USA > Illinois > Illinois, historical and statistical, comprising the essential facts of its planting and growth as a province, county, territory, and state, Vol. II > Part 5
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the members of the legislature. There were among them a few old whigs, who still adhered to the name, gloried in it, and were loath to surrender it; there were also straight demo- crats, anti-Nebraska democrats, knownothings, free soilers, and abolitionists. On the main question of the Kansas-Nebraska issue the senate stood fourteen democrats and eleven anti- Nebraska or inchoate republicans; while in the house there were thirty-four democrats and forty-one in the opposition.
Abraham Lincoln had been elected a member of the house, but upon ascertaining that a majority of that body would be opposed to the election of Gen. Shields, or any regularly nominated democrat, to the United-States senate, and that their choice would probably fall upon himself, he declined to receive his credentials. A special election was ordered and although the anti-Nebraska ticket had been successful at the general election in Sangamon County by 492 majority, and Mr. Lincoln had received 600 majority, through lack of attention and over-confidence, a democrat, Jonathan McDaniel, was elected in his place. Had not Lincoln, on the advice of friends and in accord with his own judgment, taken this course, he would probably have been elected senator-upon such slender threads hang the fate of empires.
Among the new members of the lower house were William J. Allen, Wm. R. Morrison, George T. Allen, Henry S. Baker, Chauncey L. Higbee, Lewis H. Waters, Amos C. Babcock, Henry C. Johns, Thomas J. Henderson, Robert Boal, G. D. A. Parks, Owen Lovejoy, Miles S. Henry, Thomas J. Turner, L. W. Lawrence.
Thomas J. Turner of Stephenson County, who had served one term in congress from his district, was elected speaker, receiving 39 votes to 26 cast for John P. Richmond; Edwin T. Bridges was elected clerk and H. S. Thomas, doorkeeper.
George T. Brown was elected secretary of the senate, Chas. H. Ray, enrolling and engrossing clerk, and William J. Heath, sergeant-at-arms .*
* List of the members of the nineteenth general assembly:
Senate :- aAugustus Adams, Kane; aJohn H. Addams, Stephenson; aJohn D. Arnold, Peoria; Silas L. Bryan, Marion; James M. Campbell, McDonough; William H. Carlin, Adams; aBurton C. Cook, LaSalle: Anderson P. Corder, Williamson; Jacob C. Davis, Hancock; John E. Detrich, Randolph; aGeorge Gage, McHenry; aJoseph Gillespie, Madison; Benjamin Graham, Henry;
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The election of a United-States senator was the principal bone of contention, but that question was not reached for some time, although frequent attempts had been made in the house to fix a day therefor, the democratic majority in the senate refusing to concur. Jan. 31, was finally agreed upon, but both houses having adjourned over from Jan. 19 to 23, the preval- ence of a remarkable snow-storm, which blockaded the roads, prevented the return of the absent members and the securing a quorum until Feb. 2. The election was then fixed for the 8th.
As had been anticipated, Mr. Lincoln was the choice of a large majority of the anti-Nebraska members for senator. He had been among the first, as well as one of the most able and fearless opponents of the Kansas-Nebraska legislation to take the stump and sound the note of alarm. In October, at Spring- field, he had met Senator Douglas in joint discussion and had followed him in Peoria and at other points.
Gen. Shields received the caucus nomination of the demo- crats without serious opposition. Ten · ballots were had in the joint session before a result was reached. The first of these gave Lincoln 45 votes, Shields 41, Lyman Trumbull 5, Gustavus Koerner 2, and William B. Ogden, Joel A. Matte- son, Wm. Kellogg, Cyrus Edwards, Orlando B. Ficklin, and Gabriel R. Jernigan, Christian; aNorman B. Judd, Cook; Andrew J. Kuykendall, Johnson; Joseph Morton, Morgan: J. L. D. Morrison, St. Clair; Uri Osgood, Will; Mortimer O'Kean, Jasper; aJohn M. Palmer, Macoupin; aJames M. Ruggles, Mason; Hugh L. Sutphin, Pike; aWaite Talcott, Winnebago; «William D. Watson, Coles. House :- aGeorge T. Allen, Madison; William J. Allen, Williamson; aAmos C. Babcock, Fulton; aHenry S. Baker, Madison; Isaac R. Bennet, Morgan; aRobert Boal, Marshall; J. Bradford, Bond; aSamuel W. Brown, Knox; Horace A. Brown, Scott; William M. Cline, Fulton; aJames Courtney, Vermilion; aFrederick S. Day, Grundy; Jonathan Dearborn, Brown; aW. Diggins, McHenry; aMathias L. Dunlap, Cook; aRobert H. Foss, Cook; @George F. Foster, Cook; Presley Funkhouser, Effingham; George W. Gray, Massac; Hugh Gregg, Marion; aHenry Grove, Peoria; aBenjamin Hackney, Kane; Randolph Heath, Crawford; aMiles S. Henry, Whiteside; aThomas J. Henderson, Stark; Chauncey L. Higbee, Pike; aErastus O. Hills, Du.Page; Benjamin P. Hinch, Gallatin; a John C. Holbrook, Randolph: George H. Holiday, Macoupin C. C. Hopkins, Edwards; P. E. Hosmer, Perry; aHenry C. Johns, Macon; aAlbert Jones, Coles; William C. Kinney, St. Clair; @L. W. Lawrence, Boone; aWilliam L. Lee, Rock Island: aWallace A. Little, Jo Daviess; aStephen T. Logan, Sangamon; Owen Lovejoy, Bureau; @William Lyman, Winnebago; aJohn E. McClun, McLean; aThomas R. McClure, Clark; Lafay- ette McCrillis, Jersey; Jonathan McDaniel, Sangamon; W. McLean, Edgar; Samuel H. Martin, White; S. D. Masters. Cass; William R. Morrison, Monroe; Samuel W. Moulton, Shelby; aSamuel C. Parks, Logan; «G. D. A. Parks, Will; aWilliam Patton DeKalb; aDaniel J. Pinckney, Ogle; Finney D. Preston, Richland; J. M. Purseley, Greene; F. M. Kawlings, Alexander; aHenry Riblett, Tazewell; aWilliam C. Rice, Henderson; aThomas Richmond, Cook; Henry Richmond, Mont- gomery; John P. Richmond, Schuyler; Thomas M. Sams, Franklin; aPorte. Sargent, Carroll; Eli Seehorn, Adams; aDavid Strawn, LaSalle; John Strunk, Kankakee; aHenry Sullivan, Adams; a Hulbut Swan, Lake; T. B. Tanner, Jefferson; Albert H. Trapp, St. Clair; aThomas J, Turner, Stephenson; George Walker, Hancock; aLouis H. Waters, McDonough; aAlanson K. Wheeler, Kendall.
a Anti-Nebraska.
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TRUMBULL'S ELECTION TO THE SENATE.
Wm. A. Denning, one each. Every member was present and voted except Randolph Heath of Crawford County, a demo- crat, who if present did not vote at any of the ballotings. That was the nearest Mr. Lincoln came to being elected. Had the five votes given to Trumbull been cast for him his success would have been assured, as Gillespie who voted for Edwards, and Babcock who voted for Kellogg, would have changed to Lincoln and made his total one more than the constitutional majority. But this was not to be. The five members who had agreed to stand by Judge Trumbull in every emergency as long as there was any possibility of his election, were Messrs. Palmer, Cook, and Judd of the senate, and Allen and Baker of Madison County, of the house-all of them subsequently active and leading republicans.
In the six following ballots Lincoln fell off to 36 votes, Trum- bull increased to 10, and Shields reached 42. The friends of Lincoln then endeavoured to adjourn the joint-session but failed. On the seventh ballot the democrats changed to Gov. Matteson giving him 44 votes. On the next ballot Lincoln fell off to 27 votes, Trumbull grew to 18, and Matteson had 46. The ninth ballot gave the governor 47, Trumbull 35, Lincoln 15, and Williams I.
It now becoming apparent that the choice must fall upon either Trumbull or Matteson, Mr. Lincoln urged those who were inclined to adhere to his waning fortune, to vote for Trumbull; and this they did, excepting Waters, giving him on the next and last ballot just the required 51 votes, to 47 for Matteson, and one (Waters) for Williams.
Of the senators voting for Trumbull but three resided south of Springfield; and of the representatives only six; thus mani- festing for the first time the increased growth and preponderat- ing influence in politics of the northern portion of the State.
Lyman Trumbull, who thus carried off the honors in the first contest of that political revolution in Illinois out of which grew the republican party, was born in Colchester, Conn., October 12, 1813. His family was among the most eminent in New England, distinguished alike in public life, in literature and art. His grandfather, Benjamin, was a chaplain and a captain in the Revolutionary army; Gov. Jonathan Trumbull was the
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personal friend and trusted adviser of Gen. Washington, and in emergencies which called for the exercise of sound judgment and rare discretion, the latter was wont to say: "Let us consult Brother Jonathan." From this expression is said to have originated the popular national designation applied to the gov- ernment and citizens of the United States.
Lyman was educated at Bacon Academy, and set out in life as a teacher. At the age of twenty he removed to Georgia, and had charge of the Greenville Academy. Here he studied law, was admitted to the bar, and decided to enter upon his career as a lawyer in Illinois. He had now been prominently before the people of the State for fifteen years; and while his ability and integrity were generally acknowledged, he had at first failed to command that popularity which his intellectual preëminence might have secured for him in communities longer established.
He was above the medium height, rather sparely built, and with his clear cut features, his prominent forehead, made yet more so by the constantly worn eye-glasses, had rather the appearance of a college professor than of an active, political leader. His manners were naturally reserved, his habits abste- mious, and he lacked the geniality of temperament generally characteristic of, and looked for, in the public men of his day.
As a representative in the twelfth general assembly, his views on pending State issues were not in accord with those of a majority of his party; and finally, as secretary of state, led to the disruption of his official relations with Gov. Ford. These unpropitious circumstances, engendering as they did personal antagonisms, doubtless had their influence in retarding his political career, he having failed to secure the nomination for governor, as heretofore related, and being defeated in the race for congress in 1846. In 1848, however, he was elected one of judges of the supreme court, in which position he gained the reputation of being an able and upright jurist. This office he resigned in 1853, on account of failing health. He early took a decided stand against the repeal of the Missouri Com- promise, and had been elected a member of congress in the Alton district, as an anti-Nebraska democrat at the last elec- tion. As a speaker he was logical rather than eloquent, arrang-
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LAWS-STATE DEBT.
ing his points with remarkable clearness, and illustrating them with a force and vigor at once entertaining and convincing.
This same legislature which inaugurated a radical change in practical politics, by electing to the United-States senate for the first time since 1841, a candidate who was not the nominee of a democratic caucus, also adopted several sweeping measures of political reform.
One of these was the law prohibiting the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors-in effect the Maine law on this subject. It was however to be inoperative unless ratified by a vote of the people at an election called for that purpose in June, at which time it was defeated.
Another of these measures was the "act to establish and maintain a uniform system of common schools." Both of these laws will be again referred to and commented upon in subse- quent chapters.
Other laws of general importance passed at this session were: to preserve the game in the State; to provide for taking the census; and requiring railroads to fence their tracks. Over six nundred special or local acts were passed, at the rate, toward the close of the session, of one hundred and fifty a day. A resolution for the call of a convention to amend the constitu- tion was adopted and submitted to the people, and by them defeated.
During the administration of Gov. Matteson there was paid on the principal and interest of the State debt, the sum of $4,- 564,840 leaving the amount outstanding on Jan. 1, 1857, $12,- 834,144. The whole accruing interest for the previous six months was for the first time paid on Jan. I, and a balance left in the treasury to the credit of the interest fund amounting to $65,000, besides over $150,000 of surplus revenue. The State treasury had never before been in such good condition; the receipts therein, on account of revenue for the past two years, having been $664,000, and the payments therefrom $530,985; and on account of the State debt, the receipts were $1, 113,413, and the payments $908,820.
NOTE .- John Moore, democrat, was reelected State treasurer by 2915 majority, but anti-Nebraska congressmen carried the State by nearly 18,000 majority.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Formation of New Parties-The Bloomington Convention -Elections of 1856-Administration of Gov. Bissell- Twentieth General Assembly-Laws-The Campaign of 1858- Twenty - first General Assembly - Douglas again elected to the Senate-Laws- The Matteson Embezzlement-Death of Gov. Bissell-Succession of Lieut. - Gov. John Wood.
THE question of slavery in some of its aspects prior to the war of the rebellion had, either remotely or directly, entered into the formation and policy of all leading politi- cal parties in the country, and had always been the instigating cause of the most violent and threatening discussions in con- gress. It was so in 1820 and in 1832. In 1848, upon the nomination by the democrats of Gen. Cass for president, an influential faction of that party in New York, opposed to the extension of slavery, refused to support the nominee and called a convention at Utica, at which Martin Van Buren was nominated. This was followed by the calling of a national convention at Buffalo, to which seventeen states sent delegates, which ratified Van Buren's nomination. This ticket, nominated upon a plat- form which had for its distinctive principles "free soil, free speech, free labor, and free men," received a larger vote in New York than did the regular democratic nominees. The · party strength being thus divided, the electoral vote of the state was secured by Gen. Taylor, whose election was thus assured.
The pacification measures of 1850 had so far impressed themselves upon the country as a satisfactory adjustment of slavery controversies that at the presidential election of 1852 the free-soil faction was unable to poll half the vote it had in 1848, and the democratic ticket, representing a reunited organi- zation, was overwhelmingly successful.
The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill in 1854 was the signal for the outbreak of a storm of agitation, which, as has
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GENESIS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
been shown, obliterated all party-lines and disrupted all party- ties. The effect upon the whig party was disastrous in the extreme, and its efficient organization as a national party soon visibly melted away. The question arose, where were the active workers of the old party to go? Certainly not with the demo- crats, whom they had persistently fought for twenty years; not with the free soilers, whose pronounced views on the slavery question they were not ready to accept. Rather would they strike out in a new direction and adopt an entirely original platform, through which, by embracing a popular measure dis- connected from the slavery question, they might draw support from dissatisfied democrats, reunite the whigs, and form a new party certain to achieve success. This new principle was found in the statement that "Americans must rule America"; and upon this declaration of their rule of faith the American party was formed. It was a secret organization and generally recog- nized as the know-nothing party. While it attracted large numbers in the free-states, it became the most popular and powerful in the slave-holding communities of the South, some of which it was able politically to control.
But in the meantime, the opposition in the free-states to the repeal of the Missouri compromise continued to increase in strength and aggressiveness. There was an intensity of feeling aroused against slavery never before exhibited. Public meet- ings were held all over the country, in which this antagonism found vent in denunciatory expression.
The same causes, at work in other Northern States as in Illinois, produced results equally disastrous to the democratic party.
At one of the earliest anti-Nebraska meetings, held at Ripon, Wisconsin, March 29, 1854, Maj. Alvin E. Bovay, a local politician of some prominence, first suggested the name of Republican as the proper one to be adopted by the new party, which it was proposed to form out of the hitherto con- flicting elements thus brought together. He wrote to the New- York Tribune urging Mr. Greeley to recommend it. The first state convention to adopt the name was that of Michigan, at Jackson, July 6, 1854. Wisconsin followed July 13, and Ver- mont at her state convention the same day. It was adopted in
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Massachusetts at a mass meeting, July 20. In other states, as in Illinois, there was a hesitancy in the ranks of the anti-Neb- raska party in regard to its adoption. In New York, eight different conventions were held in 1854, all of them opposed to the democracy, but not sufficiently in harmony with each other to agree upon a common name. In Ohio, Indiana, and Iowa, although the name Republican was not adopted, a successful fusion ticket was nominated. In Illinois, the prejudice extended not only to the name but even to many of those who were identified with the new party as its leaders. To mention the name of Giddings, Chase, or Lovejoy to an old whig was like flaunting a red flag in the face of a mad bull.
For the purpose of reconciling apparent differences and amalgamating seemingly conflicting but really congenial ele- ments in the election of 1856 in this State, it was decided, after careful consultation, that the initiatory movement should be made by the press. Accordingly a convention was called by the anti-Nebraska editors of the State to meet in Decatur, Feb. 22, 1856. The following answered to their names: Paul Selby of the Jacksonville Fournal; Wm. J. Usrey, Decatur Chronicle; V. Y. Ralston, Quincy Whig; Charles H. Ray, Chicago Tribune; O. P. Wharton, Rock Island Advertiser; E. C. Dougherty, Rock- ford Register; Thomas J. Pickett, Peoria Republican; George Schneider, Staats-Zeitung, Chicago; Charles Faxton, Princeton Post; A. U. Ford, Lacon Gazette; and B. F. Shaw, Dixon Telegraph.
Paul Selby was elected president, and Wm. J. Usrey, secre- tary. Upon the fundamental point of agreement-opposition to the Nebraska legislation-strong resolutions were adopted, while upon those of disagreement they were silent. They re- commended the holding of a state convention at Bloomington, for the purpose of nominating candidates for state officers and appointing delegates to the national convention. A state cen- tral committee, composed of the following members, James C. Conkling, Springfield; Asahel Gridley, Bloomington; Burton C. Cook, Ottawa; Charles H. Ray and N. B. Judd of Chicago, was appointed to issue the call and make the necessary arrange- ments for the meeting.
Although not called as such-the name, indeed, being nowhere:
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BLOOMINGTON CONVENTION.
used in the proceedings-this convention, which was held at Bloomington, May 29, 1856, has ever since been designated as the first Illinois republican state convention. It was really a mass meeting as well as a representative body.
Thirty counties, principally in the southern portion of the State, sent no delegates; and many of those who were present from southern and central counties were self-appointed, with no constituency behind them. Other counties were represented not only by the regular delegates but also by large numbers of influential citizens, who were present to cooperate in the en- dorsement of the movement by voice and pen, and by giving it needed financial support.
It was a famous gathering and marked the commencement of a new era in the politics of the State. All those who sub- sequently became leaders of the republican party were there -whigs, democrats, know-nothings, and abolitionists. Those who had all their lives been opposing and fighting each other found themselves for the first time harmoniously sitting side by side, consulting and shouting their unanimous and enthu- siastic accord. Among these were Lincoln, Palmer, Browning, Wentworth, Yates, Lovejoy, Oglesby, and Koerner. John M. Palmer was made president, and Richard Yates, Wm. Ross, John H. Bryant, David L. Phillips, James M. Ruggles, G. D. A. Parks, John Clark, Abner C. Harding, and J. H. Marshall, vice-presidents. The secretaries were Henry S. Baker of Madi- son County, Chas. L. Wilson of Cook, John Tillson of Adams, Washington Bushnell of LaSalle, and B. J. F. Hanna of Ran- dolph.
The platform adopted embraced the following planks:
I. Opposition to the democratic administration. 2. That congress possessed the power to abolish slavery in the territor- ies and should exercise that power to prevent the extension of slavery into territories heretofore free. 3. Opposition to the repeal of the Missouri compromise and in favor of making Kansas and Nebraska free-states. 4. In favor of the Union and the Constitution. 5. In favor of the immediate admission of Kansas under the free constitution adopted by her people. 6. In favor of liberty of conscience as well as political free- dom, proscribing no one on account of religious opinions or in consequence of place of birth.
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
The nominees of the convention were as follows; Wm. H. Bissell for governor; Francis A. Hoffman, lieutenant-governor ; Ozias M. Hatch, secretary of state; Jesse K. Dubois, auditor of public accounts; James Miller, treasurer; Wm. H. Powell, state superintendent of public instruction. It having been found that Mr. Hoffman, a native of Germany, was ineligible by reason of not having been a citizen fourteen years, as re- quired by the constitution, John Wood of Adams County, was subsequently named for lieutenant-governor in his place.
The ticket nominated was a concession to the old whig and democratic elements of the convention, no advanced republi- can being placed upon it. It was not balloted for in the usual way, the first two names being nominated by acclama- tion and the others upon the recommendation of a committee of which Mr. Lincoln was chairman. The former members of the state central committee were continued.
It was a body in which ideas predominated to the exclusion of personal preferences, and the absorbing interest of the con- vention centered upon the discussion of the political pronuncia- mentos embraced in the platform. Eloquent speeches were made by all the prominent delegates, Palmer from a democratic stand-point, Browning from the outlook of an old whig, and Lovejoy from a pinnacle of vision to which others had not been able hitherto to climb. These were all able, earnest efforts, arousing wild enthusiasm; but it was left for Abraham Lincoln, in the final address, in what was beyond question the greatest forensic effort of his life, to stir the souls of that vast assem- blage to their lowest depths. He it was who, by his compre- hensive grasp of the momentous subjects which had engrossed the attention of the convention, reached the very fountain-head of thought and enforced conviction; while by his appeal to broader views of the humanitarian aspects of those vital issues he awakened such passionate outbursts of demonstration as never before were witnessed at a political meeting. The im- mense audience rose to its feet and stood upon chairs and benches, at times hushed and breathless, with tears filling the eye and moistening the cheek; and again, as that weird pres- ence, with eyes lit up as with the divine fire of a seer, led them on and up to heights of mental vision to which they had never
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before attained, the pent up enthusiasm defied control and sought relief in waving of hats and handkerchiefs, and in wild cheers that could not be restrained.
And thus was born in this State, under auspicious skies, that party which in a few months was to take command of the ship of state at Springfield, and four years later at Washington, and continue at the helm of that mightier and grander craft for a quarter of a century, guiding the old ship through a bloody civil war of four years, resulting in the restoration of the Union sundered by rebellion, and the freeing and enfran- chising of four millions of slaves.
In the meantime, the democrats had already placed their ticket in the field-their state convention having been held at Springfield, May I, of which Thomas Dyer of Chicago was president. The candidates for governor were Wm. A. Rich- ardson, Murray McConnel, John Moore, and John Dement. Moore was in the lead on the first and second ballots but Rich- ardson drew the prize on the third. The remainder of the ticket was as follows: for lieutenant-governor, Richard Jones Hamilton of Chicago; secretary of state, Wm. H. Snyder of St. Clair; auditor, Samuel K. Casey of Franklin; treasurer, John Moore, the then incumbent; and J. H. St. Matthew of Tazewell, for superintendent of public instruction.
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