USA > Illinois > Illinois, historical and statistical, comprising the essential facts of its planting and growth as a province, county, territory, and state, Vol. II > Part 13
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* Illinois State Journal, February 26, 1863.
677
ADJOURNMENT OF THE LEGISLATURE.
with a house-bill "to provide for certain expenses not otherwise provided for by law," which was passed. Senate-bill number 203 was then taken up, as appears by the record,* and also passed. The chief clerk, having been out of the chamber, returned when the roll was being called, and was told that he must make haste and report the passage of the bill to the senate as it was about to adjourn. He sat down and wrote his report, and immediately proceeded with it to the senate. But, as is alleged, bill 202 was, in some unexplained or unknown way, substituted for 203, and having been reported by the clerk as passed, was returned to the governor for his signature, and thus became a law. It was certainly a shrewd piece of legislative legerde- main, which no circumstances or public exigency could justify or excuse. A protest of forty members was entered upon the journal, in which it was stated that the bill which really passed was numbered 203, which had been twice read at length in the house and did not contain either of the obnoxious appropria- tions. The state treasurer having refused to pay out any money on this appropriation, the question of the validity of the act was brought before the supreme court, which decided that it had not been legally passed, and was, therefore, null and void.
When the legislature adjourned on February 14, for the June recess, it was found that no laws of any public import- ance had been passed, and that, by reason of a providential interference in the senate, all proposed political measures, even, such as the congressional apportionment and the armistice- resolutions, had also failed. The proposed law to allow the soldiers to vote was defeated, and nearly all the war measures passed by the legislature of 1861, including "an act to prepare the State of Illinois to protect its own territory against inva- sion, and render efficient and prompt assistance to the United States if demanded," were repealed.
The passage of the peace-resolutions in the house was as much a surprise to the people of the State generally, as they were uncalled for. The members had been elected on no issue calling for any such pronounced opinions; no considerable portion of their constituents had demanded any expression
* House Journal, 637.
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
of sentiment whatever on that subject. It was a rare spectacle, the legislative machinery of the State falling unexpectedly into the hands of representatives, mostly young and inexperienced in public affairs, who, in a period of profound national solicitude, permitted the supposed exigencies of party success to have higher claims upon their action than the needs of their country when in the throes of an armed revolution. The object was so to manufacture public opinion as to place the administrations of Lincoln and Yates in the wrong before the people, and thus secure control of public affairs in the State and Nation. And while they antagonized all war measures they were careful to eulogize the soldiers in the field, and sought to persuade them that they were their truest friends.
The proposed armistice, with its correlative national conven- tion, was palpably impracticable. Its suggestion contemplated a change of mind on the part of the president and congress, and in the executives of the states, of which they had given no evidence, and a departure from a policy of whose wisdom they were fully convinced. Nearly every northern governor had pronounced in favor of emancipation, and although the opposition thereto had been more pronounced than the presi- dent had anticipated, time had served only to deepen and strengthen his conviction of the wisdom and necessity of such a policy.
Assuming, however, that the peace-measures of the twenty- third general assembly had been the outgrowth of a well-de- fined and clearly - expressed public opinion and had been entirely practicable, does any one believe that in the then condi- tion of affairs, with Vicksburg still in the hands of the seces- sionists and Gettysburg not yet fought, any peace could have been concluded other than on such terms as the South might have seen fit to dictate? What these would have been can only be inferred from the unbending attitude of her leading men. We know certainly that they would not have abandoned their "peculiar institution" of slavery, and would have proba- bly insisted upon other conditions, such as a guarantee of the right of secession, as destructive to the Union as they would have been disgraceful and humiliating to the North. Indeed, as indicating the trend of public sentiment in the South at
679
THE ARMISTICE-RESOLUTIONS IMPRACTICABLE.
this time in view of the supposed growth of public sentiment in the North in favor of peace, it may be called to mind that Henry S. Foote of Mississippi introduced a series of resolu- tions in the confederate congress in January, 1863, in which, while a willingness was professed to make peace with one or more northern states, it was expressly declared that the gov- ernment at Richmond would form no commercial treaty with the New-England States "with whose people, and in whose ignoble love of gold and brutifying fanaticism, this disgraceful war has mainly originated."
Moreover, as the war progressed, the people of either sec- tion had become but the more firmly convinced of the right- eousness of their own cause and of the possibility of ulti- mate success. Victory had encouraged confidence and defeat had strengthened determination. To have suspended hos- tilities during the pendency of peace-negotiations at this junc- ture, could have had practically but one result. Both sides would have secured a "breathing spell," always most advan- tageous to the weaker contestant; and an opportunity would have been afforded each to strengthen its armies in the field, thus indefinitely prolonging the struggle beyond the period of its actual duration, at an added cost of blood and treasure, the amount of which it would be hard to estimate. Nor is it un- likely that the proposing or granting an armistice by the North would have been construed by foreign governments as an admis- sion of wavering purpose, if not of actual weakness, which might easily have been made the pretext, not unhoped for, for a recognition of the confederacy, thus furnishing moral and material aid to the rebellion, the value of which can not be computed.
As a matter of fact, it is more than doubtful whether the originators of the armistice - convention scheme themselves believed that there was the slightest probability of its being adopted. Their aim was to antagonize what- was in many respects an unpopular policy, with one to which they might afterward point, in event of the failure of the government in the conduct of the war, and claim that, had it been followed, other and more favorable results would have been achieved.
The effect of the passage of the pacification resolutions upon
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
the people of the State and the soldiers in the field became apparent before the legislature adjourned, and was still more palpable thereafter. Meetings were held in various portions of the State in which men of all classes united in denouncing the action of the legislature in strong terms. As a specimen of the resolutions adopted, the following by the Douglas Club at Vienna, may be given: "Resolved, that as citizens of Illinois and as democrats, we are in favor of the continued and vigorous prosecution of the war until the supremacy of the constitution is acknowledged in every state in the Union. That we are in favor of the administration using every constitutional means for the purpose of crushing the rebellion and restoring the Union. That the errors of the administration, while they should not be adopted by the people, form no excuse for any loyal citizen to withhold his support from the government. We are inflexibly opposed to the secession heresy of a north- western confederacy, and will resist it with our lives, our fort- unes, and our sacred honor."
At a Union meeting at Alton, February 13, resolutions of a more radical tendency were adopted, as follows: "That we approve the president's proclamation, and will maintain it against its northern defamers, who predict failure because the wish is father to the thought. That the efforts made by the heretofore disguised but now open enemies of the country, to call a convention at Louisville, Ky., for rebels north to treat with rebels south, be spurned by all honest men, as those of the vilest and most treasonable enemy."
The response from the army was still more emphatic. Illinois regiments, wherever situated, were called together, and with singular unanimity expressed themselves, either through their officers, or by the combined action of officers and men; in some instances polls were opened, the better to permit the men to ex- press their feelings, and the papers of the State were flooded with their resolutions. A quotation from some of these will indicate to the reader in what estimation these peace efforts were held by the boys in blue. "Resolved, that the Sixty-second Illinois infantry will follow the flag that waved over the battles of our fathers, wherever it may go, whether it be in the many fields of the South, or against the miscreants, vile and perjured abettors
63 I
RESPONSES FROM THE ARMY.
of the North; and for the honor of that banner we pledge our lives, our property, and our sacred honor."
"Resolved, that we view with abhorrence the conduct of those holding office in our county and district, who, by their speeches, writings, votes, and influence, are endeavoring to force a de- grading peace policy upon the government, and that we see nothing in the present situation of affairs to indicate the neces- sity of an armistice, and that we regard the proposition to enter into such an arrangement as in the highest degree treach- erous, dishonorable, and cowardly."*
Gen. John A. Logan, in an address to the 17th army corps in February, 1863, alluded thus pointedly to the "falsification of public sentiment at home: "I am aware that influence of the most treasonable and discouraging character, well calculated and designed to render you dissatisfied, have recently been brought to bear upon some of you by professed friends. News- papers containing treasonable articles, artfully falsifying public sentiment at your homes, have been circulated in your camps. Intriguing political tricksters, demagogues, and time-servers, whose corrupt deeds are but a faint reflex of their corrupt hearts, seem determined to drive our people on to anarchy and destruction. They have hoped, by magnifying the reverses of our army, basely misrepresenting the conduct of our soldiers in the field, and boldly denouncing the acts of the constituted authorities of the government as unconstitutional usurpation, to produce general demoralization in the army, and thereby reap their reward, weaken the cause we have espoused, and aid those arch-traitors of the South to dismember our mighty republic and trail in the dust the emblem of our national unity, greatness and glory." Letters equally condemnatory of the armistice-convention policy were written by Gens. McClernand, Haynie, Brayman, Carlin, and many other democratic officers from Illinois.
Here and there a disappointed soldier would write home commending the action of the legislature, but the sentiment of nine-tenths of the volunteers from Illinois was identical with that expressed in the foregoing resolutions.
The general assembly came together again, in accordance
* Resolutions Company D, 16th Illinois Infantry.
44
682
ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
with the resolution of adjournment, on June 2, and while that body had no peace commissioners to hear from, as had been expected when the recess-resolution was adopted, the anti-war majority found themselves confronted by a public opinion, voiced by their constituents and by the men at the front, which was anything but complimentary to their political prescience in supporting the peace-resolutions. The latter's passage was not again urged in the senate, but a milder form of expression of opposition to the war and dissent from the administration was found in the introduction of resolutions denouncing the sup- pression, by Gen. Burnside of the Chicago Times, as "a direct violation of the constitution of the United States and of this State, and destructive of those God-given principles whose existence and recognition, for centuries before written constitu- tions were, have made them as much a part of our rights as the air we breathe or the life which sustains us."
Resolutions were also passed tendering the thanks of the people of the State "to all the gallant sons of Illinois, who, by their indomitable bravery and noble daring [at Vicksburg], have inscribed the name of Illinois high upon the roll of fame."
Bills were introduced into both houses, on the first day of the session, appropriating $100,000 for the relief of sick and wounded soldiers, to be distributed by commissioners designated -John T. Stuart, Charles H. Lanphier, and Wm. A. Turney- all well-known and respected citizens but opposed to the war measures of the administration. A difference of opinion at once arose between the two houses in regard to the composi- tion of the commission.
In the meantime, it had come to be the decided opinion of the governor and the other state-officers that the State and country would receive a greater benefit from the adjournment of this legislature than from the passage of any measure in favor of the soldiers or of the prosecution of the war which might be extorted from their reluctant action. Accordingly, on June 4, Senator Bushnell introduced a resolution to adjourn sine die on June 10, the consideration of which was postponed until the 8th. On that day the resolution was taken up and on motion of Mr. Vandeveer was amended by inserting in place of the Ioth, "six o'clock this day," which motion prevailed by a
683
PROROGATION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
vote of 14 to 7. The resolution was sent to the house and there amended by inserting June 22, as the day for final ad- journment, and being returned to the senate that body refused to concur in the amendment by a vote of 12 to II. There followed an ominous pause. The house adjourned over to the IOth. The senate met as usual the next day but transacted little business. There was a marked feeling of uneasiness and a latent suspicion that something was going to happen, although no one could tell what. Rumors of threatened executive inter- ference filled the air. The democratic members of the house went into caucus to consider the situation.
The morning of the 10th came, and republicans and demo- crats alike were in their seats in the house at nine o'clock. The democrats were grouped in little knots with anxious faces, discussing in low tones the grave conjuncture of circumstances by which they were confronted; while the few republicans present-only sixteen-were serious and watchful.
A conference committee was appointed to meet with a like committee from the senate on the bill for the relief of Illinois soldiers.
Mr. Lawrence of Boone moved to dispense with the regular order and take up the bill providing for the ordinary and con- tingent expenses of the state government, which, on motion of Mr. Fuller of Cook, was laid on the table. There was appar- ently no immediate prospect of the passage of this or the relief bill. At noon, the governor's private secretary was announced by the door-keeper, and without recognition from the chair- occupied temporarily by Mr. Burr-proceeded to read, some- what hurriedly, but in a clear, loud voice, a proclamation from the governor* adjourning the twenty-third general assembly to
* Message-To the General Assembly of the State of Illinois :- Whereas on the 8th day of June, 1863, the senate adopted a joint-resolution to adjourn sine die, on said day at 6 o'clock, p.m., which resolution, on being submitted to the house of repre- sentatives, was by them amended, by substituting the 22nd day of June, at 12 o'clock, in which amendment the senate thereupon refused to concur; and whereas the consti- tution of this State contains the following provision, to wit:
"Sec. 13, Art. 4. In case of a disagreement between the two houses with respect to the time of adjournment, the governor shall have power to adjourn the general assembly to such time as he thinks proper, provided it be not to a period beyond the next constitutional meeting of the same."
And whereas I believe that the interests of the people of the State will be best
684
ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
the Saturday next preceeding the first Monday in January, 1865. Before the opposition, looking up from their desks and papers, fairly comprehended what had occurred, they found themselves functus officio.
The utmost confusion followed. The republican members at once retired. An informal recess was taken, but upon calling the roll subsequently 47 members failed to respond to their names.
In the senate, Lieut .- Gov. Hoffman read the governor's mes- sage proroguing the general assembly, and immediately there- after declared the senate adjourned and left the chamber. Mr. Underwood was called to the chair, but only eight senators answered to their names. The governor's fiat had been as effectually executed as was Cromwell's order dissolving the long parliament, two hundred years before; and it was urged by many of his friends that he would have been justified in adding to the statement of his reasons for his action the well-known address of the great protector on a like occasion, as follows: "But now, I say, your time hath come. The Lord hath dis- owned you. The God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob hath done with you. He hath no need of you any more; so He hath judged you and cast you forth, and chosen fitter instruments to execute that work in which you have dishonored Him."
The majority at once took the ground that the action of the governor was illegal, and after preparing a long protest, which was entered upon the house-journal, although the governor's message was not permitted so to appear, continued to meet for several days. A joint - resolution was adopted inviting the republicans to return and make a quorum and aid in passing the soldiers'-relief bill, but to this invitation no attention was paid. On June 24, the governor was waited upon by a joint- subserved by a speedy adjournment, the past history of the assembly holding out no reasonable hope of beneficial results to the citizens of the State, or any in the field, from its further continuance;
Now, therefore, in consideration of the existing disagreement between the two houses, with respect to the time of adjournment, and by virtue of the power vested in me by the constitution as aforesaid, I, Richard Yates, governor of the State of Illinois, do hereby adjourn the general assembly now in session, to the Saturday next preceding the first Monday in January, A.D. 1865.
Given at Springfield, this Ioth day of June, A. D. 1863.
RICHARD YATES, Governor.
685
PEACE-ADVOCATES' FORTUNES.
committee, and asked if he had any further communications to lay before the legislature, to which he replied that he did not recognize their legal existence. Both houses then adjourned to the Tuesday after the first Monday in January, 1864. But before that time, the question having been raised in the supreme court, the legality and validity of the governor's action in the premises was fully sustained.
Although the course of the leaders of this general assembly was at the time, and has since been, so severely criticised, they did not after all misjudge the temper and feelings of their local constituencies, nor were they altogether mistaken in their esti- mate of the political changes which the "whirligig of time" might bring about in their favor. Albert G. Burr was there- after twice elected to congress and twice to a seat on the circuit- court bench. Scott Wike was returned as a member of the twenty-fourth general assembly, was elected to congress in 1874, and is now (1889) a member of that body. James M. Epler represented his district in the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh senates. Simeon P. Shope was twice elected judge of his cir- cuit and is now one of the justices of the supreme court. Mel- ville W. Fuller, after twenty years of official inactivity, other than that involved in attendance as a delegate upon democratic national conventions, now occupies the seat once filled by John Marshall, as chief-justice of the supreme court of the United States.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
State of Parties-The Northwestern Conspiracy-Threat- ened Attacks upon Camp Douglas and Chicago- The Political Campaigns of 1864-Party Platforms- Results-Progress of the War-Internal Progress- State- Debt.
POLITICAL parties had been affected by the events of the war and the action of the legislature to such an extent that their lines had been materially readjusted. Neither did all the republicans heartily support the administration of Lincoln, nor were all the democrats opposed to it. While the former were unitedly in favor of the war, a respectable minority were of opinion that the failure to bring it to a successful termi- nation had been owing to mismanagement, in not selecting the best means, men, and measures.
The war-democrats, who supported the administration, were but few in number but strong in influence. The great body of the party was composed of those who adhered to its organ- ization principally for the purpose of accomplishing political results. While they negatively disapproved of the methods and measures of the administration, they were opposed to the doctrine of secession and the attempt to sever the Union by the sword. They were in favor of sustaining the soldiers in the field, of suppressing the rebellion, and of restoring the Union as it was. They would neither encourage desertions nor countenance resistance to the draft. Their friends and relatives formed a part of the Union army, whose defeat would not only prolong the struggle but at the same time increase the chances of dismembering the Union, a result which they would have heartily deplored.
But the democratic party embraced also another element, which sympathized with the Southern States in their efforts to establish a separate government. This faction not only opposed the policy of emancipation, but would rather have seen the success of the South than the restoration of the Union
686
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STATE OF PARTIES.
without slavery. In the event of the triumph of the secession- ists, they would have preferred a still farther division of the Union and the separate organization of the Northwestern States, rather than remain in a federation which included New England. This element, during the first year of the war, con- tented itself with passive opposition to the government, but as time wore on, it became more outspoken and even demon- strative in its efforts until finally, as will be seen, it took a bold and resolute stand against the war and in favor of compromise and peace. It was stronger in the personnel of its influential leaders than at the polls, and succeeded in drawing to its quasi- support many of those who were not at heart in sympathy with the extreme views of its master spirits.
The leaders of the democratic party in this State, with the exception of a few in the northern portion, had been born and raised in the slave-states and had a strong bias in favor of the "peculiar institution," and a detestation of abolitionists still stronger; and it must be admitted that nine-tenths of these leaders, who remained at home from the war and to whom the rank and file of the party looked for advice and guidance, were at this time endeavoring to shape the policy of their party in favor of peace at almost any price.
Before the final dispersion of the legislature, and while the opposition members were endeavoring to prolong its question- able existence, there was held at Springfield, June 17, 1863, in pursuance of a call issued by the democratic state central com- mittee, a mass convention of those opposed to the administra- tion, which in numbers-estimated at 40,000, respectability, enthusiasm, and unanimity of views and purpose, was perhaps the most remarkable gathering of its kind ever held in the State. Senator William A. Richardson presided, supported by the following vice-presidents: Charles A. Constable, Peter Sweat, Aaron Shaw, Orlando B. Ficklin, William F. Thornton, J. W. Merritt, H. M. Vandeveer, B. F. Prettyman, Charles D. Hodges, Virgil Hickox, James E. Ewing, Edmund Dick Tay- lor, J. P. Rogers, David A. Gage, John Cunningham, Benjamin S. Edwards, S. S. Taylor, C. L. Higbee, R.T .. Merrick, Samuel S. Hayes, Cyrus Epler, John D. Wood, Saml. A. Buckmaster, J. M. Epler, W. A. J. Sparks, James L. D. Morrison, James C.
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