Illinois, historical and statistical, comprising the essential facts of its planting and growth as a province, county, territory, and state, Vol. II, Part 15

Author: Moses, John, 1825-1898
Publication date: 1889-1892. [c1887-1892]
Publisher: Chicago, Fergus Printing Company
Number of Pages: 878


USA > Illinois > Illinois, historical and statistical, comprising the essential facts of its planting and growth as a province, county, territory, and state, Vol. II > Part 15


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


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The plan was, after the release of the prisoners at Rock Island, hastily to organize them and throw them down to Springfield, and effect a like result there. But the disloyal Sons of Liberty could not be depended upon. They had


699


FAILURE OF PROPOSED ATTACK ON ROCK ISLAND.


eagerly accepted Confederate gold, had vaunted of their prow- ess, and had vaingloriously avowed their warlike purpose. But when the critical moment arrived, the Southern leaders, who had ventured under the very shadow of the gallows to lead these invertebrate insurgents, discovered that they had trusted to a rope of sand; too late they realized that faith can not repose on dishonor, and that treason and treachery go hand in hand. To inaugurate neighborhood raids, to rescue and hide deserters, to interfere with the draft in their respective locali- ties-these were the limits of the valor of the "Sons of Liberty," beyond which they dared not venture. To attend peace-meet- ings and shout themselves hoarse at each utterance of a disloyal sentiment -this they found an easy and congenial task. But to risk their lives by openly facing men with arms in their hands was another and vastly different matter, and one which had never seriously entered into their calculations. Men of this calibre found in the enthusiasm with which the anti- war speeches at Chicago were received and in the peace-plat- form there adopted by the national democratic convention, en- couragement to hope that political success, both state and national, might be secured by means fraught with less peril to themselves. "All hope of success in this direction had to be abandoned also," remarks the captain, "at least for the time being," and the confederate schemers deemed it wise to depart from the city.


The success of the Union armies, however, and the failure of encouraging prospects at the polls had the effect of stimulating the activity of the conspirators, who determined to organize another attempt to liberate the prisoners at Camp Douglas, on November 8, the day of the presidential election.


The same preliminary arrangements were made and the same Confederate officers were on the ground, together with the most reckless and determined Sons of Liberty. Interfer- ence with the election, not only, but the burning and flooding of the city were now included as a part of the infamous pro- gram. Different parties were designated, some to set fires and others to open plugs, attack banks, and levy arms. In the meantime, every detail of their plans had become known. Agents of the government had joined the secret order, had


700


ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.


been acting with them in all their lodges, and were thoroughly informed of every movement. The utmost vigilance and pru- dence, as well as activity, were exercised by Gen. Sweet, who had now only a force of 796 men to guard 8352 prisoners. Having matured his plans, on the evening of November 6, he, with the provost-guard, made simultaneous descents upon the hiding places of the leaders. Capt. Cantrill and Charles Tra- verse were found together at the residence of "Brigadier-Gen- eral" Charles Walsh, in whose house and barn were found 349 revolvers, 142 shotguns, and a large quantity of arms and military stores. Col. St. Leger Grenfell, Vincent Marmaduke, Col. J. T. Shanks were arrested at the Richmond House, and Buckner S. Morris at his residence.


They were tried at Cincinnati for conspiracy for the release of the prisoners at Camp Douglas, and for "laying waste to and destroying" the city of Chicago. Walsh, R. T. Semmes, and Charles T. Daniel were found guilty and sent to the peni- tentiary. Col. W. R. Anderson committed suicide during the trial. Marmaduke and Morris were acquitted. Col. Grenfell was sentenced to be hung. After remaining in prison less than a year the convicts were all pardoned, except Grenfell, whose sentence was commuted to imprisonment for life .*


Taking up the thread of events in their regular order, the year 1864 opened with a decidedly encouraging outlook for the success of the Union cause. The battles in which the con-


* St. Leger Grenfell was a remarkable character. An English soldier of fortune, he had served in the French army and with the Algerines against the French; he there enlisted with the Turks against the pirates, tiring of which he joined his fortunes with those of Garibaldi's South-American legion. He then, for a change, returned home, procured a commission in the British army, and served throughout the Crimean war, and afterward in India during the Sepoy rebellion. The civil war in the United States brought him to this country, where he enlisted on the Confederate side, serv- ing under Morgan. After a short time, he left the Confederacy and went to Wash- ington, where he declared himself as a neutral, but finally became interested in the scheme to release rebel prisoners, many of whom had been his old companions in arms. This escapade ended his career. He was as reckless as he was daring, and feared "neither God, man, nor the devil."


Authorities consulted in regard to the Conspiracy: "Report of Judge-Advocate General Joseph Holt," to Congress; "The Southern Bivouac," numbers 52 to 55; "Biographical Sketch of Gen. B. J. Sweet," by Hon. Wm. Bross; a collection of pamphlets bound together, entitled "The Camp-Douglas Conspiracy," in the Chicago Historical Society's library.


701


PROGRESS OF THE WAR.


tending armies had been engaged during the latter portion of the year 1863 had resulted in the signal defeat of the insur- gents, and in their being driven from important positions with great losses. Vicksburg-that southern Gibraltar-had been surrendered with 30,000 prisoners to the victorious Grant, who had reënforced the beleagured army at Chattanooga and hurled back the enemy from Missionary Ridge. Union troops now held the fortresses of Tennessee, and the way was opened for Sherman to Atlanta and the sea. Lee's invading hosts had been routed and driven back from the glorious field of Gettysburg, where he had lost the flower of his army.


To every call made by the government for troops, Illinois had "promptly and patriotically responded" beyond the quota required. Alone of all the states of the Union, prior to Feb. I, 1864, she presented the proud record of having escaped a draft .* By February I, forty-four of the seventy-one regiments first organized had reënlisted as veterans, thus furnishing a striking evidence of attachment to the service, a belief in the righteousness of their cause, and unshaken confidence in the commanders under whom they fought.


Between October 1, 1863, and July 1, 1864, the enlistments in the State, including 16,186 reënlisted volunteers, amounted to 37,092, making a total up to the latter date of 181,178 troops furnished by Illinois.+ This number, however, did not include the 11,328 volunteers embraced in the thirteen regi- ments of one hundred days' men, who were neither allowed bounties nor credited against a draft. These regiments, ex- cepting the 144th, which enlisted for one year, numbered from 132 to 145 inclusive, and were raised at the suggestion of Gov. Yates, in connection with Governors Morton, Brough, and Stone, who raised a similar force in their respective states, to serve in fortifications, thus releasing an equal number of regular troops for more important duty in the field. The order for their enlistment was issued from the adjutant-general's office, April 26, 1864, and they were mustered into the United- States service between May 31 and June 21-the camps of ren- dezvous being at Chicago, Springfield, Ottawa, Mattoon, Cen- tralia, Dixon, Joliet, Quincy, and Peoria; and departed for the


* Gov. Yates' in "Adjutant -Generals's Report," I, 44. + Ibid, I, 54.


702


ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.


field during the month of June. They performed "indispensable and invaluable" services in Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri .*


In the meantime, while Grant was hammering away at Lee's army in Virginia and Sherman was crowding Johnson toward Atlanta, the various political forces in the State were far from being inactive. It was no less important that the army should be sustained by public sentiment at home than that it should win victories in the field; and so the war of ballots was as fiercely contested as that of bullets. The newspapers of the period published calls for political conventions and calls for troops in the same columns. Reports of elections won or lost were set forth with the same glaring head-lines as those of battles, and there was a strange, if not incongruous, mingling of rolls of delegates with lists of the killed and wounded.


The Union party, including the republicans -which name had been dropped-and all others who were "unconditionally in favor of maintaining the supremacy of the constitution of the United States, of the full, final, and complete suppression and overthrow of the existing rebellion," was first in the field to call a convention, which was held at Springfield, May 25. It was attended by a full set of delegates, with thousands of visitors earnestly cooperating and advising. Adopting for their catchword the famous sentence of Grant's report from Spottsylvania, "We will fight it out on this line if it takes all summer," they were confident, enthusiastic, and defiant.


HUNDRED-DAY REGIMENTS:


NO. REGIMENT.


COMMANDER.


MUSTERED AT.


STRENGTH.


132 Col. Thomas C. Pickett,


.


Camp Fry,


853


133 Col. Thaddeus Phillips,


Camp Butler, - 851


I34 Col. Waters W. McChesney,


Camp Fry, 878


135 Col. John S. Wolfe,


Mattoon,


852


136 Col. Frederick A. Johns,


Centralia,


842


137 Col. John Wood, -


Quincy, 849


138 Col. John W. Goodwin,


Quincy, 835


139 Col. Peter Davidson,


Peoria, 878


140


Col. Lorenzo H. Whitney,


Camp Butler,


871


141 Col. Stephen Bronson,


Elgin, -


842


142 Col. Rollin V. Ankney,


851


I43. Col. Dudley C. Smith,


Camp Butler, Mattoon, 865


145


Col. George W. Lackey,


Camp Butler, -


880


Battalion,


Capt. John Curtis, -


Camp Butler, - 91


Battalion,


Capt. Simon J. Stookey,


Camp Butler, - 90


703


REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, 1864.


Andrew J. Kuykendall, a war-democrat from "Egypt," was called to preside. Burton C. Cook, chairman of the state cen- tral committee, when the convention came together, announced that Grant had driven Lee across the North Anna River with severe loss, and that the rebels were retreating. This was received with wild shouts and cheers of triumph.


Four names were presented for the office of governor-that of a gallant soldier, still suffering from wounds received in battle; of the adjutant-general, who had been complimented by Gov. Yates for the energy, efficiency, and ability with which he had discharged the varied and complicated duties of his office; of a patriotic, honest, and faithful state officer; and of another gallant soldier still in the field. The first ballot disclosed the following indications of choice: for Richard J. Oglesby 283, Allen C. Fuller 220, Jesse K. Dubois 103, and John M. Palmer 75. On the second ballot, the tide set in toward Gen. Oglesby, who received 358 votes and the nomina- tion, which was made unanimous.


Candidates for other state-officers carried off the honors as follows: for lieutenant-governor, William Bross; secretary of state, Sharon Tyndale; auditor, Orlin H. Miner; treasurer, James H. Beveridge; superintendent of public instruction, Newton Bateman. Samuel W. Moulton was nominated for congressman at large.


The resolutions reported by the committee on platform, in their endorsement of President Lincoln and the measures of his administration, entirely failed to come up to the expectation or meet the demands of the delegates and vast audience present. A large and respectable faction of unionists in the State had sympathized to a considerable extent with the oppo- sition movement led by Secretary Chase and Gen. Fremont, and they impressed their views upon the committee. Burton C. Cook boldly and eloquently attacked the report. He aroused such a feeling of loyalty and state pride that his motion to refer the report to a new committee was adopted with an overwhelming hurrah. The amended platform, which was carried with shouts of approval, declared that the first and most sacred duty of every citizen is to sustain the government and preserve the Union; that the institution of human slavery


704


ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.


in our country was the cause of the rebellion and should be ex- tirpated; that the Monroe doctrine should be the compass by which to regulate our foreign policy; endorsed the administra- tion of Gov. Yates; thanked our soldiers for their heroic ser- vices; and in regard to Lincoln, instead of the half-hearted promise of conditional support in case of his renomination, which the original committee had drafted, the amended plat- form contained this plank:


"Resolved, that we are proud of Abraham Lincoln, the president of the United States; that we heartily endorse his administration; that we honor him for the upright and faithful manner in which he has administered the government in times of peril and perplexity before unknown in the history of our Nation; that we deem his reelection to be demanded by the best interests of the country, and that our delegates to Balti- more are hereby instructed to use all honorable means to secure his renomination, and to vote as a unit on all questions which may arise in that convention."


The Union national convention was held at Baltimore, June 7 .* There was no opposition to the renomination of Lincoln except from the Missouri delegation, which voted for Gen. Grant. Andrew Johnson was nominated for vice-president.


The first democratic state convention of the year was held at Springfield, June 15. It was presided over by Wm. A. Hacker; R. E. Goodell and S. Corning Judd acting as secretaries. Speeches were made by Amos Green, M. Y. Johnson, O. B. Ficklin, and A. G. Burr. On motion of R. P. Tansey, it was resolved, that inasmuch as the national democratic convention was soon to assemble, it would be inexpedient for the state con- vention to make any declaration of principles on that occasion.


No resolutions touching the peace-question were introduced, but one, pledging the democratic party to stand by Vallandig-


* The delegates from Illinois were: at large, Burton C. Cook, Leonard Swett, Dr. J. A. Powell, Augustus H. Burley, Henry Dummer, John Huegly; Ist district, J. Young Scammon, Lorenzo Brentano; 2nd, George Bangs, E. P. Ferry; 3d, J. Wilson Shaffer, James Mc Coy; 4th, Harrison Dills, Solon Burroughs; 5th, Henry F. Royce, Clark E. Carr; 6th, Joseph L. Braden, Washington Bushnell; 7th, Geo. W. Rives, Dr. James Cone; 8th, R. K. Fell, James Brown; 9th, Wm. A. Grim- shaw, W. B. Green; Ioth, Isaac L. Morrison, J. T. Alexander; 11th, William HI. Robinson, Dr. T. H. Sams; 12th, John Thomas, Wm. Copp; 13th, F. S. Rhodes, Morris P. Brown.


705


DEMOCRATIC MASS-MEETING AT PEORIA.


ham, was adopted amid a perfect whirlwind of huzzas and swinging of hats, and three cheers were given for the return of the idolized martyr from banishment. Delegates to the national convention and presidential electors were appointed,* but no ticket nominated.


The proceedings at this convention were far from being satisfactory to the peace-wing of the democratic party. Its leaders had taken such strong and open ground in favor of peace at almost any price, that in their opinion to show the least sign of receding from their position would be construed as a "change of heart" which none of them had experienced. They had gone too far and had received too much encouragement to abandon their views or abate, in the slightest degree, their advocacy of the peace-policy. Accordingly, in pursuance of a call signed by J. W. Singleton, Amos Green, A. D. Duff, S. C. Judd, M. Y. Johnson, Dr. T. M. Hope, H. K. S. Omelveny, R. W. Davis, Wm. M. Springer, and others, a "democratic" mass meeting was held at Peoria, August 3, over which Gen. Singleton pre- sided. A large crowd attended, but none of the speakers from abroad, who had been advertised, were present. The general temper of the meeting was the same in character as that of the previous year at Springfield, but intensified in degree. Resolu- tions were adopted declaring against coercion and the subjuga- tion of sovereign states; that war, as a means of restoring the Union, had proved a failure and a delusion, and "(3) that the repeal and revocation of all unconstitutional edicts and pre- tended laws, an armistice, and a national convention, for the peaceful adjustment of our troubles, are the only means of saving our Nation from unlimited calamity and ruin."


For the purpose of counteracting the effect of the extreme views promulgated at Peoria, reconciling the antagonisms in the party, and especially of endorsing in advance the nominee of


* The names of the delegates were as follows: at large, John M. Douglas, John Dean Caton, S. S. Marshall, O. B. Ficklin, Peter Sweat, Samuel A. Buckmaster; Ist district, Melville W. Fuller, Bernard G. Caulfield; 2nd, Augustus M. Herring- ton, J. S. Ticknor; 3d, David Shaw, J. B. Smith; 4th, Thomas Redmon, Azro Patterson; 5th, Wm. W. O'Brien, Justus Stevens; 6th, R. W. Murrey, Lewis Stewart, 7th, Joseph Bodman, Henry Prather; 8th, Dr. Thomas P. Rogers, Virgil Hickox; 9th, H. L. Bryant, W. R. Archer; 10th, John T. Springer, Robert W. Davis; IIth, J. H. Turney, John Schofield; 12th, Amos Watts, R. P. Tansey; 13th, Wm. H. Green, John D. Richardson.


706


ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.


the democratic national convention, another mass meeting of the democracy was called to meet at Springfield, August 18.


This was a larger gathering than that at Peoria. Two stands were erected, at one of which Gen. Singleton presided, claiming that this was a continuation of the Peoria meeting.


After speeches by Henry Clay Dean of Iowa, Wm. Corry of Ohio, Wm. J. Allen, Wm. M. Springer, C. L. Highbee, H. M. Vandeveer, and others, the Peoria resolutions, with some modi- fications, and those of June 17, 1863, were presented at stand number one and declared by the chair adopted.


A resolution prepared by a preliminary caucus, pledging the support of the democratic party of Illinois to the Chicago nominee for president, whoever he might be, after a sharp debate was laid upon the table. The same proceedings were had at stand number two, but not with the same results. The same peace resolutions were adopted as at the first stand, but after an angry and tempestuous discussion the resolution in favor of the unconditional support of the prospective nominee of the Chicago convention was declared adopted. The same resolution being again offered at stand number one, after an exciting debate abounding in gross personalities, was finally declared adopted amid great confusion, the president retiring discomfited from the chair.


Inconsistent as was the action of this meeting, it foreshad- owed the policy adopted at the democratic national convention, which was to nominate a Union officer, in the hope of securing the support of the soldiers and war-democrats, upon a plat- form designated to attract the votes of the pacification wing of the party.


The democratic national convention was first called to meet at Chicago on July 4, but was postponed to August 29. The peace element was evidently in the ascendant and dictated the platform, which was reported by a committee of which C. L. Vallandigham was a member and leading spirit. Their views on the absorbing question of the prosecution of the war were expressed in the second resolutica, as follows :


"Resolved, that this convention does explicitly declare, as the sense of the American people, that after four years of fail- ure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during


707


DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.


which, under the pretence of a military necessity or power higher than the constitution, the constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private rights alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for the cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of all the states, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the federal union of the states."


The sentiments uttered by the principal speakers were all in the line of this resolution and were vociferously applauded by the enormous crowds of visitors, estimated at over 20,000. "Peace was the watchword of every orator and the responses of the immense crowd who listened proved that the predomi- nant feeling in every heart was a desire for peace."* Lincoln was ferociously assailed, as a tyrant and usurper, to reëlect whom would bring upon the country four years more of war, disaster, and woe. It was declared that for less offences than those of which he had been guilty "the English people had chopped off the head of Charles the First;" and as be- tween Jefferson Davis and Abraham Lincoln the former was no greater enemy to the constitution than the latter.+ War- democrats were denounced with equal severity. "There is," said Trainor of Ohio, "no difference between a war-democrat and an abolitionist. They are both links in the same sausage made out of the same dog." It was with great difficulty that some of the extremists could be brought to the support of the nominee, who had been charged with having been the first to recommend a draft and to make arbitrary arrests. The nomi- nation of Gen. Geo. B. McClellan was indeed a bitter pill for them to swallow and the assurance of their support was only secured by the promise of permitting the candidate for vice-president to be named by the advocates of peace. The choice with great unanimity fell upon George H. Pendleton of Ohio.


That the temper and general drift of the convention was dis- tasteful to Gen. McClellan and the more conservative members of the party, there can be no question; he accordingly, as far


+ Speech of S. S. Cox.


* Chicago Times.


708


ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.


as it was possible for a candidate to compass that object, modi- fied the platform upon which he was nominated by declaring in his letter of acceptance that: "the reestablishment of the Union in all its integrity is and must continue to be the indispensable condition in any settlement. * * The Union must be pre- served at all hazards. I could not look in the face of my gallant comrades of the army and navy, who have survived so many bloody battles, and tell them that their labors and the sacrifices of so many of our slain and wounded brethren had been in vain-that we had abandoned that Union for which we have so often periled our lives. No peace can be permanent without Union."


The democratic state convention for nominating candidates for state offices met at Springfield, September 6. The national platform adopted at Chicago was reaffirmed, and the following ticket placed in the field: for governor, James C. Robinson; for lieutenant-governor, S. Corning Judd; state auditor, John Hise; state treasurer, Alexander Starne; secretary of state, Wm. A. Turney; superintendent of public instruction, John P. Brooks; congressman at large, James C. Allen.


Robinson and Allen were members of congress, filling un- expired terms, and had uniformly voted with Pendleton, as had all the democratic members from Illinois, in favor of all propo- sitions for compromise and peace. Starne and Brooks were the then incumbents of the offices to which they were renominated. No representative of the w? - wing of the party was placed upon the ticket.


The political campaign of 1864 will be long remembered for the vehemence and bitterness of the speeches made, for the transcendent interest awakened, and the intense feelings of the people regarding the result. The candidates on both sides traversed the State from one end to the other, filling appoint- ments to address mass meetings. Gens. Logan and Haynie, Col. R. G. Ingersoll, and other war-democrats were granted leave of absence and entered into the exciting scenes of the home con- test with as much zeal and determination as they had upon those where stern and resolute men arrayed in war's panoply had met each other face to face. Copperheads, as northern sympathizers with the South were designated, were lashed and denounced by


709


RESULT OF THE ELECTION.


the Union speakers with a savage fierceness which roused them to fury; while the black abolitionists, and Lincoln hirelings, as they were called, and alleged usurpations by the government were held up to execration with hardly less bitterness and fiery invective by the democrats. Notwithstanding the progress of the draft, the greatest enthusiasm was aroused on the Union side, which was increased to fever heat whenever the news came that a victory had been won by the "brave boys in blue."


The general result in the country at large was that out of twenty-five states voting, Lincoln carried all but three-New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky; the popular vote being for Lincoln 2,216,067, McClellan 1,808,725. To this may be added the soldiers' vote so far as returned, being only those from twelve states, viz: Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Pennsyl- vania, Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin, Kansas, and California, which was for Lincoln 119,754, and for Mc Clellan 34,291; Mr. Lincoln receiving a majority in all the regiments except those from Kentucky .*




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