USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Deerfield > History of Deerfield, Massachusetts: the times when the people by whom it was settled, unsettled and resettled, vol 1 > Part 11
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On the morning of Sunday, Sept. 19, Treat and Moseley marched forth to bury their dead comrades on the field
104
PHILIP'S WAR.
where they fell. A spot was selected twenty-five rods south- erly from the fatal morass. Scouts were sent out, sentinels stationed to prevent a surprise, and the melancholy duties of the day began. Parties were detailed to gather the dead, and workmen to prepare a common grave. Tenderly the inangled bodies of the victims were borne to the spot, and slowly and reverentially they were laid in the bosom of mother earth.
When the stark forms of these patriot dead, this " choice company of young men, the very Flower of the County of Essex," had been placed side by side with the hardy yeo- men of the valley, "the principal inhabitants of Pocumtuck," to sleep for aye in this western wilderness, far from the sounding sea they loved so well,-when the work of the workmen was done, and all that was mortal hid forever in the earth, " sixty-four persons in one dreadful grave,"-when the whole command were collected about the spot, leaning with bowed heads upon clinched firelocks, their manly forms convulsed by suppressed sobs,-while the dusky braves of Uncas stood aloof with sad but eurious interest,-what rite or requiem was heard? Was the stillness broken, and the solemn Sunday service concluded by the voice of Pastor Mather or Chaplain Whiting? Did they entreat with pite- ous supplications to the Most High, that the sacrifice of these young lives might be enough? That the Divine vengeance might here be stayed? That the Sword of the Lord might henceforth prevail against the Serpent of the Wilderness? That the widows and orphans in the little plantation hard by might be gathered under His wings? Did officers and men here vow to avenge their slaughtered countrymen? Were the echoes aroused by a wailing war-whoop from the Mohe- gans, or a last volley fired over the soldiers' grave?
We question in vain. Those who could have answered died and left no sign. But we may be sure all nature was in sympathy; that the pitying pines sighed and moaned, as they stretched out their protecting arms above the spot ; that the conscious brook crept softly over its broken banks to lap the sanguine stain ; that the birds sang sweetly on the sway- ing vine; that the crimson leaves fell lightly on the bare, brown earth, and the soft September sun struggled to send bright beams to fleek the swelling mound. So we leave its
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LOTHROP AS A COMMANDER.
tenants behind the dim mists of two centuries, to the " Res- urrection at the last Day, to receive their Crowns among the Rest of the Martyrs, that have laid down and ventured their Lives, as a Testimony to the Truth of their Religion as well as Love to their Country."
Lothrop had traversed his line of march one or two days before and saw no enemy. He did see, and as a military of- ficer was bound to note, its dangerous passes. One was at the place where he was ambushed Aug. 25th. Had this lesson been lost upon him? Onward two miles he crossed the mo- rass where he fell. Had he no premonitions, born of the Beers tragedy at Northfield? Still another two miles and the track fell off, by a long descent to the Bars, on a nar- row spur, from the wooded ravines on either side of which, a thousand men could pour their shot unseen. Had he no vision of the death of Hutchinson and the men of Brookfield? How could any commander have been better prepared to se- cure his line of march, or have profited so little by his oppor- tunities. Lothrop was doubtless brave; reckless, he must have been. These two qualities in action, are simply fool- hardiness; and Lothrop must be held responsible for the young lives entrusted to his care. Perhaps his scouts, if he had any out, had not discovered traces of the force lately come over the river. Perhaps he relied on the movements of Moseley and Treat to keep the Indians quiet. Probably, he de- spised the race and underrated their prowess. A vigilant vanguard would have roused the ambush in time for Lothrop to prepare for fight ; or, if the odds were too great, for a re- treat, with small loss, save the inevitable sacrifice of the train. But once in the toils, no other result but the one we deplore was possible. The soldiers were massed on the south and west of the swamp. The head of the convoy, some twenty rods in length, was struggling through the mire. From the front and the right flank of the troops, and from the left flank of the train, deliberate aim could be taken by the enemy. The commander, and doubtless a large part of his company, fell at the first fire. The survivors, instantly sur- rounded, twenty to one, were shot down in detail. Had the brave Moseley, with all his fighting qualities, allowed himself to be thus ensnared, nothing could have saved him from the same fate.
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PHILIP'S WAR.
Hubbard criticises Capt. Lothrop and condemns him "for taking up a wrong notion which he was always arguing for," that the best way of meeting the enemy was to fight them "in their own way, by skulking behind trees, and taking aim at single persons * not considering the great disad- vantage a small company would have in dealing that way with a greater multitude ; for, if five have to deal with one, they may surround him, and every one to take his aim at him, while he can level at but one of his enemies at a time." Hubbard probably voiced the popular sentiment, when he says of the slain, " Their dear relatives at home mourning for them, like Rachel for her children, and would not be com- forted, not only because they were not, but because they were so miserably lost. Had he ordered his men to march in a body, as some of his fellow commanders advised, either back- ward or forward, in reason they had not lost a quarter of the number that fell that day * The gallant Mosely marched through and through that great body of Indians, and yet came off with little or no loss in comparison with the other."
The writer makes no distinction in his argument, between the surprise of Lothrop, and the open attack of Moseley. Nor has he a word of condemnation for the real cause of the dis- aster. This seems the more strange as in the course of the whole war, with the exception of the attack on the Narragan- set fort, and the retreat from Turners Falls, scarcely a life was lost save by surprisal.
Accounts vary as to the number slain. Hoyt says "The whole loss, including teamsters, was ninety * * * only seven or eight escaped." Hubbard says, Lothrop had "about eighty men * * not above seven or eight escaping," and again that " seventy-three men were cut off." A dispatch received by the Governor and Council at Boston, Sept. 22d, reported "above forty of Lothrop's men, with himself were slain *
* * also others that belonged to the carriages, so that the next day they buried sixty-four men in all." Rev. John Cotton wrote from Boston, Sept. 23d, that "Lothrop had about forty-six men * Capt. Lothrop slaine and all his men only two, and eighteen men of Deerfield slaine also." Sewell, in his diary writes, "Capt. Lothrop and sixty- four men" were killed. A letter to London of Dec. 28th, re-
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THE LOSS AT BLOODY BROOK.
lates " the loss of Capt. Lothrop of Beverly and about sixty men." Cotton Mather makes the loss "above threescore." Increase Mather, " above sixty buried in one dreadful grave." Rev. John Russell, who made up a "List of men slain in Hampshire County," some months after, says, "ye 18 Sept. 71 men slaine;" but he "cannot get the names of all ;" and gives the names of but sixty-one. In this list of sixty-one are seventeen of our townsmen. Judd considers Russell the best authority, and thinks " some of the teamsters may have been buried in the towns below."
Weighing all the evidence obtainable, the conclusion is reached that the loss was Lothrop and forty-three men ; Deerfield seventeen and Moseley three-" sixty-four men in all."
As it must seem presumptuous to differ so widely from such excellent authorities as Judd, Hoyt and Russell-especially the latter-some of the considerations are given which lead to that decision. There is no contradiction, and but a trifling discrepancy, among the six contemporary authorities cited. The numbers given are, "sixty-four," "about sixty-three;" "Lothrop and sixty-four;" "Lothrop and about sixty;" "above threescore:" " above sixty." It is impossible to rec- oncile their statements with that of Hubbard ; but a sugges- tion will be offered as a possible explanation. The names of sixty-five men who served under Lothrop in the valley are known. The historian may have found a roll of Lothrop's men and added to them the men of Deerfield, to make his "eighty men ;" and supposing Lothrop's whole force was with him, and only "seven or eight escaped," made his statement accordingly.
Judd's suggestion to account for the discrepancy seems inconsistent with the spirit of the times, and may be dis- missed on its improbability.
Hoyt followed Hubbard, whom he often quotes, but evi- dently misunderstood him, and adds the seventeen Deer- field men to the total of the latter, making ninety-seven en- gaged, of whom "only seven escaped," leaving his "90 slain."
Had Russell, then living at Hadley, made up his list at the time of the event, his conclusions would be beyond ques- tion. But he did not do this. So much is evident from the fact that the list is not complete. Who were the ten men
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PHILIP'S WAR.
whose names he " cannot get"? Is it supposable that Mose- ley or his men did not know the names of their dead or wounded comrades? Nor can it be believed that a complete list of Lothrop's loss could not have been made, when the names can now be given of twenty-five survivors of his company, who were then at Hadley or Northampton. The Boston dispatch was doubtless sent by those who buried the sixty-four men. This is the best authority. It is not possible that from seven to twenty-six bodies were left unburied where they fell. Maj. Treat was on the field in force, and there was no occasion for such haste as this would indicate. There is no reason for supposing that any man, unless it were Mose- ley's three, fell more than forty to sixty rods, at farthest, from the place of burial.
The following, with one addition, is Russell's list of the slain, arranged alphabetically, with residence added, so far as ascertained :-
LOTHROP'S COMPANY.
Capt. Thomas Laythrop, Beverly.
Hudson Samuel, Marlboro.
Sergt. Thomas Smith Newbury.
Kilbourne Jacob, Rowley.
Sergt. Samuel Stevens,
Kimball Caleb, Ipswich.
Alexander Thomas, Salem.
Kinge Joseph, Salem.
Ally Solomon, Lynn.
Lambert Richard, “
Allyn John, Deerfield.
Littlehall John, Haverhill.
Balch Joseph, Beverly.
Maninge Thomas, Ipswich.
Barnard John, Deerfield.
Marshall Eliakim, Boston.
Barsham Philip,
Mentor Thomas, Ipswich.
Bayley Thomas, Weymouth.
Merritt John, Manchester.
Bennet John, Manchester?
Mudge James, Malden.
Buckley Thomas, Salem.
Osver Abel, Salem.
Carter Joshua, Deerfield.
Clarke Adanı, Salem.
Plympton Jonathan, Deerfield.
Dodge Josiah, Beverly.
Sawier Ezekiel,
Farah Ephraim, “
Stevens Samuel, Ipswich.
Friende Francis, Salem.
Trask Edward, Beverly.
Furnell Benj., Lynn.
Tuffts James, Deerfield.
Gillet Joseph, Deerfield.
Warmen Steven, Lynn.
Harriman John, Rowley.
Waynwritt Jacob, Ipswich.
Hinsdell John,
Whiteridge Samuel, Ipswich.
Hinsdell Robert,
Williams Zebediah, Deerfield.
Hinsdell Samuel,
Wilson Robert, Salem.
Hobbs John, Ipswich.
Woodbury Peter, Beverly.
Hobbs Thomas,
Two [One] unknown. [61.]
Homes Robert, Newbury.
*Pitman Mark, Marblehead. Plum John,
Cole George, Lynn.
Roper Benjamin, Dorchester.
Crumpton Samuel, Salem.
Ropes George, Salem.
Duy William, Salem.
Smeade William, Deerfield.
Hinsdell Barnabas, Deerfield.
Weller Thomas, Deerfield.
* Pitman is now placed in this list for the first time, on evidence furnished by Bodge from John Hull's account book.
Button Daniel, Newberry.
109
THE SURVIVORS AT BLOODY BROOK.
Wounded.
Bodwell Henry, Newbury. Dutch Robert, Ipswich.
Toppan John, Newbury. Very Thomas, Marblehead.
MOSELEY'S COMPANY. Killed. One unknown. [3.]
Barron Peter, Watertown. Oates, John.
Wounded.
Russ Richard, Weymouth. Stevens John, Newbury.
And about six others.
John Stebbins of Deerfield, ancestor of all the tribe here, is the only man who is known to have escaped unhurt .*
Bodwell, a man of great strength, was shot in the left arm at the first fire. With his clubbed musket in his right hand, he fought his way through the swarming horde and escaped to Hatfield. Toppan, disabled by a shot in the shoulder, crept into the bed of the brook and drew the weeds on the bank over him as well as he could. He heard the Indians stepping over him, but was not discovered. Dutch has been previously noticed. In a petition to the Council three years later, Russ says he "received a shot in the bottom of his
* The evidence of his escape is found in the following petition from the Mas- sachusetts Archives, Vol. 69, p. 208.
To the much Honoured counsel now sitting in Boston, the Humble petition of John Stebbens (of muddy River), Most Humbly sheweth, your pore petitioner, hath bene a souldier, in the service of the countrey (about a year & halfe) & was under the comand of captain Lathrope & with him when he and his company were destroyed, & under the comand of captain mosley the Greatest part of the time he was out, I was never forced or pressed into the service, but volentarily gave my selfe frely to the wars of the Lord, & my country-and now of late your petitioner, hath followed in these parts his caling of A carpenter, some- times in one towne, & sometimes in another, about 5 months I have wrought in cambridg vilage, & after my worke there was finished, & removed to muddy River to doe worke there promised, the constable of the villiage, by order of the militia, came & pressed me for a garison souldier for Hadley, I went not out of the Viliage to avoid the prese, for I heard nothing of the prese. but my worke there was finished, and my selfe removed more a weke before, as may be made appear, your pore petitioner hath bene warned to appear before the commitee of militia, at the viliage, for not attending that service, & by them assigned to pay fower pounds where vpon your pore petitioner, doth look up- on himselfe much wronged & put to much trouble by being illegally pressed by the constable of another towne, & it hath bene the loss of much time & greatly to the damage of your petitioner-my humble request therefore to your honours is, thay you would be pleased to put an issue to the mater, or that you would be pleased to appoint a time for the hereing of the case, and that par- sons concerned may have notice thereof. I cast my selfe downe at your Hon- ours foot, and shall quietly sit downe satisfied with your Honours determina- tion, & granting the request of your pore petitioner, he shall be farther engaged & incoredged in your service, & shall not cease to pray for your Honours hapi- ness.
July 4th 1678 The Council on hearing of this Case declare that they judge it meet to discharge the said Stebbins from ye said fine & his surety also.
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PHILIP'S WAR.
belly, the bullet carrying in with it the ring of his Bandolier, where he hath borne it with payne, until about six weeks ago it was cut out by the Dutch Chyrurgeon, for which, tho very poore, he gave forty shillings."
The number of Indians in this surprise is estimated at from five hundred to twelve hundred. Moseley, who had at least all the opportunity he desired, judged them to be one thou- sand. This force was made up of perhaps six or seven hun- dred Nipmucks, and from seventy-five to one hundred of Philip's Wampanoags, who had crossed the Connecticut river three or four days before, and the Pocumtuck clans, who may have increased to one hundred and twenty-five or one hundred and fifty before this time.
The loss of the Indians was reported at ninety-six. This statement, and that of twenty-six being killed in the We- quamps fight, must be taken with a large allowance. The Indian loss in any conflict is rarely known. "In all battles the Indians endeavor to conceal their loss, and in effecting this they sometimes expose themselves more than in combat with the enemy. When one falls his nearest comrade crawls under cover of brush or trees, and fixing a tump line to the dead body, cautiously drags it to the rear," and dead bodies have been seen sliding along the ground with no apparent cause.
On the 19th, while our forces were yet at Bloody Brook, our afflicted settlement had a narrow escape. The Indians, on being driven from their prey by Treat and Moseley, re- treated over Mill River plain, crossed the Pocumtuck below Stillwater, and continued along the Wisdom meadows. When opposite the town, the next morning, they threatened an at- tack. The commander of the garrison-probably Capt. Ap- pleton-made a show of defiance, and they withdrew. Their spies having been called in, the weakness of the garrison had not been discovered. Had it been otherwise, the burial party returning from Bloody Brook would probably have had to repeat here the sad duties of the morning. Hubbard says of this affair that their success on the 18th " so emboldened the enemy that they durst soon after adventure upon considera- ble Towns, though well garrisoned with Soldiers, and gave them Occasion of most insolently braving the Garrison at Dearfield the next Day, hanging up the Garments of the
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POCUMTUCK BECOMES UNTENABLE.
English in Sight of the Soldiers, yet on the other Side of the River. However it pleased God, who is always wont to re- member his People in their low Estate, to put such a Re- straint upon them, that when they passed very near the gar- rison House at Dearfield (wherein were not left above twen- ty-seven Soldiers,) their Captain used this Stratagem: to cause his Trumpet to sound, as if he had another Troop near by to be called together, they turned another Way and made no Attempt upon the House where that small Number was, which if they had done with any ordinary Resolution, so small a Handful of Men could hardly have withstood the Force of so many hundreds as were there gathered together."
These garments were doubtless taken from the bodies of their victims at Bloody Brook.
When the enemy struck the line of communication between Deerfield and headquarters at Hadley, fourteen miles away, it was a death blow to the former. Two of the four compa- nies sent from the Bay to protect the towns in the Valley had been cut to pieces. Deerfield had lost her ablest defenders. Pynchon, realizing the danger of attempting to hold this set- tlement any longer, against the successful hordes around it, as was usual with him when in a strait, sent to Hartford for ad- vice. Sept. 21st, the Council of War forwarded him their "sense about quitting the Pocumtuck garrison." We can only infer the tenor of their advice from the fact that the town was abandoned soon after. The inhabitants were scat- tered in the towns below; the savages destroyed at will the fruits of their labor, and the Pocumtuck Valley was re- stored to the wilderness.
ATTACKS ON HATFIELD AND SPRINGFIELD.
The Council of War at Hartford had decided to regain Northfield and establish there headquarters for Connecticut troops and a center for offensive operations. Treat, as we have seen, had left Northampton for that place on the 18th. On the 19th the forces from New Haven county, under Lieut. Thomas Munson, and the dragoons from Fairfield county, under Ens. Steven Burret, then at Hartford, were dispatched to join Maj. Treat "at or near" Northfield. The events of the 18th so changed the face of affairs that this scheme was given up. Brookfield, Northfield, Swampfield and Deerfield
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PHILIP'S WAR.
were now in ashes. The frontier had been crowded down to Hatfield and Hadley, and it was evident that the remaining towns could only be saved by vigorous measures.
Sept. 21st, the Council of War at Hartford received a mes- sage from the Commissioners, then at Boston, that they had agreed to raise one thousand men, to be "every way fitted with armes and ammunition, to be in readiness to march at an hour's warning, whereof 500 to be dragoons or troopers, with long armes." Pynchon was appointed Commander-in- Chief and the Council was authorized to name a Connecti- cut man as second in command. Maj. Treat was selected. These officers were allowed to call out as many soldiers as they judged best, and add as many Indians as they might find useful. The Council was desired to assist and advise Pyn- chon from time to time. Pynchon received his commission Sept. 22d. With it came orders to employ all forces called out, in field operations. No soldiers were allowed to garri- son the towns. This direction had been issued Sept. 16th, before the strength of the enemy was known, and with the belief that they would never dare to make any open attack. Though against his judgment, Pynchon, in obedience to his orders, set about plans for gathering the scattered commands and massing a force large enough to sweep the valley of the enemy.
Meanwhile the woods were full of skulking Indians, watch- ing opportunity for spoil. Sept. 26th, Pynchon's farm-house, barns and crops, on the west side of the river at Springfield, were burned. On the 28th Praisever Turner and Uzackaby Shackspeer were killed at Northampton.
Connecticut was prompt in getting out her troops. There was more delay at the Bay. Secretary Rawson wrote, Sept. 30th, "The slaughter in your parts has much damped inany spirits for the war. Some men escape away from the press and others hide away after they are impressed." The same cause had "much damped" the spirits of those here. All industry was paralyzed; the erops lay ungathered in the meadows; scouting and posting were alike distasteful and dangerous. A good account of the condition of affairs here is found in the following extract from a letter by Pynchon to Gov. Leverett, of Sept. 30th :-
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MAJ. PYNCHON RESIGNS.
"We are indeavoring to discover ye enemy, dayly send out scouts, but little is effected. We sometimes discover a few Indians, & sometimes fires, but not the body of ym, and have no Indian friends here (altho we have sent to Hartford for some) to help us. * * Our English are somewhat awk and fearful in scouting out and espy- ing though we do ye best we can. We find y' Indians have their scouts out. 2 days ago 2 Englishmen at Northampton, having gone out in ye morning to cut wood, and but a little from ye house, were both shot down Dead, having 2 bullets apiece shot into each of their bodies. The Indians cut off their scalps, took their arms, and were gone in a trice: though the English run presently thither, at ye report of ye guns, but could see nothing but ye footing of 2 Indians.
Last night our scouts, who went out in the night to discover at Pacomtuck, about Midnight, being within 4 Myles of Pocomtuck, met 2 Indian scouts coming down this way to the towns, but it be- ing darke they were both one upon another within 2 or 3 rods, be- fore either discovered ye other, which made both pts Run, & nothing else done. Ours also last night, that I sent on this side of ye river, towards Squakheak, when they were gone about 7 or 8 miles, one of ym fell ill, & were forced to return.
We are waiting for an opportunity to fall upon ye Indians, if the Lord please to grant it us.
Capt. Appleton is a man yt is desirous to doe something in this day of distress: being very sensible of ye Cause & people of God at stake: & is much to be comended & Incouraged & upon yt acct to be preferred before many yt dare not jeopard there Lives in ye high Places of ye field."
The discouraged Pynchon soon after sends in his resigna- tion as Commander-in-chief.
Gent my sad state of affairs will necesitate yor discharging me, & truly I am as full of troble & overwhelmed with it yt I cannot act busyness I beseech you doe not expose me to those Temptations wch will overbeare me. If yº do not discharge me.
I would not willingly sin agt God not offend yo & I Intreat yº to ease me of my [Trust?]
On the 4th day of October, with many misgivings, but in accordance with the Commissioners' strict orders, Pynchon led all the soldiers from Springfield to headquarters at Had- ley, to join the army collecting there. This was to move out before daylight the next morning, on a grand expedition, which was to clear the valley of the foe. But the Sachems, who were well aware of Pynchon's intentions, had other views and different plans. Their late successes had made them confident that the valley would soon be cleared of the English, and Springfield, the most isolated town, was next marked for destruction. The Wampanoags and the Pocum-
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PHILIP'S WAR.
tuck clans, with recruits from the Nipmucks, were now gath- ered in a hiding place about six miles from that town, watch- ing an opportunity.
The Springfield Indians had lived, for forty years, on the most friendly terms with the settlers. Since the war broke out they had sent a war party against the hostiles at Wenni- misset. Wequogan, their Sachem, had given hostages for their fidelity and their professions of friendship were re- newed this very day, before Pynchon marched away. The Springfield people trusted them fully, knowing they had no cause for complaint. The natural ferocity of the savages, however, had been so aroused by the success of their country- men, and their fear of the English so much diminished, that
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