaign. In this campaign there were four active parties, all factions of the two older organi- zations. Archie M. Stevenson was chairman of the "Teller" silver republican party. D. A. Mills was at the head of the "Silver" populists, or "People's" party, with the Waite element practically eliminated. Milton Smith was chairman of the democratic state committee. These had fused their forces by naming a ticket headed by Charles S. Thomas for governor. The republican factions were known as the "Guggenheim" and "Wolcott" republicans. These, while differing somewhat in their attitudes on the silver question, were making a joint fight for Henry Wolcott.


The entire silver "fusion" ticket was elected, the plurality for Thomas being 42,921. Shafroth and Bell were again returned to Congress. Among those who came into office in January, 1899, was Mrs. Helen M. Grenfell, whose record as state superintendent of public instruction gave her a national reputation.


The Legislature, both Senate and House, was overwhelmingly fusion, and W. G. Smith of Jefferson, a "silver" republican, was elected speaker by a vote of fifty-six to six.


With the republicans strongly entrenched in Washington, there started a gradual disintegration of the fusion elements, the people's party quietly merging into democracy, although it held to its name and its organization for other cam-


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paigns. But the silver republicans could not be held in line. In the local election of 1899 a democratic victory was won in Arapahoe County, and in most of the other counties of the state, but in Pueblo the republicans scored a sweeping vic- tory. Boulder, Delta, Sedgwick and Fremont were among the republican counties, with mixed results in many of the strongest "silver democratic" counties.


But with the certainty that Bryan would again be the nominee of the party on the silver platform in 1900, the democratic leaders felt sanguine of results in that campaign. Their nominee for governor was James B. Orman, of Pueblo, and he was also the nominee of the Bryan, the Teller silver republican, the silver republican, and the people's parties. In Arapahoe County the democratic fac- tions had split, Thomas Maloney securing the right to use the name for his local ticket, the Bryan faction nominating a "Bryan" ticket to oppose it. Thomas M. Patterson was leading the fight on Maloney.


The republicans nominated Frank C. Goudy.


The election in Denver was exceptionally partisan and bitter, a riot resulting in the murder of two deputies. However, the result was that the so-called "Bryan" ticket in Denver won out by substantial majorities. The Legislature was overwhelmingly fusion, thus assuring the return of a "fusion" nominee to suc- ceed Edward O. Wolcott in the United States Senate.


When the Legislature convened the people's party representation, led by Senator Edward T. Taylor, of Garfield, entered the democratic caucus as demo- crats, and Col. B. F. Montgomery, of Teller, a democrat, was chosen speaker.


The two avowed candidates for the United States Senate were the retiring governor, Charles S. Thomas, and Thomas M. Patterson, with the representa- tives apparently pretty evenly divided. The struggle was not long but acrimo- nious. When the two leaders finally on Monday, January 14, 1901, mustered their forces at their respective headquarters, Patterson was found to have fifty-two pledged to him. As forty-six was a majority of the fusion caucus, this assured his nomination and election. Governor Thomas at once withdrew from the contest. In the caucus balloting Thomas M. Patterson had 74 votes; Charles J. Hughes, 7; James H. Blood, 5; John F. Shafroth, I.


On the final joint ballot Patterson received 91 votes ; Wolcott, 9.


In the campaign of 1902 the two old parties were again aligned against each other with the silver question subordinated by local and other state issues. Even the candidacy of Senator Teller to succeed himself and the presence of Mr. Bryan in the campaign failed to bring out the old-time "silver" enthusiasm of the previous campaigns.


The republicans® nominated James H. Peabody, of Fremont. The people's party, a mere remnant now of its old self, had nominated Frank W. Owens for governor. The democrats named a strong candidate in Judge Edward C. Stim- son, of El Paso County. For congressman-at-large, Alva Adams ran against Franklin E. Brooks. Congressman Shafroth was pitted against Robert W. Bonynge.


While the democrats based their campaign upon the "silver" issue, the repub- licans, openly backed by the leading public utilities companies, made the records of the past two General Assemblies the point of attack. While the election was a close one, the republicans returned to power, Peabody defeating Stimson. Franklin


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E. Brooks was elected to Congress by a small majority. Shafroth on the face of the returns had defeated Bonynge. The latter was finally seated, Shafroth volun- tarily giving up the office as he believed he had not been elected.


The Legislature, however, was in doubt, the republicans believing that they could prove fraud in the election of the Denver members to the House, and would be able to change a joint democratic majority into one decisively repub- lican. With this program openly announced, the candidacies were declared. Ed- ward O. Wolcott, still a power in his party, opened headquarters. He was fol- lowed by Frank C. Goudy, a republican candidate for governor in what was known as the "Sacrificial" year. In the Legislature Philip B. Stewart led the anti-Wolcott faction. On January 8th, after six hours of balloting for temporary clerk, the House was finally organized by a combination of anti-Wolcott repub- licans and democrats. James B. Sanford, anti-Wolcott republican, was elected speaker, and John F. Vivian, manager of the Goudy campaign, chief clerk. The republican vote in the House stood : Wolcott, 17; anti-Wolcott, 17. The Senate, organized by democrats, was marking time and planning to secure the reelection of Senator Teller.


On Monday, January 19th, the House republicans, acting together, began the work of unseating the Arapahoe County democrats. The democratic major- ity in the Senate retaliated by deciding several of its contests adversely to repub- licans. Eight republican senators, led by Lieutenant Governor Haggott, then bolted and organized a Senate by admitting eight republican contestants, appeal- ing to the governor to recognize it as a legal body. This he wisely refused to do. For the time being both sides rested on their arms, and awaited the result of the first ballot for United States Senator. This resulted, on Tuesday, January 20th, as follows : Teller, 50; Wolcott, 18; Goudy, 13; Howbert, 6; Dixon, 3.




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