USA > Illinois > Illinois, historical and statistical, comprising the essential facts of its planting and growth as a province, county, territory, and state, Vol. II > Part 14
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Robinson, Francis C. Sherman, C. A. Walker, Dr. N. S. Davis, and others. The principal speakers were Messrs. Richardson, S. S. Marshall, J. R. Eden, J. C. Allen, J. C. Robinson, T. E. Merritt, W. M. Springer, and ex-Gov. John Reynolds from this State, D. W. Voorhees from Indiana, and S. S. Cox from Ohio.
The resolutions adopted declared in favor of the supremacy of the constitution of the United States in times of war as well as in peace; they arraigned the administration for violat- ing the bill of rights; condemned the arrest and banishment of C. L. Vallandigham, demanding his restoration; denounced the arrest of Judge Constable and W. H. Carlin; condemned the suppression of the Chicago Times; favored the freedom of elections; affirmed the doctrine of state sovereignty; opposed martial law; and stigmatized the late proroguing of the legis- lature by Gov. Yates as an act of usurpation.
The twenty-third resolution was as follows: "Resolved, that the further offensive prosecution of this war tends to subvert the constitution and the government, and entail upon this Nation all the disastrous consequences of misrule and anarchy. That we are in favor of peace upon the basis of a restoration of the Union, and for the accomplishment of which we propose a national convention to settle upon terms of peace, which shall have in view the restoration of the Union as it was, and the securing, by constitutional amendments, such rights to the several states and the people thereof as honor and justice demand."
The twenty-fourth resolution denied that the democratic party was wanting in sympathy for the soldiers in the field, and earnestly requested "the president of the United States to withdraw the proclamation of emancipation, and permit the brave sons of Illinois to fight only for the "Union, the constitution, and the enforcement of the laws."
As an evidence of the sincerity of their declarations in favor of the soldiers, they raised at the meeting, by subscription and pledges, $47,000 to be used in aid of the sick and wounded Illinois volunteers, Col. W. R. Morrison being appointed to superintend its distribution.
On September 3, a Union mass meeting was held in Spring- field, attended by an immense concourse of people from all
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PEACE AND UNION MASS-MEETINGS.
portions of the State and representing all shades of political opinion opposed to a peace-policy. Speeches were made from five different stands by Gov. Henry S. Lane of Indiana, Judge J. R. Doolittle of Wisconsin, Senator Zachary Chandler of Mich- igan, and Gov. Yates, Gens. John A. McClernand, Haynie, and Prentiss, and many others from this State. The letter from President Lincoln to Hon. James C. Conkling, defending the emancipation proclamation, which has since been so often re- ferred to, was first made public at this meeting. This assem- blage was regarded as a highly successful demonstration, full of encouragement to the soldiers and the cause of the Union.
There was no general election in 1863, but the returns for county and township officers showed heavy Union gains throughout the State.
All through the Northwest, however, there existed, during the entire period of the war, an element of considerable nu- merical strength, which, while openly avowing only its anxiety for peace, was in fact disloyal in sentiment and reactionary in its aims. In order the more sedulously to foster this sentiment and more effectually to accomplish purposes which they did not dare to confide to the public at large, the leaders perceived the necessity for organization. Accordingly, secret societies, variously known as Circles of Honor and Mutual Protection Societies, were formed in those states where this treasonable element existed in any strength, and notably in Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Actuated by a common purpose, these separate associations soon amalgamated into one general organization known as the Knights of the Golden Circle, whose objects were political rather than military. This order formed a rallying point for many of the disaffected and for all southern sympathizers, but it had no active policy beyond discouraging enlistments and influencing elections. As compared with the quasi-secret but unwaveringly loyal organization-the Union League-which it opposed, it was insignificant in respect of both numbers and influence.
Owing to the partial exposure of its secrets, it ceased to exist, being succeeded, in the summer of 1863, by the Order of American Knights, whose purposes were somewhat more aggressive; and after the latter's methods were revealed, still
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
another reorganization was found necessary, and the Knights of the Order of the Sons of Liberty became the residuary legatee of its amended ritual and took up the prosecution of its nefari- ous designs.
This new order came into existence in Indiana and soon spread over the Northwest. Its organization was more perfect, its scope broader, its attitude more defiant, and its methods bolder than those of any of its predecessors. The sovereign power of the body was vested in a supreme council, whose officers were a supreme commander, secretary of state, and treasurer. Each state had its deputy grand commander, sec- retary, and treasurer, and each military district its major- general. County lodges were known as temples.
The most significant feature of this order was its pseudo- military character, which was relied upon to give it its greatest strength. It was virtually an organized, officered army. The supreme commander was commander -in - chief, while each deputy grand commander was at the head of all divisions in his own state. Subordinate to these were major- and brigadier- generals, colonels, and captains. In Illinois, the members in each congressional district constituted a brigade, and those in a county, if sufficiently numerous, formed a regiment.
The ritual provided for three degrees-the temple, grand and supreme councils; and the candidate for promotion was required at each step to furnish additional proof of trust- worthiness before assuming graver responsibilities and being entrusted with more important secrets. Initiation into each of the higher degrees involved the taking of a new oath, each more solemn in its terms and more stringent in its penalties than the one which preceded it; and the obligations thus taken were to be held paramount, surpassing in binding force any oath administered by a court of justice and of higher sanctity than the oath of allegiance itself.
The fundamental doctrines of the order, as laid down in its constitution, may be thus summarized: that human slavery should be maintained; that the Union is a mere compact and that the federal government has no right to attempt to coërce a sovereign state; that any attempt on the part of the United States to exercise powers not delegated is a usurpation and
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SONS OF LIBERTY.
should be resisted as such; that a refusal or failure of the national executive to administer the government in accordance with the letter of the constitution renders it the solemn duty of the people to exercise their inherent right of an appeal to arms.
To the support of these principles the "knights" were sworn, promising that "our swords shall be unsheathed whenever the great principles which we aim to inculcate and have sworn to maintain and defend are assailed;" and "that I will at all times, if needs be, take up arms in the cause of the oppressed, in my own country first of all, against any power or govern- ment usurped, which may be found in arms and waging war against a people or peoples who are endeavoring to establish, or have inaugurated a government for themselves of their own free choice." They also promised, "in furtherance of this design, at all times to implicitly obey, without remonstrance or ques- tion, all rightful commands of the constituted authority of the order."
It will be observed that the declaration of principles out- lined above does not in specific terms avow the intention to give aid and comfort to the seceded states; but the conduct of the members of the order clearly showed that it was their purpose to accomplish this result by what might be called indirect means. The methods chosen may be grouped under five distinct heads: I. Discouraging enlistments and resisting any proposed draft. 2. Conniving at desertions and protect- ing deserters. 3. Circulating disloyal and treasonable publica- tions. 4. Communicating and acting in concert with the enemy in the destruction of government property. 5. Cooperating with the enemy in raids, invasions, and the freeing of rebel prisoners of war.
At the head of the order, through all its shifting phases, was Clement L. Vallandigham, who, after his banishment from the Union lines in 1863, visited Richmond, where he held repeated conferences with Jefferson Davis and other high officers of the rebel government. A comparison of the word- ing of the declaration of principles of the Sons of Liberty and the language employed by Davis, not only in his messages but also, and more particularly, in his "Rise and Fall of the
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
Confederate Government," can not fail to disclose a similarity of expression which sometimes approaches identity, forcing upon the mind of the reader the conviction that the source and inspiration of both were the same.
It is but just to say, that the membership of the society included thousands who were ignorant of the real ulterior pur- poses of the leaders, being induced to connect themselves with it through the endorsement of the order by so many represen- tative party-leaders. Among the rank and file were many who, while honestly opposed to the further prosecution of the war, were willing to affiliate themselves with a secret organiza- tion for the accomplishment of political ends, but would have discountenanced overt, armed hostility to the government. And, as a matter of fact, political results were the only ones achieved, the attainment of military success being found impossible by the leaders of the order since "it could not be handled like an army."
According to Vallandigham, the numerical strength of this organization, in 1864, was 300,000, of which 85,000 were in Illinois, 50,000 in Indiana, and 1 10,000 in Ohio.
The first arrest made in Illinois was in March, 1863, when Judge C. H. Constable was taken into custody while holding court in Coles County, because of his release of four deserters and holding to bail for kidnapping the two Union officers who arrested them. He was subsequently discharged after a hear- ing before United-States District-Judge Samuel H. Treat. The work of the Sons of Liberty now became apparent. Other arrests at Springfield followed of persons alleged to be in sympathy with the rebellion or in treasonable correspondence with its agents. Forcible resistance was offered to Union officers, secret camps formed, frequent assaults and even occa- sional murders committed, and armed raids successfully ex- ecuted in various counties, especially in those of Union, Williamson, Richland, Clark, Coles, Fayette, Montgomery, Green, Scott, Pike, Fulton, and Tazewell. Collisions between the soldiers and citizens were of not infrequent occurence, the most sanguinary being that at Charleston, March 22, when four soldiers and three citizens were killed outright and eight wounded. Raids were made upon Jacksonville, Winchester,
REBEL CO-OPERATION WITH THE SONS OF LIBERTY. 693
Manchester, Greenville, and Vandalia, while incursions from rebel bushwhackers under the protection of the Sons of Liberty were common in Calhoun, Scott, Pike, Hancock, and Adams counties.
A company of United-States troops sent into Scott and Greene counties did good service in preventing other and more formidable raids, and aided in breaking up camps and dispers- ing the would-be raiders.
In the spring of 1864, such had been the progress made by the peace-party in the Northwest that Jefferson Davis con- cluded that the time had come to avail himself of the cooper- ation which the organization of the Sons of Liberty might afford. "The aspect of the peace-party," he says, ""was quite encouraging." A commission composed of Jacob Thompson, C. C. Clay, and J. P. Holcombe was appointed to meet in Canada to negotiate for peace and to make judicious use of any political opportunity that might be presented. The com- mission had repeated interviews at Windsor, Canada, with Vallandigham, and other "Sons" from Illinois and Indiana, as the result of which Thompson, in his letter of August, 1864, to Mason and Slidell, says, that he was directed "to utilize the prejudices existing against the conduct of the war, for the advancement of the interests of the confederate states." Through the active cooperation of the Sons of Liberty in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, he proposed "to take possession of the present organized governments of these three states and organize provisional governments for the purpose of establish- ing a Northwestern confederacy." He remarked farther: "In order to arouse the people, political meetings, called 'peace- meetings,' have been held and inflammatory addresses delivered, and whenever orators have expressed themselves for peace with a restoration of the Union, and if that can not be, then for peace on any terms, the cheers and clamor of the masses have known no bounds." This program was fully.carried out, so far as the leaders were concerned, at Peoria and Springfield, where speeches advocating peace and compromise were made to enthusiastic crowds.
In order to conduct the military operations which formed * " Rise and Fall," II, 611.
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
a part of the scheme, in connection with the peace-efforts of the commissioners, Capt. T. Henry Hines, Confederate States of America, formerly of Morgan's command, was, in March, 1864, directed to proceed to Canada through the United States, conferring with any who were advocates of peace; and was further authorized to employ such soldiers as he might collect in "effecting any fair and appropriate enter- prise of war," by which was particularly meant the release of the rebel prisoners at Chicago, Rock Island, and other points. He was to report to Commissioner Thompson, in the further- ance of whose plans he was to cooperate. After viewing the situation, it was agreed that the Sons of Liberty were to be encouraged to an armed resistance of the draft in July. To this end, Thompson offered material aid in the form of money and arms. Vallandigham returned to Ohio in June and under his leadership, July 20 was fixed upon as the date for an armed uprising against the general government. The want of a thorough understanding, which prevented concert of action, and more especially the lack of military discipline, compelled the postponement of the time for action to the month of August.
Both Thompson and Hines labored intelligently and inde- fatigably, each in the particular line assigned him. Thompson devoted his energies chiefly to the "peace-party" and to mis- sionary work among the "weak-kneed" members of the Sons of Liberty, whose preference was for ballots rather than bullets as the means for effecting political changes. His chief agencics were the free circulation of incendiary rebel literature and a lavish use of money, of which, both he and Hines had an abun- dant supply. A considerable portion of the latter came from New-York City, $30,000 being sent at one time. Candidates for office received liberal pecuniary assistance upon the assurance that if elected they would faithfully execute a prescribed policy. It was not always deemed expedient to inform the recipient as to the source from which the funds were derived. In such a case, however, the candidate was required to bind himself by a written stipulation to carry out the measures indicated.
A certain candidate for governor in one of the Western States, in order to be assured of the necessary financial assis- tance, was required to write a letter stating that, if he was
695
PROPOSED RELEASE OF REBEL PRISONERS.
elected, state sovereignty should be maintained in his state, the laws regarding arrests enforced, even by calling out the militia if necessary, and that in organizing the militia "he would be happy to avail himself of the council and aid of the executive committee of the peace-party of the state."* A large sum of money, says Hines, was distributed in the West- ern States in this way.
It is a fact worthy of note, in this connection, that it was found necessary to distribute less literature throughout Illinois than Missouri, the opposition press of this State furnishing precisely the sort of material desired, and in abundant quan- tities.
Capt. Hines met with considerable success. He conferred with leading Southern sympathizers throughout the North- west and for a time made Chicago his headquarters. He dis- tributed money and himself superintended the purchase of arms. His selection of agents, however, was not always for- tunate, he having lost $5000 through a reverend gentleman from Logan County, who reported that his funds had been taken from him upon his arrest while en route to Cincinnati, although he himself had contrived to escape!
The number and distribution of rebel prisoners of war in Illinois in August-during which month, it will be remembered, the attempt to effect their release was to be made-were: at Chicago, 8000; Springfield, 7554; Rock Island, about 6000; and Alton, about 5000.
One feature of the program was an attack on Chicago from the lake, and Capt. John B. Castleman was associated with Capt. Hines to carry out "an expedition against the United- States prisons in the Northwestern States, and such other ser- vice as you and he have verbally been instructed about."+
August 29, 1864, the day of the assembling of the national democratic convention, was also the date finally determined upon for the execution of the plot. The reason for the selec- tion of this particular occasion was undoubtedly the fact that in the numerous throng which always flocks to a national con- vention, the presence of the large number of the Sons of
* T. H. Hines in "Southern Bivouac," II, 568.
+ Thompson to Hines-"Southern Bivouac, " II, 209.
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
Liberty, who were expected to come from other points to par- ticipate in the attack, would not excite comment. The prisoners at Camp Douglas, who were guarded by only 900 troops, were to be set at liberty by the combined effort of the 4000 knights in Chicago, the immense visiting contingent of the order expected, and a horde of Canadian refugees.
With the ranks of the malcontents thus augmented by the prisoners set at liberty at Chicago, an army would have been placed at the command of the conspirators which, if some- what motley as regarded its elements, would have certainly been of no mean proportions; and the 15,000 to 20,000 men thus gathered would have formed but the nucleus of a still more formidable host, reinforced as it was to have been by rebel prisoners released from the prison camps at Rock Island, Springfield, and Alton, and by the more timorous "knights," whose flagging courage might be revived by such an imposing demonstration. These accessions would, it was thought, swell the numbers of the insurgent horde to 50,000, certainly a for- midable body of men, when it is remembered that there was no available force to oppose their march of devastation, the effective soldiery of the State having gone to distant fields.
The confederates-not all of whom, as Capt. Hines remarks, were "mere adventurers"-were on the ground, ready, even eager, for action; neither arms, supplies, nor money were want- ing; the time was auspicious. "Among the crowd," says the same chronicler, "were many of the county officers of the secret organization on whom we relied for assistance-men well known in their localities." "Every thing was arranged for prompt action, and for the concentration and organization" of the assembled "Sons" and rebel soldiers.
In the meantime, cautious and secret as were the conspira- tors they had been unable to complete their arrangements entirely in the dark. Their designs had been to some extent discovered by the watchful eyes of loyal citizens and officers, who had communicated their suspicions to Brig .- Gen. Benj. J. Sweet in command of Camp Douglas. He immediately tele- graphed for reinforcements, and a regiment of infantry and a battery, numbering in all over 1200 men, were sent to his assistance. The guards were increased and details of troops posted at various points, as a precaution against surprise.
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WHY THE PLOT FAILED.
No attack was made, and the failure of the plot is thus accounted for by Capt. Hines: "* * It soon developed that the men employed for gathering the members of the order had not faithfully performed their duties, and that the prepar- ation for immediate and open hostility to the administration had destroyed the confidence or dissipated the courage of some of the men whose leadership was necessary. This criticism, however, can not be applied to all, for many of these North- western men were men of nerve and pupose, who had con- sidered well the whole subject, and were prepared to dare anything with the hope of successfully resisting further encroachment of the administration. From reports made at this meeting, it did not appear that the notice to move county organizations had been properly given, or that sufficient pre- paration had been made, and it was evident that even the men who had come to Chicago were not kept in hand so as to be promptly available in organization. It was shown that such counties as were represented had their forces scattered gener- ally over the city, intermingled with a vast number of strangers. Thus, while a large number of the order were present, they were not present in controllable shape, and were therefore not useful as a military body. *
* The evening of August 29 came, but on the part of the timid, timidity became more apparent, and those who were resolute could not show the strength needed to give confident hope of success. The rein- forcement sent by the administration to strengthen the Chi- cago garrison had been vastly exaggerated, and seven thousand men was the rumor brought to the ears of the Sons of Liberty. Care had been taken to keep informed as to what troops came to Camp Douglas, but the statement made by Hines and Cas- tleman, to the effect that only 3000 were present, did not counteract the effect produced by the rumor that the Federal forces there numbered more than double that number."
"Inside the prison some organization had been effected. Information had been conveyed to prudent prisoners that aid from outside would come, and they were watchful for the attack without as a signal for resistance within. The small force, composed even of the Confederates present, could have secured the release of the prisoners, because any assault from
45
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
the outside would have led to a simultaneous one on the part of the prisoners, and the escape of most of them would have been certain. Their control, however, was necessary for their protection, and this could not be secured except by such a force as would overwhelm the garrison and promptly organize the prisoners. * * When, therefore, a count was taken of the number of the Sons of Liberty on whom we could rely, it seemed worse than folly to attempt to use them. There was not enough to justify any movement which would commit the Northwestern people to open resistance, and not even enough to secure the release and control of the organization of the prisoners at Camp Douglas as the nucleus of an army which could give possible relief to the Confederacy."
The captain also found that the war-democrats exerted a strong influence against his plans, and that the nomination of Gen. McClellan had a demoralizing effect upon his copperhead confréres. Still, nothing daunted, although the main object of his expedition had to be abandoned, minor results, he thought, ought to be accomplished. He therefore proposed to the officers of the Sons of Liberty to furnish a detail of 500 men, to be accompanied and controlled by their own officers, for the purpose of liberating the prisoners at Rock Island, and taking possession of both that city and Springfield. Castleman was to have the principal command of the force, which was to take possession of the Rock-Island train, and, cutting the telegraph wires, reach the city and capture the garrison there, which had been lately weakened to strengthen Chicago, and thus complete an easy conquest. "But," says the captain in his account of the conspiracy, "the responsibility of turning one's back on home and business seemed to impress many of these men as more serious than the risk of the draft and the danger of further infringement on their personal liberties; and although the promise 'we think we certainly can' was given, the resolute assertion, 'we will have the men and be there ourselves,', was withheld."
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