USA > Illinois > Illinois, historical and statistical, comprising the essential facts of its planting and growth as a province, county, territory, and state, Vol. II > Part 25
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At the close of the session, the governor transmitted a com- munication to the house in which he remarked, "That the twenty-seventh general assembly had been distinguished for its patient industry, for its fidelity to constitutional principles, for its freedom from the slightest suspicion of corruption, and for an independence of action that looked only for the maintenance of its just authority, without interfering with the proper func- tions of other departments of the government," a merited com- pliment, so far as the personal integrity of the members was concerned, but that there was wide-spread dissatisfaction among the tax-payers in regard to the prolonged sessions of the body, is evidenced by the comments of the press of the period.
In political affairs, the year 1872 was remarkable, not only for the changes which occurred in the personal leadership of the republican party, but also for the consolidation of the demo- cratic party with a powerful seceding element from the ranks of the former.
The administration of Grant had given dissatisfaction to a very respectable minority of the party which had placed him in power. The first mutterings of discontent were heard in Missouri, where a movement was set on foot for the repeal of a constitutional provision disfranchising rebels. The move- ment was headed by Carl Schurz and B. Gratz Brown, and was supported by such journals as the New-Orleans Democrat and the New- York Tribune, and a number of other leading republican papers. Although the original scope of the move- ment was local in character, the sentiment which prompted it soon proved infectious, and, spreading to other states, resulted in the formal organization of what was designated as the Liberal Republican Party. This body, through its speakers and organs, savagely arraigned the party in power for alleged des- potic treatment of the people of the states lately in rebellion, for the corruption of the executive and legislative branches of the government, for the introduction of nepotism into and the general degradation of the civil service.
The movement soon assumed the proportions of a serious
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THE LIBERAL PARTY OF 1872.
and wide-spread revolt, headed by a powerful combination of many old and trusted republican leaders. The particular object of its animadversion was the administration of General Grant, although if successful, it threatened the complete over- throw of republican ascendency in national affairs.
Among leading republicans in Illinois who became its supporters and advisers were Senator Trumbull, Gov. Palmer, Superintendent-of-Public-Instruction Newton Bateman, Secre- tary-of-State Edward Rummel; ex-state officers, Francis A. Hoffman, William Bross, Gustavus Koerner, Jesse K. Dubois, O. M. Hatch, O. H. Miner, Washington Bushnell, Wm. Butler; ex-congressmen, John Wentworth, S. W. Moulton, Jesse O. Norton; besides Judge David Davis, Leonard Swett, Lawrence Weldon, Dayid L. Phillips, Horace White, Wm. K. Sullivan, S. W. Munn, Richard Rowett, R. B. Latham, and many others. To one conversant with the political history of the State, this list presents a truly formidable array of familiar and influential names, embracing, as it does, those of many who had been identified with the republican party as leaders ever since its organization. Following in their wake came the Chicago Tribune, which vied with its New- York prototype in the bitterness of its denunciations of the administration.
The national convention of the Liberal Party-the first to throw down the gauntlet-met at Cincinnati, May I, and con- tinued in session three days. It can hardly be said to have been a gathering of regularly-chosen delegates, in the sense in which this term is generally applied. It was ratherza mass meeting of the odds and ends of every party or clique in the country opposed to Grant and the regular republicans. Among its members were many incongruous elements; embracing "all sorts and conditions of men" who had a grievance. Ex-repub- licans sat, cheek by jowl, with democrats of every complex- ion of belief, and ex-knownothings hob-nobbed with green- backers and grangers. Illinois had a strong. representation, divided, however, in presidential preferences as follows: for David Davis came Leonard Swett, Jesse W. Fell, A. Gridley, Wirt Dexter, Wm. Kellogg, N. G. Wilcox, Wm. Fithian, N. K. Fairbank, J. O. Norton, David T. Littler, S. C. Parks, Stephen K. Moore, Thomas S. Mather, and G. W. Minier. Lyman Trum-
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
bull was the choice of Koerner, Hatch, White, and Wm. Jayne; Gov. Palmer's claims were urged by Rowett, Gen. John Cook, Casper Butz, E. M. Haines, and A. W. Edwards. The votes of Dubois, Gens. Smith, Hecker, Kueffner, Bushnell, Phillips, Miner, and John H. Bryant were distributed among the three candidates.
The contest over the nomination, as might have been ex- pected under such circumstances, was exciting and bitter. It was found impossible to harmonize so many conflicting elements -the delegation from Illinois being more pronounced in its dissensions than that from any other state. The first ballot disclosed the following result: Horace Greeley 147, Charles Francis Adams 205, Lyman Trumbull 110, David Davis 921/2, B. Gratz Brown 95, and Andrew Curtin 62. Greeley developed more and more strength, until on the sixth ballot, he secured the nomination; the vote standing, before any changes had been made, 332 for Greeley to 320 for Adams. B. Gratz Brown was nominated for vice-president on the second ballot.
The platform adopted by the Liberals favored: I, the equal- ity of all men; 2, pronounced in favor of emancipation and enfranchisement, and opposed any re-opening of the questions settled by the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments; 3, demanded the removal of all disabilities incurred by participation in the rebellion; 4, advocated local self - government and impartial suffrage; 5, took strong ground in favor of reform of the civil service; 6, called for the relegation of the subject of the tariff directly to the people of the several congressional districts; 7, denounced repudiation, and demanded a speedy return to specie payments; 8, remembered the soldiers with gratitude; and 9, avowed hostility to all further grants of public lands to railroads.
The democratic national convention, which met at Baltimore, July 9, ratified the nomination of Greeley and Brown, and adopted the same platform of principles.
Separate state - conventions of the liberal and democratic party were held at Springfield, June 26. Gen. Palmer presided over the former and James C. Allen over the latter. The state- ticket, made up of representative candidates from both of these parties nominated by a conference committee appointed by
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STATE CONVENTION OF 1872.
the two conventions and confirmed by each, was as follows: for governor, Gustavus Koerner; lieutenant - governor, John C. Black; secretary of state, Edward Rummel; auditor, Daniel O' Hara; treasurer, C. H. Lanphier; attorney-general, Lawrence Welden. Both conventions were addressed by Gov. Palmer, Senator Trumbull, and Gen. Shields.
In the meantime, the republican party, although somewhat apprehensive of the effect of a secession from its ranks, so extensive and influential, proceeded with its ordinary political work precisely as though nothing had occurred to dampen the ardor of its members or awaken fears of defeat. The state convention was held at Springfield, May 22. The venerable and life-long friend of Abraham Lincoln, Judge Stephen T. Logan, was called upon to preside. The proceedings were characterized by harmony and unwonted enthusiasm. Up to the time of issuing the formal call for the convention, by the state central committee it was generally supposed, and so authoritatively announced in the State Journal, that Governor Palmer would ask for a renomination; it being also generally understood that Gen. Richard J. Oglesby would be a candidate before the next legislature for United-States senator to succeed Judge Trumbull. Early in April, however, there appeared in the daily papers a recommendation, signed by twenty - two members of the general assembly, inviting Gen. Oglesby to be- come a candidate for the governorship; to which he replied, that he had "had no expectation or wish to become the candidate;" and that "it would be far more compatible with his feelings to give a hearty support to some one else," but that if tendered, he would not feel at liberty to decline. About a week after this, Gov. Palmer addressed a letter to his home-paper-the Carlin- ville Democrat-in which he announced that he would not be a candidate for renomination before the republican state-conven- tion, and stating as his reason, that he was opposed to the re- nomination of Gen. Grant, and "would not consent to canvass the State to promote his re-election unless the candidate placed in the field against him was more objectionable." The objec- tion to Grant, as stated in the communication, was that he "could not justify the opinion acted upon by Gen. Grant when he ordered four companies of infantry into the State to act as
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police, and that dictated his approval of the acts of General Sheridan in raising troops by his own authority in this State subjecting Chicago to military rule whereby a peaceable citizen of the State was unlawfully killed." This course of the gov- ernor simplified matters for the convention and insured the renomination of Gen. Oglesby for governor without a dissenting voice. Gen. John L. Beveridge carried off the honor of the second place, receiving 390 votes on the first ballot. The other nominees were as follows: secretary of state, George H. Har- low; auditor of public accounts, Charles E. Lippincott, renomi- nated; state treasurer, Edward Rutz; attorney-general, James K. Edsall.
The platform abounded in declarations which "pointed with pride" to what the party had accomplished in the past but was rather chary in making promises as to the future. The rela- tions between national and state sovereignty were defined, and it was stated, in general terms, that the fundamental principles underlying this issue had been previously enunciated and that the attitude of the party in relation thereto had been abun- dantly justified. It was further resolved, that it was the right and duty of every republican "to condemn every existing abuse in national, state, and municipal governments, and to zealously advocate all needful reforms;" also, "that the republican party is the party of progress and human rights and duties." The platform further advocated a protective tariff; declared against "all unconstitutional legislation for the cure of any of the dis- orders of society, whether irreligion, intemperance, or any other evil;" endorsed Gen. Grant's administration and instructed the Illinois delegates to vote for his renomination at the coming national convention .*
The national republican convention was held at Philadelphia,
* The following were chosen delegates to the national convention: at large, Stephen T. Logan, Emery A. Storrs, Leonard F. Ross, Jasper Partridge; districts, J. Young Scammon, Lewis Ellsworth; Herman Raster, James L. Campbell; Clark W. Upton, William Vocke; J. H. Mayburn, A. B. Coon; John C. Smith, Edward B. Warner; Andrew Crawford, J. W. Templeton; Lyman B. Ray, W. M. Sweet- land; W. R. Hickox, N. E. Stevens; Enoch Emery, Edwin Butler; John McKenney, sr., Henry Tubbs; George W. Burns, David Pierson; Shelby M. Cullom, John Moses; William McGalliard, Thomas Snell; Joseph R. Mosser, James Knight; T. A. Apperson, James Steele; H. C. Goodnow, J. F. Alexander; Russell Hinckley, A. W. Metcalf; George Waters, T. H. Burgess; D. W. Lusk, and Israel A. Powell.
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PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATIONS.
June 5, 1872. Gen. Grant was the unanimous choice of the delegates for renomination for the presidency, but the selection of a candidate for vice- president was a close and spirited contest between Schuyler Colfax, the then incumbent, and Henry Wilson of Massachusetts. It resulted in the success of Wilson by a majority of only a few votes.
The national platform advocated reform in the civil service; favored the extension of amnesty to those lately in rebellion; reendorsed the recently-ratified amendments to the constitution; called for the abolition of the franking privilege; expressed a confidence that "our excellent national currency" would be per- fected by a speedy resumption of specie payments; favored the encouragement of American commerce and shipping; de- nounced repudiation; opposed further grants of public lands to corporations and monopolies; and following the example set by the State of Illinois in this respect, disapproved of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils by interfering with rights not surrendered by the people to either the state or national government.
At a convention of labor reformers held Feb. 22, 1872, David Davis was nominated as their candidate for president. The nominee duly and courteously thanked the body "for the unexpected honor" conferred upon him, but four months later forwarded a formal declinature.
Charles O' Connor of New York, was the candidate of the straight democrats who refused to support Horace Greeley.
As the campaign progressed, it became more and more evident that the apprehensions of those republicans who had adhered to the party organization had been groundless. The revolt of so many leaders had awakened no little fear, but it was soon apparent that the latter would not be able to carry their following with them into the democratic camp. A leader of a political revolt, stripped of his adherents, is as powerless for evil as is a major-general in the army who, in a fit of pique, tenders his resignation. In the latter case, the rank and file are not affected, nor is the effective working force of the army inter- fered with. In the case of the former, the great mass of voters are likely to adhere to their former party affiliations, especially when they can see that the motives which actuate the conduct
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
of the men whom they have been accustomed to follow are of a nature strictly personal. Under such circumstances as these, it is not easy to loosen the foundations of party fealty. At the same time, there can be no question that the bitter hostility to the candidacy of Gen. Grant was in great part founded in good faith. Many of those who opposed him were as sincere in their criticism of the methods of his administration as they had been unwavering in their fidelity to the country in its hour of sorest need. On the other hand, among the promoters of the secession movement there were many who were technically known, in political parlance, as sore-heads; men who had been disappointed in their aspirations, or had been supplanted by more popular competitors for party favor. The latter class was so numerous as to alienate the republican support which the movement might otherwise have commanded. As for the old- time, dyed-in-the-wool, straight-out, Bourbon democrats, Mr. Greeley was too bitter a pill for them to swallow even though sugar - coated with a national democratic nomination. The practical result was that the rallying cry of the opposition soon became "anything to beat Grant," and principles were forgotten in a campaign which was probably the most bitter personally of any in the history of American politics.
Nevertheless, Greeley found supporters in many old - line whigs, who had been influenced by his Tribune for thirty years, and among many others, who sincerely believed him to be a better republican than was Gen. Grant. But as has been said, his name and record were exceedingly distasteful to the democrats, who, in the past, had always found him their most powerful, unflinching, and uncompromising foe. Still many of the latter accorded him a half-hearted support, and always under pro- test. Had the Cincinnati convention nominated Senator Trum- bull or Judge Davis for president, and had Gen. Palmer been nominated for governor in Illinois, the vote in this State might have been much closer, even had not the result been doubtful in both the State and Nation. Many, indeed, of those who went to Cincinnati did so solely to nominate Trumbull or Davis as against Grant; Greeley they did not want and would not support, and accordingly availed themselves of the first oppor- tunity to get back into the republican fold, where most of them
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STATE DEBT.
now remain. Others gave the Cincinnati ticket only a very feeble, practical endorsement. As it turned out, after the first few weeks, all the enthusiasm and vigor of the campaign was on the side of the republicans, who carried the State and Nation by an overwhelming majority. So far as Illinois was concerned, however, the majority was much larger for president than for governor and other state-officers .*
The amount of the State debt, including an addition of $250,000 on account of the canal, was, on Dec. I, 1872, $2,060- 150-showing a decrease during the preceding four years of $3,928,303. Gov. Palmer, in his concluding message to the legislature, called attention to the fact, with pardonable pride, and pointed out that, notwithstanding the low prices ruling for leading farm - products, and the unsettled state of business throughout the country, the growth of the cities and towns of the State had been as extraordinary as had been the increase and multiplication of its manufacturing interests, and as were the evidences of development and progress which were in- dicated by the condition of the people during and at the close of his term of office. The governor had met with, and even courted, many antagonisms during his term. He had had to encounter the difficulties attendant upon carrying the ship of state over the reefs and shoals of a defective and often-violated constitution into the fairer and safer, yet untried, harbor provided by the new organic law. He had found it necessary, frequently, to differ with the legislature, with his own party, and with the president-he had not, indeed, always been able to be consistent with himself -but he came out of the trial unscathed, so far as his honor was concerned, generally retaining the respect of his opponents and the good-will of the people of the State.
* The following are the figures for Illinois: for the Grant electors, 241,237; for the Greeley electors, 184,772; for the O'Connor electors, 3, 138. For Oglesby, 237,774; Koerner, 197,084; B. G. Wright, 2, 185. Beveridge, 235, 101; Black, 199,767; Starr, 2,459. For state-officers, majority, 48,790.
The result in the Nation was that Grant received 286 electoral votes; liberal and democratic parties, 63; and 17 not counted.
CHAPTER XLIII.
Administration of Gov. Beveridge-Twenty-eighth General Assembly-Election of Oglesby to the Senate-Laws -Parties and Platforms in 1874-Twenty-ninth Gen- eral Assembly - Haines Speaker - Laws- The Cen- tennial Year - Conventions, Platforms, and Elections of 1876.
G OVERNOR OGLESBY was inaugurated Jan. 13, 1873, and delivered the usual address. He availed himself of the opportunity, as his predecessor had done, to refer to the ques- tion of state-rights, observing that "our character as citizen of the United States is at least equal to our character as citizen of a state," and that as all power emanated from the people, "he who is thoroughly imbued with respect for and confidence in their patriotism, intelligence, and good sense, need take no special uneasiness to himself as to whether this or that grant of political power will trench upon, eat up, or devour all others in the common country." The governor treated the subject in a popular way and received the approving smiles of his political friends.
The ceremony of inaugurating the governor elect, however, was a mere matter of form-as before that he had received the unanimous and enthusiastic nomination of the republican members of the legislature as their candidate for the United- States senate, which was equivalent to his subsequent election, January 21. His opponent, selected by the democrats, was Judge Trumbull, the then incumbent, whose place he was chosen to fill-the final vote being, in the senate, Oglesby 33, Trumbull 16, Coolbaugh 2; in the house, Oglesby 84, Trumbull 62.
Protests, signed by 16 senators and 48 members of the house, were filed against the election of Gov. Oglesby to the senate on the ground of his ineligibility, citing that section of the State constitution which provides that "neither the governor, lieuten- ant - governor, auditor, secretary of state, superintendent of
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GOVERNOR BEVERIDGE.
public instruction, nor attorney-general, shall be eligible to any other office during the period for which he shall have been elected." Of course, this claim was intended only to affect political results at home; it produced no effect in the United- States senate, that body being the sole judge of the election and qualification of its own members.
The faithful and able services of Lyman Trumbull as a senator from Illinois for eighteen years were thus terminated. His estrangement from the republican party, which he had done so much to create and sustain, began with his opposition to the impeachment of President Andrew Johnson-an act for which all reflecting and right-thinking citizens now honor and applaud him. Political parties have no gratitude and political sins are hardly ever condoned. A revolt from a party, like that of the Liberals in 1872, is suicidal unless it is successful, and the senator reaped only the results of his own sowing.
The governor having, in consequence of his election to the senate, resigned the executive office on January 23, "the powers, duties, and emoluments of the office" devolved upon the lieutenant-governor.
John Lowrie Beveridge, who thus succeeded to the guberna- torial chair, was born in Greenwich, Washington County, New York, July 6, 1824. His ancestors were from Scotland and he was raised a Scotch Presbyterian, inured to hard work on a farm in the summer and attending the district-school in the winter. In 1842, he removed with his father's family to De Kalb County in this State. Here he was enabled partially to gratify his desire for a higher education by attending one term at Granville Academy in Putnam County, and, during 1843 to 1845, several terms at the Rock-River Seminary at Mt. Morris, in Ogle County. Following the example of Gov. Seward of New York, and Senators Trumbull and Kane of this State, when he came of age, he concluded to try his fortune in the South, and emigrated to Tennessee, where he engaged in teach- ing. While thus employed, he studied law and was admitted to the bar. He returned to Illinois for a wife-Miss Helen M. Judson -to whom he was married in 1848, after which he resumed the practice of his profession in Tennessee.
Not meeting with the success he expected, he resolved in
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
1851, richer in experience only, to return to Illinois and make that State his permanent home. He resided at Sycamore until 1854, when he removed to Evanston, at the same time opening a law-office in Chicago. Having recruited a company for the 8th Illinois Cavalry, which his law-partner, Gen. John F. Farns- worth, had been authorized to raise, he was mustered into the Union service in September, 1861. He was soon afterward promoted to the majority of, and, indeed, frequently commanded the regiment during its valiant services with the Army of the Potomac.
In 1863, he succeeded in raising and organizing the 17th Illinois Cavalry of which he was commissioned colonel. This regiment was ordered to Missouri and did most gallant and effective service in the border warfare of that region during 1864. In 1865, he commanded several sub-districts in south- east Missouri and was mustered out of the service, Feb. 6, 1866, with the rank of brevet brigadier-general, having proved him- self a brave, as he was certainly a popular, officer.
Previous to his entering the army, Gov. Beveridge had never held an office. In 1866, he was elected sheriff of Cook County, and from that time his political advancement was extraordinarily rapid. In 1870, he was elevated to the state senate, his seat in which body he resigned to accept the nomination for congress- man-at-large-vice Logan elected to the senate-in 1871; and this position he resigned to make the race for lieutenant-governor in 1872; so that, in fact, within three weeks, he held the offices of congressman, lieutenant-governor, and governor of the State. He had satisfied public expectation in each of these posi- tions. He stood especially high in popular esteem at the time of his nomination for lieutenant-governor, when, in responding to a call in the state-convention for a speech, amid great excitement and confusion, he disclosed unexpected abilities as a speaker. His well - proportioned physique, his dignified bearing, his venerable appearance, indicated by his silver hair and beard, rather than by any symptom of mental or physical infirmity, with his well-chosen words, grouped in appropriate sentences, favorably impressed his audience.
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