USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Deerfield > History of Deerfield, Massachusetts: the times when the people by whom it was settled, unsettled and resettled, vol 1 > Part 17
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On another paper Mr. Williams refers "to an account of the wonderful providence of God towards the Rev. Mr. Hope Ath- erton, who was likewise in the expedition. He was unhorsed, lost & left & would have surrendered himself to the indians, but they would not receive him but ran from him. He got over the Great River and got safe into Hadley. This account was drawn up by himself, and signed by himself, but the ac- count would be too long to insert in this extract, &c."
When Mr. Williams wrote the above meagre abstract, the original MS. was in his possession. A copy of this follows :-
MR. ATHERTON'S STORY.
[Read after his sermon, Sunday, May 28, 1676.]
Hope Atherton desires this congregation and all people that shall hear of the Lord's dealings with him to praise and give thanks to God for a series of remarkable deliverances wrought for him. The passages of divine providence (being considered together) make up a complete temporal salvation. I have passed through the Valley of the Shadow of Death, and both the rod and staff of God delivered me. A particular relation of extreme sufferings that I have under- gone, & signal escapes that the Lord hath made way for, I make openly, that glory may be given to him for his works that have been wonderful in themselves and marvelous in mine eyes; & will be so in the eyes of all whose hearts are prepared to believe what I shall re- late. On the morning (May 19, 1676) that followed the night in which I went out against the enemy with others, I was in eminent
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HOPE ATHERTON'S WANDERINGS.
danger through an instrument of death : a gun was discharged against me at a small distance, the Lord diverted the bullet so that no harm was done me. When I was separated from the army, none pursued after me, as if God had given the heathen a charge, saying, let him alone he shall have his life for a prey. The night following I wan- dered up and down among the dwelling places of our enemies; but none of them espied me. Sleep fell upon their eyes, and slumber- ing upon their eyelids. Their dogs moved not their tongues. The next day I was encompassed with enemies, unto whom I tendered myself a captive. The Providence of God seemed to require me so to do. No way appeared to escape, and I had been a long time with- out food. They accepted not the tender which I made, when I spake, they answered not, when I moved toward them they moved away from me. I expected they would have laid hands upon me, but they did not. Understanding that this seems strange and incredible unto some, I have considered whether I was not deceived; and after con- sideration of all things I cannot find sufficient grounds to alter my thoughts. If any have reason to judge otherwise than myself, who am less than the least in the kingdom of God, I desire them to inti- mate what their reason is. When I have mused, that which hath cast my thoughts according to the report I first made, is, that it tends to the glory of God, in no small measure; if it were so as I believe it was, that I was encompassed with cruel and unmerciful enemies; & they were restrained by the hand of God from doing the least injury to me. This evidenceth that the Most High ruleth in the Kingdom of men, & doeth whatever pleaseth him amongst them. Enemies cannot do what they will, but are subservient to over-ruling provi- dence of God. God always can and sometimes doth set bounds un- to the wrath of man. On the same day, which was the last day of the week, not long before the sun did set, I declared with sub- mission that I would go to the Indian habitations. I spoke such lan- guage as I thought they understood. Accordingly I endeavored; but God, whose thoughts were higher than my thoughts, prevented me ; by his good providence I was carried beside the path I intended to walk in & brought to the sides of the great river, which was a good guide unto me. The most observable passage of providence was on the Sabbath day morning. Having entered upon a plain, I saw two or three spies, who I (at first) thought they had a glance upon me. Wherefore I turned aside and lay down. They climbed up into a tree to spie. Then my soul secretly begged of God, that he would put it into their hearts to go away. I waited patiently and it was not long ere they went away. Then I took that course which I thought best according to the wisdom that God had given me.
Two things I must not pass over that are matter of thanks-giving unto God: the first is, that when my strength was far spent, I passed through deep waters and they overflowed me not, according to those gracious words of Isa. 43, 2; the second is, that I subsisted the space of three days & part of a fourth without ordinary food. I thought upon those words "Man liveth not by bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord." I think not to too much to say, that should you & I be silent & not set forth the praises of God thro' Jesus Christ, that the stones and beams of our houses
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PHILIP'S WAR.
would sing hallelujah. I am not conscious to myself that I have ex- ceeded in speech. If I have spoken beyond what is convenient, I' know it not. I leave these lines as an orphan, and shall rejoice to hear that it finds foster Father's & Mother's. However it fare amongst men, yet if it find acceptance with God thro' Christ Jesus, I shall have cause to be abundantly satisfied. God's providence hath been so wonderful towards me, not because I have more wisdom than oth- ers (Danl 2, 30) nor because I am more righteous than others; but because it so pleased God. H.
Hatfield, May 24th, 1676.
This interesting narrative has been long lost and sought for. At length it has been discovered, and can now be traced directly back to the hands of the author. Mr. Atherton never recovered from the effects of his terrible experience, and died June 4th, 1677. His only surviving son, Joseph, settled in Deerfield. The paper was loaned by him to Lieut. Timothy Childs, and was seen in his hands by Ebenezer Grant, who, by leave of Atherton, sent it to Rev. Stephen Williams, who was then preparing his valuable "Appendix" to the "Redeemed Captive." Mr. Williams made a copy of this, and doubtless sent back the original to the owner, according to the condi- tions of the loan. Who among the Athertons has the origi- nal?
In 1781, Mr. Williams sends his copy to Pres. Ezra Stiles; and in 1857, Dr. Henry R., son of Ezra Stiles, sends it to Syl- vester Judd, and J. R. Trumbull of Northampton has recent- ly found it in the Judd collection of MSS. Mr. Trumbull has kindly sent me a verbatim copy, which it seems fitting to print, with the accompanying letter. The story of Jonathan Wells confirms the correctness of Atherton's narrative.
Extract from a letter (dated June 8th, 1781,) of Stephen Wil- liams, to President Styles :-
"In looking over my papers I found a copy of a paper left by the Rev. Hope Atherton, the first minister of Hatfield, who was or- dained May 10th, 1670. This Mr. Atherton went out with the forces (commanded by Capt. Turner, captain of the garrison soldiers, and Capt. Holyoke of the county militia) against the Indians at the falls above Deerfield, in May, 1676. In the fight, upon their retreat, Mr. Atherton was unhorsed and separated from the company, wandered in the woods some days and then got into Hadley,* which is on the east side of Connecticut River. But the fight was on the west side. Mr. Atherton gave account that he had offered to surrender himself to the enemy, but they would not receive him. Many people were
* This conclusion does not seem warranted by the text.
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HADLEY TO THE RESCUE.
not willing to give credit to his account, suggesting that he was be- side himself. This occasioned him to publish to his congregation and leave in writing the account I enclose to you. I had the paper from which this is copied, from his only son, with whom it was left. The account is doubtless true, for Jonathan Wells, Esq., who was in the fight and lived afterward at Deerfield and was intimately ac- quainted with the Indians after the war, did himself inform me that the Indians told him that after the fall fight, that a little man with a black coat and without any hat, came toward them, but they were afraid and ran from him, thinking it was the Englishman's God, etc., etc."
The "deep waters" above mentioned were probably the Deerfield river, which he must have crossed. Atherton was on the Hatfield side Saturday night ; the spies he saw, Sun- day morning, would naturally be on the west side. Why should he cross the river that was such a "good guide unto" him and would lead him directly home to Hatfield ?
After the Falls Fight the English frontiers were carefully covered by guards and scouts under the direction of the Committee of the Militia. A scouting party of which John Hawks was one, reported seeing in the evening of May 22d, Indian fires at the site of the Falls Fight and at the camp on the opposite side of the river. A large force appeared to be there. They had probably been observed by the scouts from the summit of Rocky Mountain at Poets Seat. No Indians, however, were seen about our towns until they came in force.
Attack on Hatfield. May 30th, the enemy appeared at Hat- field with seven hundred warriors and drove the inhabitants within the stockades. Remembering their experience at Northampton, no attempt was made to penetrate the lines; but spreading themselves about they pillaged and burned houses and barns and slaughtered cattle at their will, the in- habitants not daring to sally from their shelter. This condi- tion of affairs being seen at Hadley, twenty-five resolute men crossed the Connecticut in a single boat to their aid. When nearly over they were discovered by the Indians, who, in a futile attempt to prevent a landing, wounded one of the men in the boat.
The Hadley men gallantly fought their way towards the town through the one hundred and fifty Indians who had been attracted by the firing, but were so hard pressed that five were shot down near the fort, and none would have es- caped had not Hatfield men sallied out to their succor. The
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PHILIP'S WAR.
Indians fought desperately and exposed themselves unusual- ly in this encounter, and lost twenty-five men. As more re- inforcements might be expected from adjoining towns, an ambush was laid on the Northampton road, and another party watched the Hadley crossing.
A post had been sent to Hartford, on the return of Capt. Holyoke to Springfield, asking for help, and on the 22d, Capt. Benjamin Newbury was sent up with eighty men, most of whom were now posted at Northampton. On hearing the alarm, Newbury went to the relief of Hatfield, three miles distant. Avoiding the road where the ambush lay. " fearing it beforehand," says the captain, he crossed the Connecticut, marched to Hadley, and attempted to follow the twenty-five volunteers ; " but," he says, the enemy "lay so thick about y" landing we could not get to Hatfield." This prudent de- tour of several miles, and putting a wide river between his men and the enemy, seems better calculated to secure their own safety than to afford relief to beleaguered Hatfield. It is gratifying, however, to note that something had been learned of the tactics of the Indians, even though nothing had been devised to meet them. The Indians at their leisure with- drew up the river, driving all the Hatfield sheep. They had burned twelve houses and barns, destroyed much property, and killed five men, viz: Jobanna Smith of Farmington, Richard Hall of Middletown, John Smith of Hadley-ances- tor of the famous Oliver Smith-and two of Capt. Swain's garrison soldiers, whose names are not known, and wounded three-John Stow and Richard Orvis of Connecticut and John Hawks of Hadley. Hawks and Smith had both been in the fight at Turners Falls.
One incident of the day, preserved by tradition, is given as a picture of Indian warfare : Soon after the Hadley men got ashore, a Pocumtuck Indian discovered an old acquaintance behind a tree near him in the person of John Hawks, and hailed him. The recognition was mutual, and each calling the other by name dared him to come out from his cover and fight it out, meanwhile watching his chance for an ad- vantage over his adversary. The Pocumtuck knew that his chances were the best. At any moment he might expect some of the gathering Indians to appear in the rear or on the flank of Hawks's position, forcing him from his cover, and
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A FRONTIERSMAN'S NERVE AND EYE.
giving an opportunity to shoot or capture him. For this, he could afford to wait. In a short time these expectations seemed about to be realized. Hawks suddenly exposed his person and leveled his gun, as if to repel an attack in another direction. Deceived by this feint, the Pocumtuck sprang from his tree to rush up and capture his ex-friend, as soon as his gun was discharged. Quick as thought Hawks wheeled, and before the Indian could raise his gun or reach his cover gave him a fatal shot. The whole transaction was over in a second or two. The reasoning of Hawks as to his peculiar exposure had been the same as that of his antagonist, and his ready wit suggested the scheme, by which, trusting to steady nerve and quick eye, he might be saved. Hawks was wounded later in the fight, and "lay a wounded man 12 weeks." He and his brother Eleazer were in the Falls Fight on the 19th and both became settlers of this town.
The following extract from a letter by Capt. Benjamin Newbury to Capt. John Allyn at Hartford, is the only ac- count of the event to which it refers that I have met :----
"Sir, on Thursday morning yr was Alarum at Hadly, his man was . shott at goeing to ye mill, and pr'sently after foure men more being sent foreth as a scout to discover, were also shott at by seaven or eight indians and narrowly escaped. The Indians made sevoral shotts at ye mill, but throow God's goodness none was hurt. We being sent [for?] drew all over & together with sevoral of ye town went foreth to ye mill. Saw many tracks and also where ye indians Lay ye Ambushments as we judged, but could not finde ye Indians so as to make anything of it. Some sd they saw some, but so kept of that we could not come at them. We found where they had newly kild nine horses young and old, and to be feard have driven away sevoral cattle yt could not be found. I much doubght yf some ef- fictual course be not taken, much Loss of cattle if not of men will soon be in these parts. Our being hear as garrison cannot pr'serue ye cattle, neither can we pursue after to relieve them but with great hazard." [This letter was dated ] "Northampton, May 26th, '76."
CLOSE OF PHILIP'S WAR.
Soon after the party which left Squakheag with Philip, April 10th, had reached Wachusett, negotiations for the re- demption of the English captives were opened by Gov. Lev- erett. These resulted in the recovery of several, among whom was Mrs. Rowlandson, who reached Boston May 3d. Philip bitterly opposed the policy of giving up the captives, or of any friendly intercourse with the English, and would have killed their messengers had not Sagamore Sam pre-
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PHILIP'S WAR.
vented. The far-sighted Wampanoag feared that this inter- course with the English would end in breaking up the Con- federacy, in bringing the war to a close, and in his own de- struction. Powerless to prevent it, Philip, with his usual du- plicity, sent an evasive letter about the prisoners, pretending a desire for peace, and asking that in the meantime the In- dians might not be disturbed in planting on the Nipmuck lands. To give opportunity for this, and gain time until the foliage was dense enough for shelter, was the object of this movement. The letter was also signed by three Nipmucks, and two Narraganset Sachems. One of the former, Sagamore Sam, was really in favor of peace, and would have given up all the captives to obtain it ; and to procure those in this val- ley, he left Wachusett about the middle of May. Events be- fore narrated frustrated his plans, and he returned only to find his wife a prisoner, a raid having been made on his own tribe in his absence. The correspondence of Gov. Leverett with the Indians was kept up several weeks, and a few more captives were redeemed. Meanwhile, with the expectation of peace, part of the English force in the field had been dis- missed, and little was done in the prosecution of the war. The General Court becoming satisfied of Philip's real object, wrote to Connecticut on the 26th of May, " We finde the In- dians heereabouts doe but dally, & intend not peace, there- fore concurr wth you in a vigorous prosecution of them ;" that five hundred horse and foot would be on the march to- wards Wachusett by the first of June, and ask that a " pro- portionable " force be sent from Connecticut to meet them. On the 5th of June, the Massachusetts troops, under the com- mand of Capt. Samuel Henchman, marched westward from Concord. Within a day or two he surprised a camp of Nip- mucks and killed or captured thirty-six, among them the families of Sagamore Sam and other leaders. Henchman reached Marlboro on the 9th and Hadley on the 14th.
Maj. John Talcott, sent by Connecticut to join Henchman in an attack on the enemy about Wachusett, left Norwich June 2d and reached Quabaug the 7th, having killed or cap- tured seventy-three Indians on the way. Two of these, taken near Quabaug, "reported 500 fighting men at Pocumtuck." Not meeting Henchman, nor daring to venture an attack on the fastnesses of Wachusett alone, Talcott pushed on to Had-
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THE ATTACK ON HADLEY.
ley, which he reached on the 8th. His force was two hundred and fifty mounted English and two hundred Indians, the lat- ter principally Mohegans under Oneko. The death of Joshua, another son of Uncas, prevented a much larger force of Mo- hegans from taking the field. Talcott established his head- quarters at Northampton, and sent to Hartford for ammu- nition and other supplies. These were forwarded by Capt. George Dennison, who arrived at Northampton with his com- pany June 10th at midnight. About five hundred and fifty men were now collected at headquarters, and there was great rejoicing among the inhabitants. This joy would have been ten fold greater, could they have foreseen the events of the next two days. Henchman was daily expected, when the whole army would push on up to Pocumtuck.
The slow movements of Henchman from the east were doubtless known to the Indians up the river, while they were ignorant of the march of Talcott and Dennison ; and to fore- stall the arrival of Henchman, Hadley was beset on the 12th by a force of seven hundred warriors .* A strong party was posted at the north end to intercept any English going to the north meadows, or coming from Hatfield ; the rest lay at the south end for a similar purpose, and both waited events. The latter party was first discovered. Three men who left the stock- ade in the morning, contrary to orders, fell among them and were killed. On the alarm, Capt. Jeremiah Swaine, who had succeeded Turner in command, sent out a force against the enemy. While so engaged at the south end, the Indians at the north end rushed from their covert to overrun that part of the town. To their surprise they found the stockades lined with soldiers and Indians, and soon fell back in disorder. They had fired a barn at the outset and got possession of a house. While plundering this on their retreat, it was struck by a missile from a small cannon which sent them tumbling out in great terror. They were pursued northward for two miles, and a few of them killed. This was their last attempt in the valley during the war.
The junction of Capt. Henchman with Talcott at Hadley, June 14th, formed an army of more than one thousand men.
* This is the occasion assigned by Gen. Hoyt and Dr. Holland for the mythi- cal appearance of the regicide Goffe in the character of the Guardian Angel of Hadley.
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PHILIP'S WAR.
The example of aggressive warfare which the inhabitants had set when forced to self-protection, had been recognized in the counsels of Massachusetts and Connecticut as the true policy, and this force was sent to carry it out. On the morn- ing of the 16th the army moved up the valley, Henchman on the east side of the river and Talcott on the west. No In- dians were found at Pocumtuck, and both divisions reached Peskeompskut at night, drenched by a heavy rain. A cold, northeast rain storm had set in, which continued all the 17th and the night following. Much of their provision and am- munition was spoiled, and the main body forced to return on the 18th. Scouts ranged the woods to the west and north, but no enemy were found. One party discovered the body of Capt. Turner, and saw charred stakes where they thought English prisoners had been tortured. About the 20th Major Talcott marched home; and Henchman moved towards the Bay two or three days later. Capt. Swaine, again left in com- mand in the valley, sent a scout of thirty men northward on the 28th, who destroyed a stockaded fort, thirty canoes, and a large quantity of provisions stored in underground barns, and burned one hundred wigwams on Smead's Island.
Not an Indian had been seen in the valley since June 12th. After Turner's attack they had retired up the river, probably to the place provided by Pessacus for such an emergency. They sallied thence to attack Hadley on the 12th. Surprised to find the Connecticut forces there, especially the Mohegans, and disheartened by their repulse, this party returned to their headquarters only to find their camp sacked and fifty of their women and children lying dead amidst the ruins. Their worst fears were now realized. The dreaded Mohawk was upon them. No part of the Connecticut Valley was now tenable. Capt. Henchman, reporting his observations to the Council, June 30th, says :-
Our scouts brought intelligence that all the Indians were in a con" tinual motion, some towards Narraganset, others towards Watchuset, shifting gradually, and taking up each others quarters, and lay not above a night in a Place. The twenty-seven scouts brought in two squaws a boy and a girl, giving account of five slain. Yesterday, they brought in an old fellow, brother to a Sachem, six squaws and children, having killed five men and wounded others, if not killed them, as they supposed by the blood found in the way, and a hat shot through. These and the other inform that Philip and the
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THE END DRAWING NEAR.
Narragansets were gone several days before to their own places. Philip's purpose being to do what mischief he could to the English.
This vivid picture of the disorganized condition of the Wampanoags and Narragansets, might well apply also to the Nipmucks and Pocumtucks. The former were drifting to- wards Maine and Canada, while the latter scattered westward. seeking refuge with their old allies, the Mahicans. Caspechy, or Cogepeison, of Springfield, with a small party ventured to Albany, and pretending peace had been made, tried to procure a supply of powder. They were secured by Gov. Andros, but he refused to give them up at the demand of Connecticut.
Fears were now entertained that the Indians who fled to the Hudson would return with recruits. Scouts, therefore, ranged the woods, and guards watched over the laborers in the fields. July 11th, Mr. Russell wrote to the Connecticut Council for more soldiers while "inning the corn:" but it be- ing time of harvest there, also, none could be spared. The grain was secured in safety, and no Indians appeared in the valley until July 19th, when some hundreds were seen near Westfield, going westward. They were pursued by the gar- rison, and took a southwest course, as if to cross the Hudson at Esopus, "to avoyd the Mohawks." August IIth, another party of two hundred crossed the Connecticut on a raft at Chicopee, and were discovered near Westfield the 12th. The soldiers there fired upon them and recovered a stolen horse. Major Talcott pursued them, and on the 15th overtook them at Hoosatonic river, where he killed or captured fifty-five. By taking this route through the settlements, the fugitives showed more fear of the Mohawks, who were ranging the northern woods, than of the English, who had but a feeble force in the valley.
The condition of things here is well shown in a letter from Pynchon to Gov. Leverett, extracts from which are given below. The news of Philip's death, three days before, had not reached the valley, and Pynchon supposed he had fled westward with those fugitives who crossed the Connecticut the day before.
[SPRINGFIELD, August 15, 1676. ]
"When I was at Hartford my cousin Allyn Rec'd a letter fr Capt. Nichols, governor Andros his Secratary, who writes yt ye North In-
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PHILIP'S WAR.
dians y' came in to them they had Secured by putting y" under ye watch of .4. Nations of Indians. And he hopes it will not be thought yt their Govern' doth Harbor o' Enemy, inasmuch as we doe accept of such as come to us: But surely it is ye worst of Indians y' are gone thither, or Indians who most Treacherously ruined this Town & some of y" yt we know murdered or people wthout any provocation, & I suppose Philip is now gone wth yt Company : So yt I suppose it may be necessary that Gov. Andros be again sent to to div vp ye Murderers, as we drd vp . 2. Murderers in Lovelace, his tyme wch fled to Springfield fr" their Justice. I hope no answer wil be taken short of this for if some the chief of y" were apprehended & sent to vs all ye rest would be quiet & not till then.
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