USA > Illinois > Illinois, historical and statistical, comprising the essential facts of its planting and growth as a province, county, territory, and state, Vol. II > Part 11
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* The leading democratic members were: Wm. J. Allen, ex-Gov. French, J. B. Underwood, S. A. Buckmaster, Timothy R. Young, Anthony Thornton, H. M. Vandeveer, John M. Woodson, Melville W. Fuller, Albert G. Burr, O. B. Ficklin, B. S. Edwards, Alexander Starne, A. A. Glenn, J. W. Singleton, Austin Brooks, Lewis W. Ross, John Dement, Julius Manning, H. K. S. Omelveny, A. D. Duff, N. H. Purple, Thomas W. McNeeley, and John P. Richmond.
Among the leading republicans were: John Wentworth, Elliott Anthony, A. J. Joslyn, Geo. W. Pleasants, Alexander Campbell, Elisha P. Ferry, Luther W. Law- rence, S. B. Stinson, H. B. Childs, and W. W. Orme.
+ They "resolved that the committee on military affairs be instructed to inquire whether the soldiers sent into the field from the State have been and continue to be provided for, in all respects, as the troops sent into the field from other states," and, if not, whether the neglect was chargeable to "any persons holding office under this State. "
The replies generally received were anything but satisfactory to the convention- one of these was as follows:
PADUCAH, KY., Feb. 16, 1862.
JAMES W. SINGLETON, Esq., Chairman Committee on Military Affairs, Spring- field, Ill .- Dear Sir :- Your circular dated Jan. 23, 1862, inclosing a resolution of
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CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1862.
governor and other heads of state departments, and assumed to take supervisory care of Illinois troops in the field.
They asserted not only their supremacy over the constitu- tion, but their independence of existing laws as well, by in- structing the state auditor in regard to his official duties in issuing bank-notes; by ratifying a proposed amendment to the constitution of the United States, denying the power of con- gress to abolish or interfere with slavery in any state, notwith- standing the amendment had been submitted by congress to the state legislature; and finally, to cap the climax of their absurd pretensions, by adopting an ordinance appropriating $500,000 for the relief of sick and wounded soldiers. This measure, how- ever, was passed only after the echoes of the thunder that re- verberated from the bloody field of Donelson had reached them, and to allay the feeling of indignation and contempt with which their proceedings were held in every portion of the State.
The governor had borne with them a long time, and as he had nothing to conceal had furnished reports as called for; but at last becoming convinced of the existence of a determination to annoy and embarrass the state government, in a short mes- sage, sent in response to a communication in reference to the claims of the Illinois-Central Railroad, flatly refused to comply with their request, and asserted his independence by stating that "he did not acknowledge the right of the convention to instruct him in the performance of his duty."
the Illinois Constitutional Convention, came to hand today. Should I give you the information the resolution calls for, I should make as great an ass of myself as the convention has of you, by asking you to attend to that which is none of your busi- ness, and which is also not the business of the convention. If I am rightly informed, you were elected to make a constitution for the State of Illinois. Why in h- don't you do it? Comparing the equipments of the soldiers of the several states is about as much your business as it would be my business to inquire into the sanity of the members of the convention. Suppose the facts are as your resolution would seem to imply-that we are not so well equipped and armed as soldiers from the other states-can you, as a member of the convention, be of any service to us? But I know and you know that the resolution was offered for a different purpose-a purpose for which every member of the convention should blush with shame-to make political capital.
If the Committee on Military Affairs are so very anxious to exhibit their ability in inquiring into war matters, I would suggest-as the resolution permits me to make suggestions-that it inquire into the history of the Mormon war, in which its vener- able chairman played so conspicuous a part. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, QUINCY MCNEIL, Major, Second Illinois Cavalry.
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
When the vote was taken in convention upon the adoption of the constitution prepared, on March 22, there were but forty- eight members present, forty-four of whom voted in the affirm- ative and four in the negative. But fifty - four names were signed to the instrument, and some of these only by way of authentication-Mr. Underwood remarking, that "as long as he had control of his arm he would never sign such a constitution as that." Messrs. Wentworth, Sheldon, and Anthony were the only republicans who affixed their names-the two latter by proxy. Mr. Simpson signed only "by way of authentication." After the convention adjourned, an organization was effected between some leading republicans and democrats, equally op-
posed to the newly-drafted instrument, who proposed to defeat its ratification by the people. And this, not so much because of the inherent defects of the instrument itself-although there were grave objections to many of its provisions, especially the proposed innovation of abolishing investigation by a grand- jury, except in cases of felony-but because it shortened the term of the governor and other state-officers, and introduced the disturbing element of a general election in the midst of a domestic war .*
The defeat of the instrument by over 16,000 votes, not in- cluding those of the soldiers, whose opposition to it, so far as known, was practically unanimous, was as gratifying to its opponents as it was a terrible rebuke to those who had so plainly misunderstood the public temper and misrepresented the popular will.
The year 1862, so far as military operations were concerned, opened with a discouraging outlook, which was only dispelled by the first decisive victory of the war at Fort Donelson on Feb. 15, and the results of the terrible two days conflict at Shiloh, April 6 and 7. These successes in the West, however, were counterbalanced by reverses in the East. Washington was
* Among the means determined upon to defeat the instrument was the publishing of a pamphlet setting forth in brief the objections to its adoption. The question arose, who was to write this; one name was suggested and another, but no one could be agreed upon. At length, "Uncle Jesse" said, "Why, set your man Moses at it- what's the matter with him? He can do it;" and so it was arranged. The pamphlet " Reasons why the proposed new constitution should not be adopted," was prepared in two days and over two hundred thousand copies effectively circulated.
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THE CALL FOR TROOPS IN 1862.
threatened, and our army was unable to make that headway against the rebellion which was expected from so vast an out- lay of men and means.
On July 6, another call was made for 300,000 additional vol- unteers; but the people were despondent, and enlistments were at first slow and half-hearted. Gov. Yates felt that the time had come for the Nation to avail itself of the services of colored men and slaves, and believed that by offering this class proper inducements, a strong diversion against the rebellion would be made in the slave-states. On July II, he dispatched an open letter to the president, urging him to summon all men to the defense of the government, loyalty alone being the divid- ing line between the Nation and its foes. His closing words were: "in any event, Illinois will respond to your call; but adopt this policy, and she will spring like a flaming giant into the fight."
On August 5, such were the supposed necessities of the gov- ernment, a call was issued for 300,000 men to serve nine months, any deficiency in response to which was to be filled through a draft. The quota of Illinois on these two calls was 52,296, but as she had already furnished 16,198 men in excess of former quotas, the claim was made that the total would only be 35,320. This claim, however, was not allowed by the government, and the full number was insisted upon. The State was given until September I to raise this number of men, and thus avoid a draft.
The floating population had already been swept into the army; the new levies, therefore, must come from the better classes -the permanent, influential, and prosperous citizens. The country was aroused as never before. Meetings were held throughout the State, which were addressed by the governor and others. The patriotic furor was as intense as it was conta- gious, all classes being affected and moved as by a common impulse. The farmer left his plow in the furrow, the mechanic his tools on the bench, the merchant his counter-lawyers, doc- tors, ministers, and laborers, all animated by the same spirit, rallied to enroll themselves among their country's defenders.
So spontaneous was the response to the president's calls that before eleven days had elapsed both quotas had been more than filled-a rally to the country's standard as remarkable as it was
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
unexampled in the world's history. Six of the new regiments organized were sent to the field in August, twenty-two in Sep- tember, thirteen in October, fifteen in November, and three in December, making an aggregate, with artillery, of fifty-nine regiments and four batteries, numbering 53,819 enlisted men and officers. In addition to the above, 2753 men were enlisted and sent to old regiments. With these and the cavalry regi- ments organized, the whole number of enlistments under the two calls was 68,416, making a grand total in the field under all calls, at the close of the year 1862, of 135,440 volunteers.
The army of the United States was made up from enlist- ments through the agencies of the several states. The respon- sibility and duty of this vast work devolved mostly upon their respective executives. It was through them and their military departments that the primary but indispensable work of organi- zation was to be accomplished; and without their active and earnest cooperation the patriotism of the people could not be fully and fairly expressed. The general conduct of the war by the administration of President Lincoln had frequently been the subject of animadversion, if not of strong censure, even among his friends and supporters. For the purpose of consult- ing in regard to the general good and agreeing upon measures to be recommended for adoption, a meeting of the governors of the loyal states was called by the executives of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, to meet at Altoona, Pa., Sept. 24.
Gov. Yates was accompanied by state-officers Dubois and Hatch, Private-Secretary Moses, and Gen. Mc Clernand. There were also present, Andrew G. Curtin of Pennsylvania; David Tod, Ohio; Francis H. Pierpont, Virginia; John A. Andrew, Massachusetts; Austin Blair, Michigan; Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa; Edward Salomon, Wisconsin; Augustus W. Bradford, Maryland; Nathaniel S. Berry, New Hampshire; and William Sprague, Rhode Island.
The conference was held with closed doors, and the discus- sions of the grave questions-conducted with the earnestness befitting the occasion-covered a wide field, as was understood at the time, but no report of the proceedings was ever made public. One question of absorbing interest, however, that relat- ing to slavery, had been disposed of in advance by the presi-
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661
GOVERNORS CONFER WITH THE PRESIDENT.
dent's preliminary proclamation of emancipation, which met them at Altoona, and the promulgation of which, it was sug- gested, was hastened to forestall contemplated action by the governors in that direction.
The distinguished party arrived in Washington on Sept. 26, and were received by the president at twelve o'clock. The con- ference was strictly private, the only person present not a member being the private secretary of Gov. Yates. Gov. An- drew, as chairman of the executives, delivered the address, which had evidently been carefully prepared, and was read from manuscript.
He assured the president of the personal and official respect of his visitors, and of their determination under all circumstances to aid in the maintainance of his constitutional authority; pledg- ing their support of all measures tending toward a speedy termination of the war; and congratulating him upon the proclamation of emancipation.
The president, without hesitation or embarrassment, and with the familiarity of one who had thoroughly studied the subject, replied, taking up each topic treated upon in the governors' address.
The formalities of the conference being concluded, there fol- lowed an unbending of official stiffness, and a free interchange of views upon the conduct of the war. Some of the gov- ernors had evidently sought this interview for the purpose of informing the chief executive how much they knew about war, and suggesting easy methods of solving what had been consid- ered difficult problems. But the knowledge and depth of thought disclosed by Lincoln in conversing, not only upon the various points referred to in the address, but also upon such questions as the exchange of prisoners, the removal of McClellan, and the effect of proposed emancipation, convinced every one present that the president had nothing to learn from them.
The result of the conference was decidedly beneficial to the country. The governors returned to their states with reassured hope, with convictions of the righteousness of the national cause intensified, and with reestablished confidence in the judgment and wisdom of the president and his cabinet.
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
The democratic state-convention was held September 10, over forty counties being unrepresented. James C. Allen was nominated for congressman at large, Alexander Starne for state treasurer, and John P. Brooks for superintendent of public instruction.
The first resolution in the platform adopted placed the de- mocracy squarely in favor of the war, and was as follows: "Resolved, that the constitution and laws made in pursuance thereof, are and must remain the supreme law of the land; and as such must be preserved and maintained in their proper and rightful supremacy; that the rebellion now in arms must be suppressed; and it is the duty of all good citizens to aid the general government in all legal and constitutional measures, necessary and proper to the accomplishment of this end." This was the position of war democrats.
The second resolution denounced "the doctrines of Southern and Northern extremists as alike inconsistent with the federal constitution."
In advance of the issuance of the proclamation of emancipa- tion, it was declared that "we protest in the name of ourselves and of our children, and in the name of all we hold dear, against the resolution of congress pledging the Nation to pay for all negroes which may be emancipated by authority of any South- ern States;" and that it was the duty of all good citizens to sustain the president against the purpose of the radical repub- licans, to induce him to "pervert the effort to suppress a wicked rebellion into a war for the emancipation of slaves, and for the overthrow of the constitution." They also declared against the entrance 'of free negroes into the State; against the illegal arrest of citizens; and all unjust interference with the freedom of speech and of the press.
The republican, or Union convention, as it was called, was held Sept. 24. Eben C. Ingersoll was nominated for congress- man at large, and the then incumbents, Wm. Butler and New- ton Bateman, respectively, for state treasurer and superintend- ent of public instruction.
The platform fully endorsed the administration in its efforts to suppress the rebellion, including the "proclamation of free- dom and confiscation, issued by the president, Sept. 22, 1862,
663
EMANCIPATION.
as a great and imperative war measure, essential to the salva- tion of the Union."
A consideration of the events which, in their natural and in- evitable sequence, led to the ultimate extinction of slavery may serve to show, more clearly than does any other page of the history of the American civil war, how deeply that cancer upon the civilization of the nineteenth century had thrust its roots into the intellectual convictions, if not into the affections, of the people. Even in the free-soil states, and among those who denounced the system in the abstract, there could be found a large and influential element who were ready, reluctantly, to admit the inviolability of its legal environment; while among those whose life-long affiliations had been with the party in whose counsels southern influence had dominated, there were not a few who were disposed to regard any interference with it, even in time of war, as an indefensible violation of vested rights, if not an act of downright sacrilege. Whatever might be thought of the effect of rebellion upon other property rights, human chattels formed an exception, and the slaveholder, as such, was hedged about with a sort of kingly divinity. Even commanders of the Union forces would without hesitation use any other description of captured property for the benefit of their armies, but if a negro slave chanced to come into their possession, he was returned to his master, soldiers being detailed and the march delayed, if necessary, for that purpose.
The first legislative action which tended toward the emanci- pation of the slaves was an amendment to the first confiscation act, introduced by Senator Trumbull, and passed by congress, August 6, 1861, the design of which was to obviate, in part, the sensitive scruples of Union officers in the discharge of this sup- posedly delicate duty. It provided that the claim of the owner to the labor of any slave, whom he should require or permit to take up arms, or to work or be employed in any military service against the United States, should be forfeited. But this enter- ing wedge only reached a little way, and the unfortunate slaves, who flocked to the headquarters of our armies in the belief that they would be liberated, found, as a rule, their hopes blasted and themselves relegated to servitude.
The sentimental views of such army officers, however, found
664
ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
no response in the hearts of the great body of union-loving citizens in the free - states, and, after several premonitory motions, congress, on March 13, 1862, passed an act ordaining an additional article of war, by which all officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States were pro- hibited "from employing any of the forces under their com- mand for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due;" and any officer who might "be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article," was to "be dismissed from the service."
A farther and important step forward was taken on April 16, in the passage by congress of a law abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. This was followed, in July, 1862, by the celebrated "confiscation act," by which it was provided that all slaves of rebels escaping to the lines of the Union army, or captured from or deserted by such rebels, or within any place occupied by rebel forces and afterward occupied by the forces of the United States, should be forever free. This same con- gress also practically repealed the fugitive-slave law, and pro- hibited the introduction of slavery into the territories of the United States.
The passage of these various measures placed President Lin- coln between two fires. He was urged, on the one side, to hasten emancipation, and on the other, to avoid a policy which might alienate the support of Union slave-holders. When Gen. Fremont, commanding the department of Missouri, in August, 1861, had issued his proclamation declaring that the slaves of all persons in Missouri who had taken an active part with the enemies of the government should be free, the president, against the protest of the general, issued an order so modifying the proclamation as to make it apply only to such slaves as were actually employed in military service.
At the request of the president, who was still hopeful of de- taching the slave-holders of the border states from any sympa- thy with the rebellion, congress, on April 10, passed a resolu- tion declaring that the United States ought to cooperate with, and afford pecuniary aid to, any state which might adopt gradual emancipation; and on July 12, Lincoln held, by his
665
THE PROCLAMATION.
own invitation, a conference with the congressmen from those states, in which he urged upon them the wisdom and expediency of their cooperation in effecting such a result. But so far from yielding to his solicitation, the majority of those present plainly advised him to "avoid all interference, direct or indirect, with slavery in the Southern States."
In all of his dealings with this subject, the president had manifested the soundest judgment as well as remarkable fore- sight. Before the war he had been convinced that the way to abolish slavery was not to attack it in the states, but to educate the public mind to the belief that it was wrong, and should not be permitted to go into the territories. So now, well knowing that the rebellion could be most surely overthrown by under- mining its corner-stone, and that every Union victory was also a blow for freedom, he shifted the ground of his action against slavery, from that of its inherent wrong and injustice, to that of the expediency of emancipation as a war measure and its necessity as a means of saving the Union. In his letter to Horace Greeley, August, 1862, he declared that his paramount object was to save the Union and not either to preserve or destroy slavery.
"If I could save the Union without freeing a slave, I would do it," he said; and continued, "if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not be- lieve it would help to save the Union." Knowing, however, better than congress or any of his advisers, the feeling of the people of the Western States upon this question, and the effect which the adoption of a policy of emancipation, even as a military necessity, would have upon them, he long hesitated to take the initiatory step of promulgating his first proclama- tion of September 22, 1862.
The preliminary proclamation was not favorably received by the country generally. While it served to "fire the southern heart," and intensify the rebellious feeling in the seceding states, it called forth no encouraging response, nor was it followed by any indications of reviving loyalty, in view of compensated
43
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
emancipation, in the border states. While many strong friends of the Union in this State regretted the step the president had taken, some thinking he had not gone far enough and others that he had acted prematurely, the issuance of the proclama- tion afforded opportunity for a large and influential faction to crystalize and concentrate their hostility to the administration and to the prosecution of the war. While their opposition had previously been confined to a criticism of the civil adminis- tration, including appointments, they eagerly seized upon this avowal of the president's policy, and made it the occasion for speaking more plainly and positively, alleging that the war was being waged for the subjugation of the South and the abolition of slavery, and demanding that it should cease. Some of these objectors expressed their sincere convictions, but with a large majority it was mainly a partisan cry. They supposed they saw an opportunity to overthrow the party in power, obtain possession of the state government, and thus pave the way for the election of a president in 1864. This was the in- tended program, and it came near consummation.
Repugnance to a threatened draft-the continued and in- creasing depreciation of the state-currency-the low wages paid the soldiers-the president's proposition of compensated eman- cipation-the uncertainty of the final outcome of the war-were reasons urged at the November election in this State with much plausibility and decided effect against the party in power. The result was all that the opposition could have wished. On state officers the administration was defeated by over sixteen thou- sand majority .* There was a falling off, however, in the aggre- gate vote polled, of over 75,000, representing the absent vol-
* Comparative table of election returns in nine states in the fall of 1862 :
1860, PRESIDENT.
1862, GOVERNOR, CONG., ETC.
LINCOLN.
ALL OTHERS.
UNION.
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