USA > Illinois > Illinois, historical and statistical, comprising the essential facts of its planting and growth as a province, county, territory, and state, Vol. II > Part 4
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A special session of the seventeenth general assembly was convened by proclamation of the governor on June 7, 1852. Twenty-one different subjects for legislative action were speci- fied, the chief of which was the reapportionment of the State into districts for the election of the nine congressmen, to which it was now entitled. The law for this purpose was passed June 16. No political chicanery was necessary in arranging the dis- tricts, a democratic majority being unquestioned in all but possibly one or two. It is interesting to note, however, that for the first time the formation of the districts began at the north end of the State, running across from Lake County to Jo Daviess, and as indicating the shifting of population from the southern counties, that four congressmen were given to the northern part of the State, two to the central, and three to the southern; and that while seven or eight counties in the former contained a sufficient number of inhabitants for a con- gressman, from nine to eighteen were required in the latter.
Numerous acts to amend charters of rail and plank-roads, and of incorporation, were passed, but no law of any general interest, unless it was the act to dispose of the swamp and over- flowed lands which had been granted to the State by congress in September, 1850. The legislature adjourned June 23.
Upon the expiration of his gubernatorial term, Gov. French was appointed by his successor one of the bank commissioners. Removing soon after to St. Clair County, he accepted the pro- fessorship of law in McKendree College. In 1862, he was elected a member of the constitutional convention, in which was his last public service. He gave the people a faithful, business-like administration, and retired from the executive chair with their
581
CONDITION OF THE STATE TREASURY.
confidence and respect. He died at Lebanon, Sept. 4, 1864 .*
The condition of the State treasury at the close of Gov. French's term is shown by the following from the State treas- urer's report : Dr. ON ACCOUNT OF REVENUE. Cr.
Balance in treasury Dec. I, 1850, including deaf-and-
dumb fund, $28,578.41
From collectors, Dec. 1,'50, to Nov. 30,'52, inclusive, 443,502.87
Miscellaneous items,
.
6,083.77
Total,
. 478, 165.05
Revenue warrants canceled and deposited with audi- tor from Dec. 1, 1850, to Nov. 30, 1852, . $320,703. 18 Education of deaf and dumb, 10, 706.89 Old State-Bank paper and interest, - 382.62
Balance, 146,372.36
Balance in treasury, - $146,372.36
Total, - $478, 165.05
ON ACCOUNT OF THE STATE DEBT.
Balance Dec. 1, 1850, $165,788.81
Received from Dec. 1, 1850,
to Nov. 30, '52, inclusive, 492, 166. 53 Total, 657,955.34
Canceled auditor's warrants from Dec. 1, 1850, to Nov. 30, 1852, $395,467.96 Balance, 262,487.38
Total, ·
$657,955.34
Balance of State-debt fund
in the treasury, . $262,487.38
* On the monument erected to his memory is inscribed the following rather unique and perhaps not too eulogistic tribute to his worth: "A man-true, kind, and noble; a citizen-just, generous, and honorable; a public officer-upright, philanthropic, energetic, and faithful; a husband and father-affectionate, wise, and good; a christian-humble, charitable, and trusting."
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Administration of Gov. Matteson- Eighteenth General Assembly-Re-election of Senator Douglas-Laws- State and National Politics-New Parties-Nineteenth General Assembly- Election of Senator Trumbull -- Prohibitory Liquor-Law-The Common-School Law.
T HE democratic convention for the nomination of State officers met at Springfield, April 20, 1852. Besides the delegates, there was in attendance a large number of spectators, and as a nomination was considered equivalent to an election, the candidates for the various offices to be voted for were numerous. Seven distinguished citizens signified their willing- ness to occupy the highest place on the ticket, and the votes of the delegates were distributed among them on the first ballot as follows: David L. Gregg of Cook County, then secretary of state,* 84 votes; Francis C. Sherman, also of Cook, 23; Joel A. Matteson of Will, 56; Col. John Dement, 53; Thomas L. Harris, 16; L. W. Ross, 7; Col. Daniel P. Bush, 6. Mr. Matteson, after a spirited contest, was successful on the eleventh ballot, securing 130 votes, to 67 for Gregg and 50 for Dement.
Gustavus Koerner of St. Clair County, was nominated for lieutenant-governor on the third ballot, receiving 132 votes to 113 cast for George T. Brown of Madison County. Alexander Starne of Pike County, was nominated for secretary of state on the seventh ballot; Thomas H. Campbell for auditor; and John Moore for treasurer-the last two for reelection.
The whigs held their convention-which proved to be their last-July 7, having waited until after the holding of the national convention, which convened at Baltimore, June 16. There was not much enthusiasm manifested among the mem- bers, and their candidates were all nominated by acclamation; these were: for governor, Edwin B. Webb of White County; for lieutenant-governor, James L. D. Morrison of St. Clair; for secretary of state, Buckner S. Morris of Cook; for auditor,
* Vice Horace S. Cooley, who died April 2, 1850.
582
JOHN MOORE
G.KOERNER
JOEL A MATTESON
N.W.EDWARDS
CHICAGO
T.H. CAMPBELL
7H1
STOR LI Ny BRARY
583
GOVERNOR MATTESON.
Charles A. Betts of Stephenson; and for treasurer, Francis Arenz of Cass County.
The free-democrats, or, as they were generally called, aboli- tionists, inscribing upon their banner "Free soil; free speech; free labor; and free men," also nominated a ticket, with Dexter A. Knowlton of Stephenson County, for governor, and Philo Carpenter of Cook, for lieutenant-governor.
Both Webb and Morrison were well and favorably known in the State, having served with distinction in the legislature, but their party was unable to arouse any enthusiasm for the national ticket, headed by Gen. Winfield Scott, against Gen. Franklin Pierce, the democratic candidate, and the canvass on their part was conducted without vigor or hope. The result in the State was as follows: for Matteson, 80,645; Webb, 64,405; Knowlton, 8809; which was relatively nearly the same as the vote for the presidential candidates, Pierce and Scott, and John P. Hale, the free-soil candidate. The whigs elected four out of the nine congressmen.
Gov. Matteson was a native of New York, where he was born, in Jefferson County, August 8, 1808. He had been a resident of the State for twenty years, and had been engaged in farming, as a contractor on the canal, a dealer in real estate, and a manu- facturer. He was essentially a business man, of a practical turn of mind, and of sound judgment. Although making no preten- sions to state craft, and lacking that qualification deemed essen- tial to its exercise in this country, the art of public speaking, he was taken up by his party on account of the executive ability he had displayed in private affairs, and sent to the State senate. His ten years' service in this position had earned for him the justly-deserved reputation of being an industrious and capable legislator, and through it he had become thoroughly advised of the resources, financial condition, and internal politics of the State. Among his friends his standing was high, as that of an enterprising, public-spirited citizen, of kindly, benevolent im- pulses; while his party and indeed the public generally regarded both his ability and character with respect. He was large in person, and of quiet and agreeable manners. He was not only the last democratic governor elected in the State, but the only one of either party who, at the time of his election, resided north of Bloomington.
584
ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
Lieut .- Gov. Koerner was born in Germany in 1809, and emi- grated to this State in 1833. He received a university educa- tion, and was a lawyer of the first attainments. He had taken a decided part in politics as a democrat, and was elected to the legislature in 1842. In 1845, he was appointed one of the judges of the supreme court. Upon the re-formation of parties in 1855-6, he became a republican, and when the rebellion broke out took a pronounced stand on the side of the Union. He served for a short period on the staff of Gen. Fremont, and in 1862, was appointed minister to Spain, which position he resigned at the close of the war.
The eighteenth general assembly was convened January 3, 1853. But one whig, James M. Ruggles of Mason County, had been elected out of the thirteen new senators, and he with four "hold-overs" gave that party only five votes out of the twenty-five in the upper house. Only sixteen whigs had been elected to the house, and one "free-soiler," Henry W. Blodgett of Lake County; all the rest were democrats. The house was composed very largely of new members, only fourteen of those who had occupied seats in previous legislatures being returned to this. Among the old members elected were ex-Gov. John Reynolds, Wm. H. Snyder, Samuel A. Buckmaster, Charles D. Hodges, Richard N. Cullom, James W. Singleton, Joseph Sibley, Wesley Sloan, and C. B. Denio. In the list of new members appear the names of John A. Logan, Judge William Brown of Morgan, James N. Brown, Samuel W. Moulton.
The officers of the house, as designated by the democratic caucus, were elected by acclamation. These were: for speaker, John Reynolds; clerk, Isaac R. Diller; assistant, F. D. Preston; door-keeper, M. R. Owen; R. Eaton Goodell was chosen secre- tary of the senate, and Edward A. Bedell, sergeant-at-arms.
Ex-Gov. Reynolds thus achieved the distinction never before or since reached in this State by any other of its public men, of having been placed at the head of the executive, judicial, mili- tary, and finally of the legislative department of the State government, besides serving eight years in congress-an incom- parable record of public service. Twenty-seven years had elapsed since he had first occupied a seat in the house, and on taking the chair he made a feeling allusion to his long and varied service, in a few well-chosen remarks.
585
EIGHTEENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The general assembly met on January 3, and on the 5th, according to action taken on the 4th, met in joint session for the election of a United-States senator. Judge Douglas had been a strong candidate for the democratic nomination for president, and upon two ballots in the last national convention had received the highest number of votes for that position. So no time was to be lost, although there were a few grumbling objectors, in apprising Illinois' eminent senator of the people's continued confidence, by reëlecting him to his seat in the senate. The whigs cast their few votes for Joseph Gillespie.
Gov. French submitted his valedictory message on the 4th, and the inaugural of Gov. Matteson, read by the clerk of the house, was delivered on the 10th. It was devoted to the dis- cussion of state questions. He recommended the adoption of a liberal policy in granting railroad charters, the adoption of the free-school system, and the erection of a penitentiary at Joliet. He also suggested the amendment of the State constitution in the particulars of extending the period of legislative sessions, and an increase of the compensation of public officers.
The principal questions which occupied the attention of the legislature related to the subject of temperance, the banking law, rival railroad routes, and conflicting claims of companies asking incorporation. Four hundred and sixty laws were en- acted, the greater portion of which were classed as "private." Among the public acts were the following:
Prohibiting the issue or circulation of bank notes of a less denomination than five dollars; which, being against public opinion, was generally disregarded.
To prevent the immigration of free negroes into this State- the last lash of the pro-slavery whip over the people of Illinois.
Repealing the prohibitory quart law of the last session, and reënacting all laws for the granting of license for the sale of liquors.
Providing for the purchase of a lot, and the-erection thereon of the executive mansion, appropriating therefor $15,000, and $3000 for furniture.
To incorporate the state agricultural society.
To apply any surplus funds in the treasury to the purchase of evidences of State indebtedness.
38
586
ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
Providing for the sale by the auditor of the remaining lands owned by the State, amounting to 128,954 acres.
The public debt reached its highest point January 1, 1853, from which time it began rapidly to diminish. The amount at that time according to the governor was as follows: principal debt and interest, $9,464,355; canal-debt and interest, $7,259,- 822, total $16,724,177.
The State had now entered upon the most prosperous period of its development and progress, material, social, and political. There was not a cloud to dim the sky of its onward career. Its canal was in successful operation, railroads were extending and opening up new fields of settlement and improvement in every direction. Its revenue was rapidly increasing and the new banks were affording a sufficient and satisfactory currency for the increased demands of business. Three State institu- tions-the asylums for the Deaf and Dumb, the Blind, and the Hospital for the Insane, all of them at Jacksonville, had been successfully established; education was receiving renewed atten- tion from the people; a teeming immigration was pouring in the better classes of citizens from other states and lands, who brought with them not only large means, but improved methods in husbandry, mechanics, and manufactures. New farms were opened, and flourishing villages and cities, with unwonted industries, sprang up as if by magic, where a few short years before were seen only the wolf, the deer, and the tall prairie-grass.
Nor was there a cloud to disturb the peaceful serenity of the political sky. The compromise measures of 1850 had passed through the fiery ordeal of universal discussion, and had met with vindication through the endorsement of the two leading parties of the country; and the defeat of the whigs in the late presidential election had been so overwhelming as to leave no ground for the ambitious hopes of their leaders. Not that the popular vote had been so strongly against them, because that indicated the existence of a powerful minority opposed to the democrats, but the loss of power in twenty-seven states out of thirty-óne was as discouraging, as its tendency was demoraliz- ing to the organization.
As on previous occasions, it was found that the legislature,
587
REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE.
restricted to a session of forty-two days, had adjourned without completing the business before it. The governor, therefore felt constrained to reconvene the general assembly on Feb. 9, 1854. Although laws sufficient to fill a volume of 259 pages were passed at the special session, they were mostly classed as "pri- vate" and related chiefly to incorporations. Only three acts of public interest were passed: the legislative apportionment law; providing for the election of a state superintendent of public instruction; and authorizing the construction of the "Mississippi and Atlantic Railroad."
The State steadily continued in its career of unprecedented material prosperity and general welfare; and by this time had approached the beginning of a new era in politics. The democratic party, which had been in the ascendancy for so many years, and had so lately secured its greatest victory, had received a sudden and violent check in the passage by congress of the Kansas-Nebraska bill in May, 1854. This bill declared the Missouri Compromise of 1850 by which slavery was restricted on the north to the line of 36' 30", "inoperative and void," by reason of its alleged inconsist- ency with the Compromise measures of 1850, and established instead, the principle of popular sovereignty, that is, "that congress should not legislate slavery into any territory or state, or exclude it therefrom, but leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institu- tions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States."
This proposition, originally introduced in the committee on territories by Senator Dixon of Kentucky, and accepted by Judge Douglas, who as chairman of the committee reported it, came upon the country "like a clap of thunder in a clear sky."
The precipitation of this issue was immediately fatal to all party organizations as then formed-the old lines being effaced or changed beyond recognition. The whig party existed there- after only in name, and the democratic party, with greater cohe- sive strength, while still able to maintain its esprit de corps, unexpectedly found enrolled within its ranks many old and leading whigs, while with equal surprise they found they had parted company with many of their honored and trusted lead-
588
ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
ers. The free soilers received recruits in large numbers from both the old parties. There were hurryings to and fro, yet some hesitated wondering where, as patriots, duty called, and others as partisans, where it was their interest to go. The agitation consequent upon the disturbance of the political equilibrium manifested itself in the elections of 1854, and no- where more strikingly than in Illinois.
Judge Douglas was not unaware of the effect which such a measure might be expected to produce upon the country. He clearly foresaw, indeed, that it would shake the faith of his party in the north in his leadership, and imperil its prospects of success. His personal friends were divided in opinion in regard to the best course to be pursued. President Pierce, however, backed by his cabinet, was strongly in favor of the proposed action, and it is stated that the celebrated amendment repealing the Missouri Compromise was drafted by himself .*
The senator thus found himself placed in this dilemma: he must either champion a measure which his judgment did not wholly approve, or surrender the leadership of his party. It was only after long hesitation that he decided to take the leap at this turning point in his political career; but having finally reached a conclusion, he espoused the cause of repeal and non-intervention with his usual dash and persistency.+
On his return to his home in Chicago he sought to allay the
* Hon. John Wentworth is the authority for this statement.
+ The following letter to the author from Maj. George M. McConnel, formerly of Jacksonville, now residing in Chicago, gives an exceedingly interesting account of an interview between Judge Douglas and himself at this time. It even more than justifies the position taken in the text.
CHICAGO, Aug. 18, '89.
Hon. JOHN MOSES, Dear Sir :- On the evening of the day in January, 1854, when the famous protest by the Republican members of Congress against the "Kan- sas-Nebraska bill" appeared in the New York papers, Judge Douglas called to see Representative (afterward Senator) McDougall of California, and found only myself, then a youth acting as a sort of secretary for McDougall. Mr. Douglas had known me from my infancy, had been befriended by my father, and was quite on a familiar footing in our family for years; hence was under no restraint with me * * and talked of the Kansas matter freely and warmly. He said distinctly that he was not the author of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, that he believed it to have come from a "higher source" but was interjected into the bill by Dixon of Ken- tucky, with the support of a majority of the committee, against his strenuous oppo- sition. That he opposed it first because he was not willing to extend slavery, was
OR
L NY LIBRA
589
DOUGLAS REFUSED A IIEARING.
feeling roused against him in a carefully prepared address defending his course. The meeting called for this purpose in front of North Market, was an immense one, comprising many of the best citizens. But such was the bitterness of feeling against him that he was allowed to speak only a few minutes at a time. A tumult of groans and hisses greeted his first remark; and this was continued with increased uproar, and obstructive demonstrations for over two hours. It was a howl- ing mob determined that the judge should not be heard. No violence was offered, only that which proceeds from the throat and lungs, but it was effective, and after vainly trying for two hours to speak the crowd into order, the senator was compelled to give way, angry and discomfited.
It was indeed a critical period for the democratic party, so long in the ascendancy, but under the masterly leadership of the "Little Giant," such was its splendid discipline, that although impaired in numbers and efficiency by the defection of many of its leading men both to the Americans and free soilers, its organization was preserved intact.
The State fair was held at Springfield this year the first week in October, and the occasion was taken advantage of by all parties, to hold conventions and discuss before the large crowds assembled the issues of the day. Here, where Judge Douglas had always been popular, his friends rallied around him and
hostile to the institution "on general principles," though believing the slaveholder had political rights which the non-slaveholder could not legally question; and second because he feared the policy of repeal would be fatal to the party with whose for- tunes he had identified himself all his political life. But he had been over-ruled and now found himself placed where he must choose either to champion a measure which, though offensive to himself, was approved by the majority of the party of which he was the acknowledged leader, or throw away that leadership and with it the entire fruit of all his public career. " If I do this" he said, "I lose all hope of being of any benefit to my country-to say nothing of sacrificing my personal ambi- tions-because no one leader is powerful enough to resist a stampede of his party, any more than one buffalo can resist a stampede of his herd." "It's a terrible posi- tion for me, my boy," he added, "but I'll do what seems to me best for all." He showed strong feeling, rising and walking excitedly about the room, speaking vehe- mently, and resenting both the merciless tyranny of his own party and the bad faith of his opponents who had asked for delay in introducing the bill ostensibly for fur- ther examination, but really, as it proved, to issue a pronunciamento which maligned him personally and impugned his motives in a way which he said some of the signers of the protest knew to be utterly false. * G. M. MCCONNEL.
590
ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
gave him a perfect ovation. He made, what was called his great speech, October 3. It had been announced that Judge Breese and John A. McClernand would be present to answer him, but they failed to arrive in time. Mr. Lincoln, while not in full sympathy with the methods of the ultra free soilers, was as earnestly opposed to the extension of slavery as any of them, and anticipating that no one of those advertised to meet the Magnus Apollo of the Kansas-Nebraska bill would be pre- sent, determined to be prepared to do so himself. He was therefore at the judge's meeting, and replied to him the follow- ing day, the judge in turn responding to Lincoln. Judges Breese and Trumbull spoke the next day and were answered by John Calhoun and J. W. Singleton. These were all exciting meetings and the enthusiasm of the friends of the respective speakers rose to fever heat.
What was called an anti-Nebraska republican convention was held at Springfield October 3. Twenty-six delegates only were present, but unfortunately for the success of the movement, it was called and managed by such extremists as Owen Lovejoy, Ichabod Codding, Erastus Wright, and others, who had been known not only as opposed to the extension of slavery, but as abolitionists. Mr. Lincoln fearing the effect of this convoca- tion, was not present, nor did he participate in its proceed- ings, although his name was published as one of its appointees upon the State central committee.
When the nineteenth general assembly convened Jan. I, 1855, there were found but seven new names in the senate, and only five old ones in the house-Presley Funkhouser, Samuel W. Moulton, Stephen T. Logan, John P. Richmond, and John E. McClun. Of the lately elected senators, eight of them, John H. Addams, Augustus Adams, George Gage, Waite Talcott, John D. Arnold, Joseph Gillespie, John M. Palmer, and Wm. D. Watson, were classed as anti-Nebraska men, and four, Wm. H. Carlin, son of the ex-governor, Jacob C. Davis, Andrew J. Kuykendall, and Hugh L. Sutphin, as democrats. James L. D. Morrison was elected as a whig and supposed to be anti- Nebraska, but after the organization he voted with the demo- crats.
Never before had it been so difficult to classify politically
591
NINETEENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
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