USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Deerfield > History of Deerfield, Massachusetts: the times when the people by whom it was settled, unsettled and resettled, vol 1 > Part 52
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Although no records of this conference have been found, one may safely picture some of its prominent features, from the journal of other meetings of the kind, and the slender threads of tradition. The whole week was spent in settling the public affairs, and feasting the Indians. We can imagine the Governor and his suite in cocked hats, scarlet coats laced with gold, with ample ruffles at wrist and bosom, wearing great powdered wigs and silver-mounted swords, all seated in imposing array in a semi-circle on rude benches, each accord- ing to his rank. The dusky warriors, crowned with eagle plumes, and decked with all their finery, seated by tribes on the ground opposite, complete the circle; with the Coun- cil Fire blazing in the centre; the soldiers under arms on one side, the inhabitants, curious spectators, grouped on the other; the formal speeches by Gov. Belcher; the dig- nified bearing of Ontosoga, the Caghnawaga orator, as he rises to deliver his address, and to thank the governor for his presence and his words, to say these shall be deeply pon- dered and an answer given the next day. The Indian rarely responded to any proposition until he had slept upon it. At the next meeting Ontosoga, reciting the words of Belcher, answers them point by point, in formal language, laying down a beaver skin, or some other present, at the con- clusion of each topic. Presents were exchanged,-blankets, shirts, knives, ammunition and rum on one side, and wampum and peltry on the other. The Pipe of Peace, from which each takes a whiff, passes slowly round the circle : all drink to the health of King George, and then to the governor and to each other; the platoon fire of musketry and roar of artillery clos- ing each day's conference. The immediate results of this
*
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FORT DUMMER. INDIAN CONFERENCE.
conference were satisfactory to both parties. The Indians went home loaded with substantial presents and the assur- ance of peaceful measures. The English fancied they had secured firm allies in case of a rupture with France.
But although this treaty was ratified in a conference at Fort Dummer, two years later, and although Ontosoga and two other chiefs of the Caghnawagas were given commis- sions in the garrison there, the first breath of war found many of the Caghnawagas on the side of the French.
As I have said, no record of this conference at Deerfield has been found, but we are indebted to Miss Baker for two important papers relating to it, which she has lately discov- ered in the MS. Archives at Quebec.
Rumors had reached Canada that the English were about to make a settlement and build a fort on Otter Creek. Prob- ably this rumor was not unfounded. As early as 1730, Gov. Dummer had sent James Corse to explore a route over the Green mountains to that stream. A post on Otter Creek would be a great protection against inroads from Canada to the Connecticut valley. It would also be a serious men- ace to Fort Frederick, a post the French had established at Crown Point. The Canadian authorities were alive to the importance of defeating the project, and the Maquas at Cagh- nawaga were used as an instrument to that end. Ontosoga, or Ontansoogoe, their leading chieftain, was sent to the con- ference at Deerfield, charged with a speech written by the Intendant of Canada and committed to memory, to be fired off at Gov. Belcher. It is safe to say that the Indian speeches at the New York and New England conferences were gener- ally prepared in Canada. The evidence in this case is abso- lute.
How far the attitude of the Maquas served to check the project for a settlement on Otter Creek nowhere appears, but I hear nothing about it of a later date.
The two papers spoken of above follow, as translated by Miss Baker :-
1735 12th October
Letter from M de Beauharnois to the Minister
My Lord You will see by the words subjoined, that I have had a journey to Deerfield, and to Orange also, made by trustworthy peo- ple; and the speech I have had made to them in reply to a belt which they of Deerfield sent this winter sous terre to our chief of the Sault
523
SECOND HAND INDIAN ORATION.
which has astonished them not a little. There is reason to think that the English and Dutch will not dare to make the least Settle- ment on the Otter River where I have had a watch all summer. The last I sent there returned but a short time since. I shall take the same precautions next spring
* I am with very profound respect my Lord * *
Your very humble and obedient servant, BEAUHARNOIS. Words which Ontasoga and some other Iroquois of the Sault Saint Louis went on behalf of the village of the Sault Saint Louis to carry to the English at Deerfield:
My brothers, There is a rumor in my Village, which I do not hear with pleasure, and of the truth of which I come here expressly to be informed, perhaps it is the evil spirit, the Enemy of the peace of mankind and of the repose we are enjoying on our mats, that is speaking this bad news, and that means by it to embroil the land.
Listen my brothers, I am going to speak to you more clearly and to tell you what brings me here to you to-day. I have learned in my village that you my English brother, are preparing to make a settle- ment and a fort in the Otter River, on my lands, on that of my Father Onnontingo five leagues from Pointe a la Chevelure [Crown Point].
You cannot do this without becoming guilty of that which each of us ought to fear, -that is without disturbing the Tree of peace which has been planted throughout all this country. You know, my brother, that it was agreed that if any one should be so rash as to wish to cut off the smallest of its roots, all the rest would unite against him to bring him back to his duty.
You are then accused of being the first to think of breaking this treaty made in the presence of all nations, and that the first wrong claim which you will make is to build a fort on land which does not belong to you, and on a river where I go hunting every year.
My brother, my mind and heart are well disposed. I don't like quarrelling. I am delighted with the peace which we have long en- joyed and I dread to see it ended. That is why I beg you to aban- don immediately the design which it is said you have formed, sup- posing that you have actually resolved upon it.
The first news which I have received of this, made me rise prompt- ly from my mat to come and declare to you that I would never suf- fer such an enterprise. I shall not wait until the Frenchman my Father starts to come to put a stop to your temerity. As soon as I learn that you are at work and building I shall come with all my people to destroy all your work. I warn you seriously.
So take care what you do, if you do not want our hatchets to be blood-stained. Strive with us on the contrary for peace; and if there are among you any who are restless and uneasy, warn them while there is yet time.
This is my sentiment and that of all my village. This is what I had to say to you here.
Another embassy was sent at the same time to Albany. The story of the projected enterprise was told there. The sharp Dutch traders were doubtless delighted with this op-
524
FORT DUMMER. INDIAN CONFERENCE.
portunity of currying favor with their old customers. They say, "We promise you my brothers that we will never allow the English to establish themselves on Otter Creek." [No! not if we know ourselves, and the laws of trade!] Several belts were given the envoys, and "The Dutch Council has also added to all these belts a great Calmat" to be carried to all the Maqua villages.
The speeches of Gov. Belcher and Ontosoga were not the only attractions of this eventful week at Deerfield. Beside the conference with the Indians, Belcher had another object in coming to Deerfield. Arrangements had been made by the American agents of the English "Society for the Propa- gation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts," of whom Gov. Belcher was the head, to ordain Mr. John Sergeant as minister and missionary to the Housatonic Indians. These Indians left home in a body for Deerfield, August 18th. Mr. Sergeant joined them here on the 29th. The ordination services were on Sunday, Aug. 31st. The sermon was by Rev. Nathaniel Appleton of Cambridge. Rev. William Williams of Hatfield made an address to the governor as the representative of the English corporation, and to Mr. Sergeant. Rev. Stephen Williams of Longmeadow, through an interpreter, spoke to the Housatonics, who rose in a body. The ministers and elders of this and neighboring towns gave the fellowship.
The interior of the meetinghouse must have presented a novel and interesting spectacle. The array of ministers in the pulpit and deacons' seat, with their white bands and black coats; the governor of the colony and the large com- mittee, in elegant attire, occupying the seats of highest dig- nity ; the Housatonic Indians, in half-civilized costume, seat- ed in a group; Ontosoga and his fellow delegates, in blanket and feathers, grave and stolid spectators of the solemn scene ; the adult population of the town, and many drawn hither by the attractions of the day, crowding the galleries to overflow- ing ; the children peering in at the open doors and windows, their eyes round with wonder at the remarkable congrega- tion within. It was indeed the most notable gathering Deer- field had ever seen, and the hospitalities of the people must have been strained to the utmost.
Some of the bills of expense attending this conference have been found. Ebenezer Pomroy, Thomas Ingersoll and Joseph
525
ONTOSOGA'S ORATORY ONCE MORE.
Bartlett were allowed charges in connection with the Housa- tonics. The bill of Francis Foxcraft, presented in 1738, shows that the council were in attendance " 18 days, at 15 s per day," being "£13, 10s each, or £4, 10s, New Tenor." The total expense, including presents to the Indians, so far as it appears, was £7020, 17 s, II d.
CONFERENCE AT FORT DUMMER 1737.
Province of the Massachusetts Bay Fort Dummer, 1737
Pursuant to an order from his Excellency the Govenour to us the Subscribers directed appointing us to Confer with Ontaussoogoe and some other Delegates of the Cagnawaga Tribe of Indians we come to Fort Dummer aforesaid where we arrived on the fifth of October Anno Dom 1737
We acquainted the said Delegates that his Excelley the Governour having been Inform'd that they were come to Fort Dummer to Treat about some Publick Affairs, he had there upon ordered and Ap- pointed us on behalf of the Government of the said Province to Confer with them of such matters as were given them in Charge and that we shou'd be ready to hear what they had to say when they were prepared to speak. The usual Ceremonies being over they withdrew.
Octb 6. Being met in the morning, Ontaussoogoe said to us as follows vizet Brother the Broadway Two Years past I was at Deer- field, the matter then delivered to us by you was, that the old cove- nant of Peace and unity between our Brother the Broadway and us might be continued
We now return in Answer for our three Tribes, That our desire is that it might remain firm and unshaken and do from our heart promise that the Covenant shall not be broken on our parts, but if ever there shou'd be any breach it shall begin on yours and the God of Heaven who now sees us and knows what we are doing be witness of our sincerity, then laid down a belt of Wampum.
Ontaussoogoe then said Again, We your Brethren of the Three Tribes have learnt by heresay That our Brother the Broadway has lost his wife Such losses ought to be made up & we did not know whether the Gov. wou'd be capable of a Treaty under his Affliction, but find that he is and are thankful for it-Then gave a belt of Wam- pum to quiet the Govrs mind and remove his grief for the Loss of his wife and added I rowl myself in the dust for the Loss of our great men. Ontaussoogoe said again We do in the name of our Three Tribes salute the Govr and all the Gentlemen belonging to him, Tho' at a great distance and strangers yet something acquainted. This was their desire and our design when we came from home thus to salute you with this belt, wishing you happiness and prosperity; laid it down and said they had done speaking.
We then said to them we wou'd take what they had delivered into Consideration and return answer thereto in the afternoon. We then drank King George's health to them. They also drink'd King George's health and the Governour's to us. In the afternoon being met, we said to Them You have in Strong Terms assured us that
526
FORT DUMMER. INDIAN CONFERENCE.
the Covenant of friendship renewed two years agoe at Deerfield between this Government and the Cagnawaga Tribe shall always remain firm and unshaken and we do in the Name and behalf of the Government assure you that they will Cultivate the friendship they have Contracted with your Tribe and that nothing in our own hearts nor the Instigation of others shall ever prevail upon us to break our solemn Engagement to you, but we shall always hold our- selves under the strongest Obligations to a punctual observance of what we have promised & we then gave a Belt of Wampum.
You have in your speech made to us this day Condoled the Death of the Governour's Lady Her Death was the Cause of much Grief to him we doubt not but your sympathising with him will tend to abate and lighten his sorrow; We take this occasion to express our concern for the Death of your friend, and to Comfort your hearts under your afflictions, we then gave three Black Blankets instead of a belt.
We kindly Accept the Salutation of your People and esteem it a Token of their respect and friendship. And we do in the name of the Government return the like salutation to your old men and young both to your Councellors and to your men of war, to all of them we wish prosperity and happiness forever. Then we gave a belt of wampum.
Ontaussoogoe, said Gent" I return thanks, You have rehearsed all that has been said this day. Are glad your hearts are disposed as we find they are to friendship and desire that they always may, and declare that ours ever will and thank God for it and wishing well to all We then drink'd the Gov's health.
The speeches being ended we then in the name of the Government gave a Present to them of the value of seventy Pounds ten shillings
JOHN STODDARD EBENEZER PORTER THOS WELLS JOSEPH KELLOGG Isr WILLIAMS
At the breaking up of the meeting, "We then drank King George's health to them. They also drank King George's health and the Governor's health to us." Notwithstanding all the amity and fair promises, it was not long before a son of Ontosoga was leading a war party against our frontiers.
The Last of His Race. There can be little doubt that the Bars was a favorite resort, if not the headquarters, of the Pocumtuck clans-the lords of the Connecticut valley. It is at the Bars that is found the last trace of their peaceful foot- steps, and it was at the Bars where the last hostile blow was struck within the borders of Deerfield. The following paper is from the Massachusetts MS. archives. The Allens referred to lived at the Bars.
527
THE ENDING OF THE END.
Edward Allen's acc't for keeping an Indian belonging to ye five Nations above Albany, who has been Long Confined with fever Sores at Deerfield :
Oct. 4, 1732, To building a wigwam or place to keep him in, So 12
To 19 Loads of wood at 4s, 3 16
To Cutting of ye wood & Tending of his fire, 3 16
To diet and tendance 28 weeks, at 10 s per week, 14 0
£22 4
Deerfield, May 20, 1733.
EDWARD ALLEN.
Froin the Council Records we learn that :-
Mch. 24, 1735, Samuel Allen was allowed £8 18s for taking care of, and burying a poor wounded Indian.
June 4, 1737, Samuel Allen was allowed £10 35 4d for boarding a poor lame Indian, and his mother, one year ending in May last.
The closing word in this extract is significant and notice- able, as being literally the "last" word on the Colony Rec- ords, referring in any way to Indian occupation on our soil. The "last hostile blow," referred to above, was struck by a party of French Indians, August 25th, 1746; and fell upon this same Samuel Allen while at work with his children in a hayfield hard by the old homestead. He was cut down while bravely confronting the rush of savages, that his children might escape by flight.
In the old burying yard, a slate-stone slab, "with uncouth sculpture decked," marks the spot where he was laid to rest ; and although his mortal frame has mouldered into dust, his voice still preaches the gospel of peace, in the following quaint epitaph :-
Listen to me ye, mortal men, Beware That you engage no more in direful War; By means of War my Soul from Earth has fled, My body's Lodg'd in Mansions of the Dead.
A tradition handed down in the Allen family of the Bars is easily connected with the last item from the Council Rec- ord, given above. Near the Allen mansion stood a wigwam -it may have been the one built by Samuel Allen for the sick Mohawk-in which lived a squaw with her only child, a sickly son. They were kindly cared for by their Christian neigh- bors, and many nourishing dainties were furnished the fail- ing invalid, the child of the forest. But he died and was buried. The place selected for sepulture,-still called "Squaw Hill,"-was on a high bluff overlooking the broad meadows
528
THE LAST INDIAN.
in the fair valley of the Pocumtuck, with the misty hills of Berkshire and Southern Vermont in the distance.
On rumors of a war with France, which would surely bring Indian hostilities to this valley, the mother dug up the re- mains of her son, cleaned and dried his bones, and with the precious relics securely tied in a pack upon her shoulders, she-the last of her people-turned her slow steps towards the setting sun.
The subdued sadness which must mingle with the thoughts that linger around this spot, as the vanishing point of the native race, is overborne and sunk in the rush of feeling, when we associate this place with the untimely loss of Deer- field's most distinguished son. The old brown mansion, in which the squaw kept her best blanket, moccasins and wam- pum, still standing on the Allen homestead, where it has braved the storms of more than seven-score winters, had be- come in these later years the studio of George Fuller. Op- posite stands the house where he was born, and where his life struggle went on, his great power unseen and unfelt. Each day he saw the slant rays of the morning sun light up the broad front of the old house across the way ; and at night- fall, when he played his boyish games on the almost un- broken green stretching between, he saw its dark bulk, with its huge chimney, loom up against the western sky. It was in this house that his deepest aspirations took on form and color. It was here, in the quiet atmosphere and surround- ings of the Bars, that his masterpieces were conceived and brought forth, and not in the stirring, busy metropolis of New England.
The Pocumtuck chieftain may never again return to this classic ground, and he himself is but a faded memory; but his favorite haunt will be forever immortalized by the name and fame of George Fuller.
HISTORY OF DEERFIELD.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE OLD FRENCH WAR.
Hostilities between England and Spain had been raging for years, when the question of the Austrian Succession arose, and convulsed the greater part of Europe in its com- plications. To France this appeared an excellent opportuni- ty to humble her old enemy. and she backed the claims of Charles Edward, the Young Pretender, to the throne of Eng- land. March 15th, 1744, she declared war against England, and soon after sent an army of invasion across the channel.
Swift messengers had meanwhile been sent over the sea. May 13th, 1744, before news of war had reached New Eng- land, an army from Louisburg surprised and captured Canso. Succor was sent from Boston, by William Shirley, now Gov- ernor of Massachusetts, just in season to save Annapolis from the same fate. England declared war against France, March 29th, but the news of war only reached Boston, May 20th or 22d. Somehow,- probably by the way of Albany and Cana- da,-our town had become aware of the coming hostilities, and a town meeting was promptly called to prepare for the struggle. This was held May 21st, only eight days after the fall of Canso, and fully as early as Boston had news of the war.
Our fathers knew too well that this European quarrel meant for them a bloody and cruel war on our exposed fron- tier, and they at once made preparations to defend their families and homes against savage attacks. At the meeting May 21st, 1744 :-
Voted to build Mounts at one house in Green River and at four Houses in the Town, viz. at Mr. Ashley's house at Capt. Wells house at Capt Williams house and the Com'tee to determine at what house at the South end Mounts shall be built at and that Edward Allen James Corse & Aaron Deniur see to building the Mounts at Green River & John Sheldon John Nims 2d & Sam11 Hinsdell see to ye
530
THE OLD FRENCH WAR.
building ye Mounts at Mr. Ashley's, and that Capt Wells Jos Sever- ance & Daniel Belding see to the building those at Capt Wells's and that John Catlin Thos French & Ebenezer Barnard see to building those at Capt Williams' & John Hawks Dan11 Arms & Timº Childs build those at ye South End.
Voted to build two Mounts at Wapping & that Judah Wright Eleazer Hawks & Sam11 Childs 2d be employed to see the same built.
John Nims added to ye Comittee for forts in the room of T. French & Jon' Hoit and Sam" Bardwell added to ye Com'ttee for Mr. Ash- ley's fort & Jnº Hinsdell at ye South Fort.
" Mounts" were primarily square towers with a strong post at each corner, built for watch boxes. I find them from fourteen to forty feet high, according to location. The top story, about eight or ten feet square, was usually planked and made a bullet-proof sentry box.
The places fixed upon for these defences were the lot where Jonathan Ashley now lives, that where Charles Jones lives, and that on which Dickinson Academy stands; and the committees chosen to build them were in each case those living nearest, and naturally the most interested in having the work done.
Probably no defensive works of any kind were then in exist- ence. At a town meeting in March, 1733, apparently called for no other purpose, it was voted that " John Catlin, Thomas French, Thos. Wells & Benj. Hastings be a comittee to dis- pose of ye Three Forts for the Town's benefit." Six years of peace had lulled the inhabitants into a sense of security ; or, it may be, the works were going to decay, and this action was to save some of the material. Perhaps their locations were bad, but there is no clue to their situation. For ten years not a word appears on the record relating to fortifications.
It seems by the votes of May 21st, 1744, given above, that at least two mounts were to be put up at each station. While sentinels on their tops could warn the people of approaching danger, and could repel slight attacks, in the day-time, these mounts could have been of little service in a night assault. Something more in connection with them was evidently con- templated. Votes at subsequent meetings throw some light upon the matter, but there is no definite statement defining these defenses.
From all given data it appears that the selected houses, with a rectangular piece of ground, were first enclosed with
531
FORTS AND MOUNTS.
a high, close board fence, the house forming one angle. The mounts were erected at the two other diagonally opposite corners ; the sentry-boxes projecting so far beyond the fence that the occupants could deliver a flanking fire to the right and left to protect the walls. These board fences had no value as defenses, save to deceive an enemy and keep him at a distance. At leisure these shells were lined with stock- ades, when the structure became bullet-proof, and could be defended by a small force against any number of Indians.
When the mounts were provided for in May, it seems to have been expected that the adjoining householders would, from self-interest, unite in completing the palisades. No- vember 23d, the town voted to pay " no more for ye Garrisons than what ye town have already voted, vis the building the Mounts."
Something was done under this system, but not what the public safety required, and a new policy was adopted. Feb. IIth, 1745, the town,-
Voted that ye Town will pay for what hath been already Expended for the fortifying the houses heretofore voted to have Mounts erect- ed at them & that ye Com'ttees for building said Mounts be Directed to Inclose said Houses with bords and line the same with timber as soon as conveniently may be.
March 4th, 1745, the Committee was directed " not to pro- ceed to line the Forts till further order from ye town." The vacillating course of the town was doubtless caused by reports from Canada that the Indians would or would not engage in the war.
Either from indifference or inability, the convenient sea- son, so far as the fort at Greenfield was concerned, had not been found in nineteen months; and Dec. 10th, 1745, the town directed the-
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