USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Deerfield > History of Deerfield, Massachusetts: the times when the people by whom it was settled, unsettled and resettled, vol 1 > Part 18
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Severall Indians are come in at Norwich & as I hear; they say y' ye Bay Army killed Quanapin, & Jumps or Allumps is dead, his wife & children having come in to Norwich: I desire to hear whether Ca- nonicus came in ther to Treate & what is become of those Indians [sic] came in? but I am so Troublesome & will not longer detaine
you. I Pray gd give y" ease & Mitigate yr Paine & illness
P. S. If it be thought meete & yo send order for ye releaving of one halfe of ye Soldiers here in Garrison at Springfield, I shall doe it vpon intimation. Possibly it may be meete to leave 18 or 20 till Indian harvest be over for there will be most hazard of sculking In- dians about vs."
All fugitives were sheltered by Gov. Andros, and none were ever given up to the New England authorities. The Mas- sachusetts Council passed an order August 12th-the very day on which Philip fell-directing Capt. Swaine to collect the garrison soldiers from all the valley towns and "march to Deerfield, Squakheag, and the places thereabout, and destroy all the growing corn, and then march homeward." The corn here was cut down on the 22d. While so engaged, six Indi- ans were seen on the other side of the Pocumtuck, who dis- charged their guns in the air. Swaine called to them to come over the river. They did not come, but "hallooing, other Indians answered, and shot off a gun down the river." Not understanding their intentions, and " fearing they might ensnare them," the night coming on, Swaine marched away. This may have been a lingering band of Pocumtucks, who saw with the falling corn their last hope vanish, and were ready to surrender. Their presence, however, was alarm- ing, and Major Pynchon wrote a vigorous letter to the Bay on the 24th, remonstrating against the withdrawal of the soldiers. The Council reply the 28th, that if Connecticut will send a force against the fugitives collecting on the Hud- son, Swaine may join them with all his command. The Con-
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A MOOTED POINT.
necticuit Council sent to Gov. Andros on the 19th, asking leave for such an expedition. Andros declined, saying he would take care to restrain them. He also refused a demand to deliver up six of the ringleaders, two Pocumtuck and four Nipmuck Sachems, known to be near the Hudson. These refugees were finally incorporated with the Mahicans, and became known as the Scatakooks.
Menowniet, a captive Indian, said "the Indians hid a great many guns about Pocumtuck," and described the place. On the 23d, Lieut. Thomas Hollister, with ten men to escort the prisoner, came up to recover them. The result is not known. On the first of September, the war being considered at an end, Capt. Swaine and all his men were discharged.
THE MOHAWKS IN PHILIP'S WAR.
Judd says that the stories of Mohawk attacks on the hostile Indians were false; and Drake seems to give them little credence. The reported facts lead me to an opposite con- clusion. The contemporary correspondence on the war, and its early historians, often allude to stories of Mohawk hostil- ities. A careful collation and comparison of these notes with undisputed facts, tends strongly to prove their truth, and gives the key to many otherwise unexplained events. Con- tinual aggressive acts of the Mohawks are clearly shown in the spring and summer of 1676. They drove Philip and the Pocumtucks from the Hoosick river in February. They cut off the messengers sent from Squakheag to Canada with prisoners to exchange for powder, in March. The cry of " Mohawks ! Mohawks !" when surprised by Turner, May 19th, shows the allies felt they had more reason to expect an at- tack from that enemy than from the English. The attack on their camp June 12th, noted by Mather and Hubbard, is proved by the letter of Andros, July 5th. The Mohawks having made several forays on our west frontiers in June without discovering any Indians, suspected peace had been made, and complained that the English had closed the war without notifying them. Some knowledge of the correspond- ence between the belligerents, already given, had probably reached them, and explanation was necessary.
July 8th, the Connecticut Council of War sent the Mo- hawks word through Gov. Andros that they may "be fully
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PHILIP'S WAR.
assured that we have made no peace with the Indians, nei- ther is there at present anything amongst us looking that way." Then follows a detailed account of the offensive op- erations of the troops and plans for the future, with the re- quest that they also "would speedily prosecute them in those northern parts above Suckquackheag and farther up the riv- er, eastward from the river, about Wachuset." They also advise about a sign to distinguish them from the enemy, and think some "yellow cloath may be best." They point out the haunts of the enemy and suggest definite arrangements for the conduct of the Mohawks when approaching the Eng- lish frontiers with war parties. This style of correspond- ence would hardly be held with a neutral or indifferent power.
The Council ordered that Major Talcott and Capt. Mason "advise with Uncas concerning the sending a present up to the Mohawks, and what may be a suitable present." The inessenger, sent by Andros July 5th, said that the Mohawks had killed one hundred and forty of the enemy, and on the day of his departure three hundred Mohawk warriors moved this way in search of the enemy. The route of the fugitives flying westward in July and August, shows their fear of the old enemy. Other reasons and authorities might be given, but may it not be seen from the above that the Mohawks were an important factor in Philip's war?
Many of the soldiers who came here during Philip's war remained as settlers at its close, and gave a character to the population of this valley. At least seven of those on Tur- ner's roll of April 7th, and twelve who served under him later, became residents of Deerfield. To these men, the fam- ilies of Arms, Bardwell, Barrett, Field, Hawks, Hoyt, Mat- toon, Wells and others may look for their ancestry. Of oth- ers on the same rolls of honor whose namesakes came among us we find the names of Alexander, Atherton, Belden, Chapin, Clapp, Clark, Clesson, Conable, Hinsdale, Hunt, Kellogg, King, Lyman, Miller, Morgan, Munn, Nims, Pomroy, Price, Scott, Selden, Smead, Smith, Stebbins, Sutlief, Taylor and Wait.
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CHAPTER VII.
ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677.
The men of Pocumtuck who had escaped the storms of Philip's war, scattered in the towns below, anxiously awaited an opportunity of returning to cultivate their lands and gath- er their families under roof-trees of their own. A short time after the death of Philip, the hopeful Quintin Stockwell be- gan to build a house on the Willard lot, his old home ; but this was soon in ashes. In the spring of 1677, this persever- ing man, with a few other bold adventurers, again returned to Pocumtuck. Here they planted their fields in quiet and proceeded to build houses. They were cheerful, hopeful and helpful to each other. A house was put up for Sergt. John Plympton " 18 feet long." Of his six children, one had died in peace ; one slept at Bloody Brook, and four were set- tled in homes of their own. This small house was large enough for the sergeant and his " old wife Jane." Stockwell hoped his third attempt would provide a shelter for his wife and babe before the winter set in. John Root, thirty-one years old, had married the widow of Samuel Hinsdale, a vic- tim at Bloody Brook. He thus became the protector of a help- less flock, for whom he was making ready a home on the Russell lot, the spot where they were born. Benoni Steb- bins, cheerily working to secure a dwelling place for his bride, the widow of James Bennett,-who was lost with Capt. Turner-was probably engaged on the Samuel Wells lot, where his house was burned and he killed Feb. 29th, 1704. Philip Mattoon, another young man, was about to pitch his tent here. July 31st, 1677, he made a bargain with John Pynchon, by which he could secure a home for his bride, and Sept. Ioth, he married Sarah, daughter of John Hawks of Hadley. The attempt at settlement failing, Mattoon came here later, and here died in 1696. This contract, the oldest met with, is given as illustrating in several points the condi-
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ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677.
tion of business affairs among the pioneers. It is found in John Pynchon's account book.
July 21, 1677. Let out to Philip Mattoon my 18 cow commons and 4 sheep commons at Pocumtuck, all the intervale land belonging to s' commons, (excepting the home lot which is already disposed of) according as it is laid out in several divisions, towards the up- per end of Pocumtuck Meadows, for it years from the first of March next, to pay all rates, taxes and charges, make & leave good fences, to build on the land a good dwelling house, strong, substantial & well built, & compleatly finished, 30 ft long, 20 ft wide & 10 ft stud. Also a barn at least 48 ft long, 24 ft wide & 14 ft stud, well braced, all pts to be strong, substantial & workmanlike, & to com- pleate & finish the same before the end of the term, & then leave & deliver up all in good repair. He is also to pay thirty shillings a year for nine years, £3 the tenth, and £4 the last year. He is to have the use of two cows between the ages of four and seven years, & return two of like ages.
Other men may have been here, but the only other person known was Samuel, son of Philip Russell, a lad of eight years.
Two years and a day had passed since the blow fell at Bloody Brook, which " made 8 persons widows and 26 chil- dren fatherless in this Plantation." It was the soft evening twilight of Sept. 19th, 1677. The labors of the day were end- ed. The tired workmen were awkwardly preparing their suppers about their camp fire, chatting hopefully perhaps of the future, when this service should be more deftly performed by their helpmates, when they were rudely interrupted and amazed by the whistling of bullets, the crash of musketry, the wild war-whoop and furious rush of a band of savages who seemed springing from the ground all around them. Stockwell rushed down the hill into the swamp. He was seen, pursued and fired upon. He "slumped and fell down" in the mire. One of the pursuers thinking he was wounded came up to tomahawk him. Stockwell kept him at bay with an empty pistol. The Indian told him they "had destroyed all Hatfield and the woods were full of Indians," but assured him of safety if he would yield. Whereupon, Stockwell sur- rendered. Plympton, Stebbins, Root and Russell also fell into their hands. Root was soon killed, and after an ineffect- ual attempt to take the frightened horses of the settlers, the captives were led away into the woods on East Mountain. There, to their astonishment, and with mingled feelings of
181
RAID OF ASHPELON.
joy and sadness, they found seventeen Hatfield people, like- wise captives. Here Samuel Russell met several of his play- mates and learned that his mother and little brother had been murdered at home, and the doleful tale of that morn- ing's work of horror was told.
About eleven o'clock, this same party had surprised a few men who were raising a house at the north end of Hatfield, and shot three men from the frame; they then attacked and burned several houses outside the palisades and killed or captured most of their occupants, and hurried off in triumph.
The killed were Isaac Graves and his brother John ; John Atchison, John Cooper, Elizabeth Russell and son Stephen ; Hannah Coleman and her babe Bethiah ; Sarah Kellogg and her baby boy ; Mary Belding, and Elizabeth Wells, daughter of John. Her mother and another child were wounded, as were Sarah Dickinson and a child of John Coleman, but they all escaped. The captured were Obadiah Dickinson and child ; Martha, wife of Benjamin Waite, with their children, Mary, six years old, Martha, four, and Sarah, two; Mary, wife of Samuel Foote, their children, Nathaniel, and Mary, three ; Sarah Coleman, four, with another child of John Coleman ; Hannah, wife of Stephen Jennings, with two of her children by Samuel Gillett, between three and six years old ; Samuel Kellogg, eight, Abigail Allis, six, and Abigail Bartholomew of Deerfield, five.
The assailants were a party of twenty-six Indians from Canada, under Ashpelon ; one was a Narraganset, the others Pocumtucks. With the captives they retreated hurriedly up the river. On reaching this vicinity, the smoke of their camp fires may have betrayed the settlers, and another prize was easily secured.
The captives were bound, and the march to far-off Canada began. They were the first party of whites ever taken on the sad journey, so often traveled in years to come. In scattered order they traversed the woods northward, the captors imitating the voices of beasts and birds that they should not lose one another, or be discovered by the Eng- lish, if followed. They halted for the night near the mouth of Hearthstone brook, and at daybreak crossed Connecticut river at Sheldon's rocks. From this place ten men were sent back to the town, who returned with about ten horses
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ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677.
loaded with corn and other provisions. Here they marked on trees, as was their custom, the number of killed and cap- tured. Continuing their march, they crossed the river again at Peskeompskut and camped for the night a few miles above. Here the captives were "staked down," and told the Indian law was to do this for nine successive nights. They were " spread out on their backs," the arms and legs stretched out and fastened to the ground with stakes, and a cord tied about the neck, so that they "could stir noways." Stockwell says, "the first night of staking down, being much tired, I slept as comfortable as ever." On the 21st, the party crossed the river to Northfield. Here they stopped awhile, but when their scouts reported English soldiers in pursuit, they went over the river again and scattered on the west side.
These soldiers were a party sent up from Hartford under Capt. Thomas Watts, Lieut. John Mawdsley and Ensign John Wyatt, with John Hawks and some others of the Hamp- shire men who joined. This party returned after going forty miles above Hadley, without finding the marauders.
Ashpelon's party went up the river perhaps as far as Put- ney, Vt., and crossed to the east side, where they were " quite out of all fear of the English but in great fear of the Mo- hawks." Here they built a long wigwam and had a great dance, preparatory to burning some of the captives. Ashpe- lon and others opposing, this ceremony was given up. From here, a small party went to Hadley; they were discovered near the mill, and captured or gave themselves up. They declared they came to make arrangements for the redemp- tion of the captives, which is not unlikely. They were re- leased after an agreement to meet the English on a certain plain in Hadley, on Sunday, Oct. 14th. To attend this meet- ing, Major Treat came up from Hartford with forty men "to lend his advice and grant assistance in defending the planta- tions, and the persons as shall be appointed to treat, in the best way and manner as they can. That all due endeavours be used for the redemption of the captives, by paying a sume of money or other goods ; probably a quantity of liquors may not be amiss to mention in the tender." All this preparation was thrown away. Not an Indian appeared. The reasons will be seen.
When Ashpelon left Canada, a party of Nipmucks were in
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ASHPELON OVERRULED BY NIPMUCKS.
company. Somewhere on the route they parted from him, apparently fixing on Nashua ponds as a rendezvous. The same day on which Ashpelon struck Hatfield, the Nipmucks reached the place where Wonalonset, with eight men and some fifty women lived. He was a Pennacook Sachem, who had been neutral through Philip's War. Partly by persua- sion and partly by force, he was induced to remove to Cana- da, and the whole party moved towards Lancaster. Mean- while, Ashpelon sent messengers to notify the Nipmucks to come to him on the Connecticut. With these went Benoni Stebbins. On the return of the party, Stebbins escaped about Oct. 2d, from a point near Templeton and reached Hadley on the 4th. As a consequence of this act, the English pris- oners were all in danger of torture, and it was only through the kindness and policy of Ashpelon that this fate was averted. A short time before, the Indians taken and re- leased at Hadley had returned ; and the question of the meet- ing at Hadley, for which they had arranged, was under dis- cussion. The captives urged it, Ashpelon was in favor of it, and it was proposed to send Wonalonset as agent. The Nipmuck Sachems were opposed to the policy. "They were willing to meet the English, indeed, but only to fall upon them and fight them and take them." The peace policy be- ing overruled, Ashpelon advised the captives "not to speak a word more to further that matter, for mischief would come of it."
About October 20th the whole party moved towards Cana- da. Samuel Russell and little Mary Foote were killed by the way ; the rest straggled into French or Indian towns about the first of January. Soon after, old Sergt. Plympton was burnt to death at the stake.
Since the opening of Philip's war, in Hampshire County alone two hundred and seven persons had been killed and forty wounded.
WAITE AND JENNINGS'S EXPEDITION.
When Capt. Watts returned from the pursuit northward with no tidings of the captives, it was generally thought that the Mohawks were the guilty ones, as a small party of that tribe were at Hatfield the day before ; and Benjamin Waite, whose whole family was swept away, determined to seek them westward. He traversed the wilderness over the Hoo-
184
ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677.
sac Mountain, but found no trace of the marauders. At Al- bany he became satisfied that the Mohawks were innocent. Returning with letters for Pynchon from Capt. Salisbury, commander at Albany, he reached Springfield Oct. 4th. Without a day's delay he pushed on to Boston, bearing a pe- tition from Hatfield asking authority and aid for an expedi- tion to Canada. The petition was granted, and on the 12th Waite was appointed agent. The very day Waite left the valley for Boston, Benoni Stebbins came in, and Pynchon at once dispatched a post to Capt. Salisbury, urging him to in- cite the Mohawks to pursue Ashpelon's party, "their old en- emy and ours," with a promise of reward for the service. " Ben. Waite," he says, "is gone home before the Intelli- gence came to me. He talked of goeing to Canada before, and I suppose will rather be Forward to it now, than Back- ward." Pynchon judged the indomitable man rightly. He would never pause until he found his hapless family. With this object, neither distance, climate nor foe had terrors for him. Stephen Jennings, a like-minded man, also bereaved of wife and children, now joined Waite in this knightly quest.
With letters for the authorities in Albany and Canada, the men set out from Hatfield October 24th, and reached Albany the 30th. Here in an interview with Salisbury they were coldly received, and directed to wait upon him again. The impatient men, however, pushed on to Schenectady to pro- cure an Indian guide. Here the old jealousy of New England appeared, and upon the most stupid pretext they were ar- rested and sent back to Albany, and finally to New York, for an examination before Gov. Brockholds. Through this vex- atious hindrance, while every hour seemed a day, it was not until Dec. Ioth, that these harassed men were able to resume their journey. Six weeks of precious time had been given to smooth the ruffled dignity of Commander Salisbury.
Now, with a Mohawk for a guide, the adventurers turned their faces toward a northern winter and an unknown wilder- ness. The Indian left them on reaching Lake George, and with no clue but a rough chart which he drew for them on a piece of birch bark, these men of tender hearts and iron will pushed forward on their chivalrous errand. At the lake they found an old bark canoe, which the Mohawk had patched up ;
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LETTERS OF STOCKWELL AND WAITE.
this they dragged over the snow, or paddled through the icy waves of the lake, as necessity compelled. Were they cold or hungry, the thought that their wives and little ones might be freezing or starving urged them forward. With the birch bark chart in hand, they toiled day after day over the dreary wastes, until on New Year's day they reached the foot of Lake Champlain. Following the river Sorel, they passed the French outpost at Shambly, and soon after Jennings was re- warded by finding his wife-a meeting to be imagined only. It was not long before the surviving captives were found, all in the hands of the Indians, save a few who had been pawned to Frenchmen for liquor. In a few days the travelers set out for Quebec, one hundred miles down the St. Lawrence. They were kindly received by Governor Frontenac, and by his help the ransom of the whole party was effected by the payment of £200.
On the 22d of January, before Waite could have returned from Quebec, his wife gave birth to a child, who was named Canada. Fifty days later a girl was born to Jennings, and named Captivity.
Slowly the long Canada winter wore away, and on the 2d of May the whole party left Sorel and joyfully turned their faces homeward. An escort of French soldiers was sent by Frontenac as far as Albany, where they arrived on the 22d. From Albany, letters were posted to Hatfield. These letters, which are given below, gave the first news of the captives since the escape of Benoni Stebbins, and caused great rejoic- ing, mingled with sorrow for the fate of those who came not back.
ALBANY, May 22, 1678.
LOVING WIFE :- Hauing now opportunity to remember my kind loue to the and our child and the rest of our freinds, though wee met with greate afflictions and trouble since I see thee last, yet now here is opportunity of joy and thanksgiving to God, that wee are now pretty well, and in a hopeful way to see the faces of one another be- fore we take our finall farewell of this present world, likewise God hath raised us freinds amongst our enemies, and there is but 3 of us dead of all those that were taken away-Sergt. Plympton, Samuel Russell, Samuel Foot's daughter. So I conclude, being in hast, and rest your most affectionate husband till death makes separation,
QUINTIN STOCKEWELL.
From ALBANY, May 23, 1678. TO MY LOVING FRIENDS & KINDRED AT HATFIELD :- These few
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ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677.
lines are to let you understand that we are arrived at Albany now with the captives, and we now stand in need of assistance, with my charges is very greate and heavy ; and therefore any that hath any love to our condition, let it moove them to come and help us in this straight. There is 3 of ye captives that are murdered-old Good- man Plympton, Samuel Foot's daughter, Samuel Russell. All the rest are alive and well now with me at Albany, namely, Obadiah Dickenson and his child, Mary Foote and her child, Hannah Gennings and 3 children, Abigail Ellice, Abigail Bartholomew, Goodman Cole- man's children, Samuel Kellogg, my wife and four children and Quintin Stockwell .* I pray you hasten the matter, for it requireth greate hast. Stay not for ye Sabbath, nor shoeing of horses. We shall endeavour to meete you at Canterhook, it may be at Housea- tonock. We must come very softly because of our wives and chil- dren. I pray you, hasten them, stay not night nor day, for ye mat- ter requireth great hast. Bring provisions with you for us.
Your loving kinsman, BENJAMIN WAITE.
At Albany, written from myne owne hand. As I have bin affected to yours, all that were fatherless, be affected to me now, and hasten y" matter and stay not, and ease me of my charges. You shall not need to be afraid of any enemies.
These letters, warm from the heart, reached the heart of the whole colony. They were copied by John Partridge, who, in company with John Plympton, son of the tortured captive, carried the copies to Medfield. Rev. Mr. Wilson at once sent them to the Governor at Boston with the following letter :-
Worshipful Sĩ
humbly presenting my humblest Servic to yor worps keeping with these letters Copyd out and newly brought fr" Hadly by one John Partridge and not understanding of any Couriers to the Bay besydes: I have written out of these two Copys word for word as I take it & make bold to send it to your Worship :
yt so you might be enformed of the Mercy of God in ye return of these Captives so far as ye two letters set Down. John Partridge and John Plimpton come in this night & none with ym but a young mayde so yt I suppose yor Worshp will have ye very first view of ye News in Boston being very crasy am unfit to enlarge & yt I might not trouble your Worsh? further
With my humble Servecs presented to your most virtuous Lady humbly reste
Your Worshs most humble Servant John Wilson
Medfield, May 29-78
A fast had been appointed for June 6th. The Governor received the letters May 29th, and the next day sent copies
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