History of Deerfield, Massachusetts: the times when the people by whom it was settled, unsettled and resettled, vol 1, Part 19

Author: Sheldon, George, 1818-1916
Publication date: 1895-96
Publisher: Deerfield, Mass. [Greenfield, Mass., Press of E.A. Hall & co.
Number of Pages: 698


USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Deerfield > History of Deerfield, Massachusetts: the times when the people by whom it was settled, unsettled and resettled, vol 1 > Part 19


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


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* There is 2 or 3 frenchmen Embassadors coming to go to Boston. This sen- tence was erased. These men may have been stopped by Pynchon in the valley.


187


CONTRIBUTIONS BY THE CHURCHES.


of Waite's letter to all the churches, to be read from the pul- pit on that occasion, with a recommendation that a contribut- tion for the benefit of the captives be taken up in every con- gregation. "And the ministers are desired to stir up the people thereunto. For quickening this work we do hereby remit a copy of Benjamin Waite's letter to be read publick- ly." This touching appeal of Waite was generously re_ sponded to,* and many an offering dropped on the altar of charity that day was sanctified by tears. Who shall say that the gratitude engendered in the hearts of Benjamin and Martha Waite by the outpouring of that day was not nursed in the hearts of their descendants, until it bore fruit in that act of Oliver Smith, from whence flows the broad stream of charity which to-day blesses, and shall forever bless, the widow and fatherless in this valley !


" They remained in Albany five days," says Judd, "and on Monday, May 27th, walked twenty-two miles to Kinderhook, where they met men and horses from Hatfield." With the tired women, and, besides the two babes, twelve children under eight, the statement that they walked to Kinderhook, seems improbable. Did not Waite procure horses at Albany? and was not this expense, " charges" from which he sought "relief" by meeting horses from Hatfield ? Judd continties, "They rode through the woods to Westfield, and soon all reached Hatfield in safety. The day of their arrival was one of the most joyful days that Hatfield ever knew."


The attempt to resettle the town in 1677 was not a rash, unconsidered affair, but fully in accord with public opinion and State policy. The catastrophe here did not change that policy, but it incited to greater caution.


October 22d, 1677, the General Court ordered the towns to " endeavour the new moddelling the scittuation of their hous- es, so as to be more compact, and linie nearer together for their better defense;" and a committee was appointed for Hampshire :-


"To ordr and contrive the same and as a further provisions for the security of those townes, it is ordered, that a garrison be stated at. Deerefield, and for effecting the same, it is ordered that the inhabitants of that place doe repayre thither this winter, (if the com-


* In the church at Dorchester " £3 5s 6d in money " was contributed " after ye evening exersiz.'


188


ATTEMPTED SETTLEMENT OF 1677.


itee doe judge it safe) and provide for the settling thereof in the spring, which shallbe in a compact way, as ordered by the comittee, and this winter, stuff for fortiffication to be prouided, ready to be sett up there in the spring, viz, in March or Aprill ; at which time twenty soudjers shall be sent up by the Gouner & council to that place as they shall see cause, whose worke & care shallbe, to preserue & se- cure that place, & those adjoining there from the Indyans.


At the same date, six soldiers were ordered to Hatfield, to be under Lieut. Allis, and employed in the winter time in getting out timber for the fortifications at Hatfield and Deer- field. Maj. Pynchon was directed to treat with Connecticut about joining "in keeping the garrison at Deareffield." The six soldiers were sent to Hatfield, but no evidence is found that anything was done here during the winter of 1677-8. The "Comittee " probably did " not judge it safe."


CHAPTER VIII.


PERMANENT SETTLEMENT.


The settlers driven away in 1675 still called themselves "inhabitants," and at no time gave up their intention of re- turning as a community to their old homes. In addition to the inevitable delay, a new trouble had come upon them, the danger of losing their beloved minister. The condition of affairs is fully shown in the following petition :-


To the honoured Generall Court of the Matachusetts Bay now set- ing in Boston ye 8th 3, '78 : Rigt Worshipfull :


We the small Remnant that are left of Dearfield's poor inhabitants (that desolate place) hauing mett with a smile from your Honors the last General Court, by the merciful tender you made unto us of gar- ison men for our assistance, we are therby Incouraged & Imboldened (under great hopes of acceptance) to prostrate ourselves at yor Wor- ship's feett in this or sorrowful complaints & fervent desires.


We doe veryly hope that your thoughts are soe upon us & our con- dition, that it will be little better than superfluous to tell you ; that our estates are wasted, that we find it hard work to Live in this Iron age, & to Come to the years end with Comfort ; to tell you that our housen have been Rifled & then burnt, our flocks and heards Con- sumed, the ablest of our Inhabitants killed ; yt our Plantation has become a wildernesse, a dwelling for owls and a pasture for flocks, & we that are left are separated into several townes. Also our Rev- erand & esteemed minister, Mr. Samuel Mather, hath been Invited from us, & great danger ther is of or loosing of him ; all which speaks us a people in a very miserable condition, & unlest you will be pleased to take us (out of your fatherlike pitty) and Cherish us in yo" Bosomes, we are like Suddainly to breathe out or Last Breath. Right Honoured, the Committie appointed to manage or affairs for us, the Rev. Mr. Mather, who hath not yet quitt forsaken us, and we the Remaining Inhabitants, Joyntly doe desire that we might re- turne and plant that place again. Yet we would earnestly begg (may it stand with the pleasure of Infinite Goodness) that we may Repossess the said plantation with great Advantage Both for the ad- vancing the cause and kingdome of Jesus, and for or own saftie & comfort than ever we have heretofore.


You may be pleased to know that the very principle & best of the land ; the best for soile ; the best for situation ; as lying in ye centre & midle of the town : & as to quantity, nere half, belongs unto eight


190


PERMANENT SETTLEMENT.


or 9 proprietors each and every of which, are never like to come to a settlement amongst us, which we have formerly found grevious & doe Judge for the future will be found intollerable if not altered. Or minister, Mr. Mather, (that is still waiting to see what alteration may be made), & we ourselves are much discouraged as judging the Plantation will be spoiled if thes proprietors may not be begged, or will not be bought up on very easy terms outt of their Right. Or designe (the Lord permitting & yor Worships helping) is to go when such a number of Inhabitants as (we hope) may be able to afford matter for a church; we have it from ye Rev. Mr. Mather, that if the place was free from that Incumberments, he could find a suffi- cient number of men, pious & discreet, that would enter Into ye plan- tation with him to build up a church in the place ; Butt as long as the maine of the plantation Lies in men's hands that can't improve it themselves, neither are ever like to putt such tenants on to it as shall be likly to advance the good of ye place in Civill or sacred Respects ; he, ourselves, and all others that think of going to it, are much dis- couraged. We would therefore humble beg of this Generall Court that some expedient way might be found out to Remove that impedi- ment that is so great a Lett & hindrance to the plantation's growth & ye planters' outward happiness-pittie it is, that a plantation soe circumstanced should lie desolate.


All Judicious men that have any acquaintance with it, Count It as Rich a tract of land as any upon the river ; they Judge it sufficient to entertain & maintain as great number of Inhabitants as most of the upland townes, alsoe were it well peopled it would be as a bulwark to the other townes; also it would be a great disheartening to the en- emie, & veryly (not to make to bold with your worship's patience) It would mightily Incourage and Raise the hearts of us the Inhabitants, yor poor & Impoverished servants. Thus begging yor pardon for or boldnesse, waiting for the Result of yor Judicious mind, and again earnestly beging, humbly Intreating, with greatest importu- nity, that something may be done to remove the fore said Impedi- ments ; and for the building the plantation Before this court be ended.


Soe we rest, praying yor honors' happinesse ; and subscribing our- selves with the Committe Consenting, and subscribing yor devoted and humble servants this 30th of Ap'l, '78.


MOSES CRAFTS, RICHARD WELLARD, WILLIAM SMEDE,


in the name of the rest.


WILLIAM BARTH'MEW, WILLIAM ALLIS, THOMAS MEEKINS, - The hands of ye Committee.


SAMUEL SMITH, PETER TILLTON,


Oct. 1678. In ans' to the petition of the remayning inhabitants of Deerefield, the court judgeth it meete to referr the peticoners to the proprietors for the attayning of their interest, so farr as they shall judge necessary, leaving ye matter wth the Comittee to regu-


191


DIRECTIONS FOR RESETTLEMENT.


lat ; improvements & charges to be levyed thereupon, as they shall judge legall & meete, for the encouraging the rebuilding of that plantation.


At the same session the soldiers at. Hatfield were ordered home. In May, 1679, the General Court directed that no town should be resettled except by the consent of a commit- tee appointed by the Council, or county court having juris- diction in the premises. Such committee are to be "at the charge of the people intending to settle." It is made their duty to order "in what form, way & maner such towne shallbe settled & erected, wherein they are required to haue a prin- cipal respect to neerness and conveniency of habitation for security against enemyes, & more comfort for Xtian comun- ion and enjoyment of God's worship & education of children in schools & civility." A fine of £100 was the penalty for disobedience of this order. Under this act, upon the petition of some of the proprietors, the county court, March 30th, 1680, appointed "Lieutt. William Clerk, Mr. Peter Tilton, Lieutt. Philip Smith, Medad Pumry and Jno. Allice, all of which, or any three of them, Lieutt. William Clerk, or Mr. Tilton being one, to be a Comity for ye work," of resettling this town. Nothing further appears to have been done at this time. Mr. Mather, after declining repeated invitations, became at length discouraged, and in 1680 accepted a call to Brainford, Conn.


In addition to the land troubles indicated in the petition of 1678, the uncertain condition of the Indian affairs was anoth- er cause of delay in a resettlement. The Indians had been expelled but not subdued. They had never, as a body sub- mitted in form to the English. Individuals had returned to their old haunts, and others were seeking conditions on which they might follow. With such, the county court was author- ized in May, 1680, to make definite arrangements. Although no treaty of peace was made with any of the hostile tribes, Philip's War really closed with the capture of Anawon by Church, August, 1676. For several years, however, there was a general distrust, and apprehension of danger to isolated settlements. The attitude of the Mohawks was not well un- derstood. Their incursions, invited in 1676, continued after the war closed. Friendly Indians were harassed, and some depredations made on the stock of the settlers. These things


192


PERMANENT SETTLEMENT.


had in a measure been winked at by the authorities, in con- sideration of the importance of keeping peace with this pow- erful tribe. At length, when these "insolencyes & outrages" could no longer be endured, Maj. Pynchon was sent to de- mand redress. He left Springfield for Albany Oct. 13th, 1680, with a suitable retinue. A meeting was held there, Nov. 9th, in the presence of Capt. Brockholds, the command- er. The Mohawks were very diplomatic. They said they had acted only against supposed enemies of the English, pre- tending that they did not know the war had closed. On the 19th [?] another meeting was held, at which the old treaty was renewed ; and no further trouble was anticipated or felt, at the hands of the Mohawks.


As soon as the news of this treaty was received, a meeting of the Proprietors of Pocumtuck was warned to be held at Northampton, Dec. 12th, 1680, and measures were at once taken to forward the reoccupation of their lands. The men named by the county court, May 30th, 1680, to have charge of this work, will hercafter be designated as the "Commit- tee," simply; and the owners of the 8000 acres, who took the title of the "Proprietors of Pocumtuck, alias Deerfield," will be called the "Proprietors." These bodies acted inde- pendently, meeting together, or separately, as was most con venient. Neither at first had a book for records. At Pro- prietors' meetings, propositions to be acted upon were gen- erally made in writing. If adopted, each slip of paper was laid before the Committee, and its approval or veto was en- dorsed thereon. The slips were then taken by those whom they concerned. Such of these votes as could be collected at a subsequent period, were transcribed, some of them many years after the event ; and the Town Record for this period is thus made up. It was done without a full sense of the im- portance of chronological order, or consecutive action. In- deed, many of the votes are without date, and a large portion was doubtless entirely lost. Hence, our earlier records are imperfect, obscure, and liable to mislead one as to the order of events. Sources of information beside the Town Record for this period, are General Court Records of Massachusetts and Connecticut, County Court Records, and the manuscript archives of the State.


The actual date of the permanent reoccupation of the


193


SETTLERS WHO COME TO STAY.


town cannot be fixed with certainty. The spring of 1682 is assumed to be the time of the arrival of those named here- after as first " Permanent Settlers." The evidence leading to this conclusion will be found below in the course of the nar- rative.


A meeting of the Committee and Proprietors to promote the settling of Deerfield, was held at Northampton, Dec. 12th, 1680. The only action known, was "granting to Thomas Hastings seven cow commons, likewise to David Hoite six cow commons, and to Samuel Field, six cow commons, all which grants of land is thus to be understood, [that is] they are to haue Lieft. Allis's land that was granted to him there, divided amongst them three, and the rest to make up their grants or quantity [of land] in some other convenient place." [Lieut. Wm. Allis had died September, 1678.] Martin Smith had six acres added to a former grant of six acres.


Some doubt seems to have arisen as to the authority of the Committee, for in May, 1681, their appointment was confirmed by the General Court.


March 6th, 1681-2. The Committee and Proprietors de- cide that one condition of the grants shall be the occupancy by the grantee personally, for four years.


March 30th, 1682, grants were made of seven cow commons each, to Samuel Davis and Joshua Pomeroy, to lie on the north side of Deerfield river, below the mouth of Green river ; and home lots of four acres each, to Davis, Pomeroy, Lieut. Clark, Samuel Field, David Hoite and Martin Smith.


The petitioners of 1678, getting no relief from the General Court, appealed to the owners of the land. They seemed to have been favorably received, and by some or all of them every tenth acre was given into a common stock, to be used in promoting the settlement.


May 22d, 1682, " Richard Weller & other inhabitants of Deerfield," sent a petition to the General Court the import of which, as judged by the reply, was, that this provision might be made to cover the estate of deceased owners. The answer to the petition was :-


The Court not being sattisfied that they may give away other proprietjes wthout their consent, yet being desirous to doe what may promote the setling sajd plantation, doe commend it to the rest of the proprietors to follow the good example of those that haue given vp


194


PERMANENT SETTLEMENT.


euery tenth acre, or otheruise, as they shall see cause, it being a very probable way to gaine more vsefull inhabitants for planting & setling sajd place ; and as for the orphants, whose right & proprietys are not to be made voyd by this Court, but rather secured for them, or that which maybe as good for them, the Court judgeth it meet that they choose their guardians, who may act for them, referring to those orphants lands as such guardians judg best for securing the orphants estate wth respect to the furthering, promoting the planting, & speedy setling of sajd plantation ; and for such children as are not capable of choosing guardians, the County Court for Hampshire are to make supply in appointing guardians who may act for them accord- ingly : and this order of Court to be their warrant in so doing, and security to such guardians hauing allowanc & approbation of the County Court therein.


The action under this terse and lucid order was probably satisfactory, as nothing more is heard on the subject to which it relates.


Quintin Stockwell presented to the Committee a bill of ten pounds, "due from the former inhabitants of Deerfield for boarding Mr. Mather;" and the Committee "desired ye now inhabitants to give him some land in satisfaction for y" debt." Agents were chosen by the inhabitants, who agreed with Stockwell for twenty acres on Green river, "bounded north- erly on ye hill on ye north side of ye Brook yt comes out of ye great ash swamp; easterly upon ye hill on ye east side of Green river and westerly on the west swamp & so to run southerly to make up ye quantity of twenty acres."


For this land Stockwell gave a receipt, November 24th, 1684. He was then living at Suffield, Conn.


January 6th, 1684-5. The Committee allowed the above grant. At the same meeting, the Committee ordered John Hawks, Thomas Wells and Joshua Pomeroy to


"measure men's allotments at Deerfield and to bring in an ac- count of what land is wanting in every man's allotment which being done these three men with Joseph Barnard and Jona. Wells joyning them shall haue full power to look out land where it may be found in any of ye common land and to lay out to such as want land as


neere as they can to each man's want; * * *


and in order to satisfaction they are to cast lots where to begin and which shall be the first 2d and 3d percells, and where to begin each percell."


The lots, as we have seen, had been drawn at Dedham. They were laid out by measuring the width only of each lot in the several divisions, according to the number of cow com- mons owned by each party. The area of these lots often fell


195


WANTING LAND.


short of the amount to which the owner was entitled. Hence, this deficiency was called "wanting land." At Boggy Mead- ow, two hundred and twenty-four acres, on the east side of the Bars road, were granted for wanting land-usually three acres for one-to Thomas Hunt, Henry White, Jona. Church, Samuel Carter, William Smead and Joseph Gillett. Some of the lots ran from the meadow fence ninety-two rods south, to Long hill. West of the road, grants were made to Thom- as Hurst, the heirs of Nathaniel Sutlief, and Ephraim Hins- dell. John Sheldon had the island near Red rocks, called eight acres. Daniel Belding, forty acres at Wisdom, still known as "Belding's grant ;" Samuel Northam, twelve acres on East Mountain, "at or near the head of the first swamp or brook lying against the middle of the town platt." This was in lieu of seven acres want, in the meadow. Whether the "Northam's Grant" of to-day covers the seprecise acres is not certain.


For keeping up a meadow gate at Wapping, Ephraim Beers had twenty acres joining Northam. For various reasons, John Evans had eight acres at the mouth of Hearthstone brook ; John Broughton, a lot in the " Elbow at New forte;" John Sheldon and William Smead, eight acres each "on the Fort Hill, which lies at the east end of the meadow land, over Eagle Brook and without the meadow fence."


Godfrey Nims, for five acres want, had fourteen acres "at the south end of the commonly called Martins Meadow : that to be his south line : to run in length from the Grate river to the Grate hill & so take his breadth northerly." At the same place grants amounting to about one hundred and thir- ty-five acres were made to Henry White, Rev. John Russell, Joseph Barnard, Jona. Church and Simon Beaman.


Ensign Thomas Wells had "40 acres of land by the Grate river ; beginning at the south end of that little meadow and below the meadow commonly called Martins Meadows to run in length from the Grate river to the Grate hill; the south end of sª little meadow to be his south line to run in bredth northerly." At the same place, northerly in succession, grants were made to the heirs of Barnabas Hinsdell, Moses Crafts, and John Evans, amounting to about 110 acres. These two localities have not been exactly identified. Martin Smith had twelve acres on the great river in 1680. This not being


196


PERMANENT SETTLEMENT.


easy of access for cultivation, it was exchanged for a lot of the same area on the hill above New Fort, not far from " Mar- tins Falls." It is not improbable that he lived on " Martins Hill." Smaller lots, usually joining lands of the grantee, were given to John Catlin, Simon Beaman, Henry White, John Weller, John Broughton, Timothy Nash, Thomas Wells, Edward Allen, John Allen, James Brown, John Williams and others.


"For the frame of a house, formerly Barnabas Hensdells, which was bought of the administrator, by the former inhab- itants of Deerfield," his heirs had twenty acres below Mar- tins Meadow. Hinsdale was killed with Lothrop, and this frame must have escaped destruction in Philip's War.


Feb. 5th, 1686-7, at a meeting of the inhabitants, Lieut. Thomas Wells, Henry White and Thomas French, were made choice of to measure the common fence and to lay out to every proprietor his due proportion. The list below is given because it contains the names of all who owned land in the Common Field with the amount of fence set to each on the basis of " two Rhods to y' common, or eleven foot to ye acre."


rds ft in


rds ft in


Allison, Thos 13


1


Hensdell, Bar'bas 21 26


Allen, Jn's [heirs] 32


lIensdell, Jn 15


Allyn, Mr Dan'l 32


Hensdell, Sam,l 36


Barnard, Joseph 32


Iloyt, David 2 11


Barrett, Benj 14


Hunt, Thos 18


3 3


Beaman, Simon 40


llurst, Thomas 19


Belding, Daniol 13


11


Nash, Timothy 6


11


Brooks, Wm 6


5


6


Nims, Godfrey 27 II


Broughton, Jn 7


Northam, Sm'l 15


gates & highway


Middle gate & highway


Broughton, Th's 12


5


Plympton, Jn 2


Carter, Joshua 42


5


Price, Robert 2


5


Church, Jona 13


Pynchon, Maj J 43


S


6


Evans, John 2.1


Root, John 7


Field, Zechariah 25 11


Root, Thomas 7


Frary, Samson 9


13


3


Root, Hez & Jacob 12


French, Thos IO


7


Russell, Mr Jn 36


Gillett, Joseph


19


1


6


Seldon, Joseph 23


Hastings, Benj


16


Seldon, Thomas 6


Hawks, Eleaz'r IO


Severance, Jn 2


1


gate going out


Sheldon, Isaac 36


of the meadow


Smead, Wm


26


to Hatfield & the


Smith, Martin IO


highway both be-


Stebbins, Benoni 69


Stoddard. Sol'm 44


ing ten rods new fence.


Sutlief, Nath'l 11


2


Hawks, John 15


Weld, Daniel


16


6


Brown, James 13


II


Plympton, P'tr 6


Catlin, John


33


197


ADVENT OF JOHN WILLIAMS.


rds ft in


Weller, John 12


Weller, Rich'd 5 9


Wells, Jona 21


Eagle B Gate &


Highway


Wells, Lt Thos 50 White, Henry 35 Williams, Mr John 13 5 6 Town fence 20 rds ft in


The Ministry. Public law and public policy alike required any company of men engaged in settling a new plantation, to procure at once a sound and learned minister for their spiritual guide. Mr. Mather, the first minister, as before stated, became discouraged by the delay in resettling Pocum- tuck, and left his charge in 1680. It is not quite certain who took his place. Probably Samuel, son of Rev. John Russell, officiated for awhile. He was a graduate of Harvard in 1681 and teacher of the Hopkins School in Hadley, 1682-3. He certainly became a land-holder here about the time of the resettlement. Savage thinks he was here several years.


Samuel Russell married about 1683-4, and succeeded Mr. Mather at Brainford in 1687. It is not unlikely that it was at Russell's suggestion, that Joshua Pomroy and Joseph Bar- nard were sent to Ipswich in search of a minister, where, Feb. 21st, 1684, they called upon Noadiah Russell, with an in- vitation to be a candidate. Noadiah was a classmate of Sam- uel Russell, and was at this time engaged in teaching school and studying astronomy. He published an almanac the same year. He declined the call, and in 1687 settled in Middle- town, Conn.


In May or June, 1686, John, son of Samuel Williams of Roxbury, came to the waiting field, and it soon became evi- dent that he had come to stay. He was born Dec. 10th, 1664 ; was a graduate of Harvard in 1683. This young man, whose piety and misfortunes, far more than his talents, have made his name a household word all over the land, then began here his life work, which was finished in 1729. September 21st, 1 686,-


"The Inhabitants of Deerfield to Incourage Mr. John Williams to settle amongst them to dispenc the blessed word of Truth unto them, have made propositions unto him as followeth :"




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