USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Deerfield > History of Deerfield, Massachusetts: the times when the people by whom it was settled, unsettled and resettled, vol 1 > Part 28
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The preparation of fuel was no light task, and " building a fire" was no misnomer. „The foundation was a " back-log," two or three feet in diameter; in front of this the "fore- stick," considerably smaller, both lying on the ashes; on them lay the "top-stick," half as big as the back-log. All these were usually of green wood. In front of this pile was a stack of split wood, branches, chips and cobs, or, if cob-irons were present, the smaller wood was laid horizontally across these. The logs would last several days and be renewed when nec- essary, but the fire was not allowed to go out. Should this happen, the fire-pan was sent to a neighbor for coals, or the tin lantern with a candle for a light. In default of neigh. bors, the tinder-box, or flint-lock musket with a wad of tow, was used to evoke a spark. "Tending fire," meant renew- ing the lighter parts of the fuel ; for this purpose, there was, in prudent families, a generous pile of dry cord-wood in the kitchen.
With these appliances, considerable warmth was felt in the room; the larger part of the heat, however, was lost up the chimney. Fresh air rushed in at every crack and cranny to supply this great draft; and although the windows were small, and the walls lined with brick, there was no lack of ventilation. In this condition of things, the high-backed set- tle in front of the blazing fire was a cozy seat. It was the place of honor for the heads of the family and distinguished guests. Sometimes the settle was placed permanently on one
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FINISHING AND FURNISHING.
side of the fire-place, the seat hung on leather hinges, under which was the "pot-hole," where smaller pots, spiders, skillets and kettles were stored.
The fire-places in the front rooms were of the same pat- tern, but smaller than that in the kitchen. Fires were seldom built there except at weddings, funerals, or on state occa- sions. The furniture, for the most part home-made, rude and unpainted, was scanty-a few stools, benches and splint-bot- tomed chairs ; a table or two, plain chests, rude low bedsteads, with home-made ticks, filled with straw or pine needles. The best room may have had a carved oak chest, brought from England, a tent or field bedstead, with green baize, or white dimity curtains, and generous feather bed. The stout tick for this, the snow-white sheets, the warm flannel blankets, and heavy woolen rugs, woven in checks of black red blue or white, were all the products of domestic wheel and loom. There were no carpets. The floors were sprinkled with fine white sand, which, on particular occasions, was brushed into fanciful patterns with a birch broom, or bundle of twigs. The style of painting floors called "marbling," hardly yet extinct, was a survival of this custom.
The finishing of the "Indian House" was more elaborate than that of the Smead house; but there was no lath and plaster, the ceiling being the same. The partitions and walls were of panel-work, with mouldings about the doors and win- dows. These mouldings were all cut by hand from solid wood. In some cases the oak summertree was smoothed and left bare, with a capital cut on the supporting posts ; general- ly, hereabouts, it was covered with plain boards, it may be, in the best room, with panels. No finer lumber is found than that with which these old houses were finished.
Their massive frames, each stout tenon fitted to its shapely mortise by the try rule, whose foundations were laid by our sires so long ago that the unsubdued savage still roamed in the forest where its timbers were hewn. stand as firmly as when the master builder dismissed the tired neighbors, who had heaved up the huge beams and pinned the last rafter to its mate (for there were no ridge-poles) at the raising.
The ample kitchen was the centre of family life, social and industrial. Here around the rough table, seated on rude stools or benches, all partook of the plain and sometimes
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ROADS-SCHOOLS-RATES-HOUSES.
stinted fare. A glance at the family gathered here after nightfall of a winter's day, may prove of interest. After a supper of bean porridge, or hasty-pudding and milk, which all partake in common from a great pewter basin, or wooden bowl, with spoons of wood, horn or pewter; after a reverent reading of the Bible, and fervent supplication to the Most High, for care and guidance; after the watch was set on the tall mount, and the vigilant sentinel began pacing his lonely beat, the shutters were closed and barred, and with a sense of security, the occupations of the long winter evening be- gan. Here was a picture of industry, enjoined alike by the law of the land and the stern necessities of the settlers. All were busy. Idleness was a crime. On the settle, or a low arm chair, in the most sheltered nook, sat the revered gran- dam-as a term of endearment called granny-in red woolen gown, and white linen cap, her gray hair and wrinkled face reflecting the bright firelight, the long stocking growing un- der her busy needles, while she watched the youngling of the flock, in the cradle by her side. The goodwife, in linsey woolsey short-gown and red petticoat, steps lightly back and forth in calf pumps, beside the great wheel, or poising grace- fully on the right foot, the left hand extended with the roll or bat, while with a wheel-finger in the other she gives the wheel a few swift turns for a final twist to the long-drawn thread of wool or tow. The continuous buzz of the flax wheels, harmonizing with the spasmodic hum of the big wheel, shows that the girls are preparing a stock of linen against their wedding day. Less active, and more fitful, rat- tles the quill wheel, where the younger children are filling quills for the morrow's weaving.
Craftsmen are still scarce, and the yeoman must depend largely on his own skill and resources. The grandsire, and the goodman, his son, in blue woolen frocks, buckskin breech- es, long stockings, and clouted brogans with pewter buckles, and the older boys, in shirts of brown tow, waistcoat and breeches of butternut-colored woolen homespun, surrounded by piles of white hickory shavings, are whittling out with keen Barlow jack-knives, implements for home use :- ox-bows and bow-pins, ax-helves, rakestales, forkstales, handles for spades and billhooks, wooden shovels, flail staff and swingle, swingling knives, or pokes and hog yokes for unruly cattle
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AN INDUSTRIAL UNION.
and swine. The more ingenious, perhaps, are fashioning buckets, or powdering tubs, or weaving skepes, baskets, or snow shoes. Some, it may be, sit astride the wooden shovel, shelling corn on its iron-shod edge, while others are pound- ing it into samp or hominy in the great wooden mortar.
There are no lamps or candles, but the red light from the burning pine knots on the hearth glows over all, repeating, in fantastic pantomime on the brown walls and closed shut- ters the varied activities around it. These are occasionally brought into a higher relief by the white flashes, as the boys throw handfuls of hickory shavings on to the fore-stick, or punch the back-log with the long iron-peel, while wishing they had "as many shillings as sparks go up chimney." Then, the smoke-stained joists and boards of the ceiling, with the twisted rings of pumpkin, strings of crimson peppers, and festoons of apple, drying on poles hung beneath; the men's hats, the crook-necked squashes, the skeins of thread and yarn hanging in bunches on the wainscot ; the sheen of the pewter plates and basins, standing in rows on the shelves of the dresser ; the trusty firelock, with powder horn, bando- lier and bullet pouch, hanging on the summertree, and the bright brass warming pan behind the bedroom door-all stand revealed more clearly for an instant, showing the prov- ident care for the comfort and safety of the household. Dim- ly seen in the corners of the room are baskets, in which are packed hands of flax from the barn, where, under the flax- brake, the swingling knife and coarse hackle, the shives, and swingling tow have been removed by the men ; to-morrow the more deft manipulations of the women will prepare these bunches of fibre for the little wheel, and granny will card the tow into bats, to be spun into tow yarn on the big wheel. All quaff the sparkling cider, or foaming beer, from the briskly circulating pewter mug, which the last out of bed in the morning must replenish from the barrel in the cellar. But over all a grave earnestness prevails; there is little laughter or mirth, and no song, to cheer the tired workers. If stories are told, they are of Indian horrors, of ghosts, or of the fearful pranks of witches and wizards.
This was the age of superstitution. Women were hung for witches in Old England and New, and witchcraft be- lieved in everywhere. Every untoward event was imput-
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ROADS-SCHOOLS-RATES-HOUSES.
ed to supernatural causes. Did the butter or soap delay its coming, the churn and kettle were bewitched. Did the chimney refuse to draw, witches were blowing down the smoke. Did the loaded cart get stuck in the mud, invisible hands were holding it fast. Did the cow's milk grow scant, the imps had been sucking her. Did the sick child give an unusual ery, search was made for the witches' pins by which it was tormented. Were its sufferings relieved by death, glances were cast around to discover the malignant eye that doomed it. Tales of events like these, so fascinating and so fearful, sent the adults as well as children to bed with blood chilled, every sense alert with fear, ready to see a ghost in every slip of moonshine, and trace to malign origin every sound breaking the stillness,-the rattle of a shutter, the creaking of a door, the moan of the winds or the eries of the birds and beasts of the night. For more than a century lat- er, the belief in witchcraft kept a strong hold on the popular mind, and must have had a marked influence on the charac- ter of the people.
For two or three evenings previous to Feb. 29th, 1704, a new topic of supernatural interest had been added to the usual stock. Ominous sounds had been heard in the night, and, says Rev. Solomon Stoddard, "the people were strange- ly amazed by a trampling noise round the fort, as if it were beset by Indians." The older men recalled similar omens before the outbreak of Philip's War, when from the clear sky came the sound of trampling horses, the roar of artillery, the rattle of small arms, and the beating of drums to the charge. [See Sewell's Journal Vol. I, for noises heard in the air about 1672.] As these tales of fear, coupled with their own warning, were in everybody's mouth, what wonder if the hearts of the thoughtful sank within them ; that they cowered with undefinable dread, as under the shadow of impending diaster; and asked each other with fear and trembling the meaning of this new and dire portent. They had not long to wait the answer.
CHAPTER XI.
QUEEN ANNE'S WAR-1702-1713.
The peace of Ryswick was of short duration. The harassed settlers of Deerfield had small chance to recover from their low condition, before the quarrels of European princes to es- tablish a balance of power, brought fire and sword all along the frontiers of New England. Charles II. of Spain died Nov. 1, 1700, making over the throne by will to Philip of An- jou, a French Bourbon heir. The possession was resisted by Archduke Charles of Austria, in behalf of the House of Haps- burg, and the war of the Spanish Succession broke out.
Sept. 16, 1701, exiled James II. of England, died in France, where his son, the "Pretender," was at once pro- claimed King of England, by the French monarch, Louis XIV. William III. of England, resenting this insult and threat, formed a strong alliance with Austria and other pow- ers against France, but he died soon after, March 8, 1702. His successor, Queen Anne, declared war against France May 4, 1702, and for more than ten years Europe was con- vulsed to its center in a conflict to establish a balance of civil and ecclesiastical power. The scent of blood crossed the sea, and the English colonies soon felt the fury of Romish zeal and savage ferocity.
Joseph Dudley, with a commission from Queen Anne as Governor of Massachusetts, landed at Boston June 11, 1702, bringing news of the impending war. The same news had reached Canada at an earlier date, for only two weeks later, the inhabitants of Deerfield became aware of preparations for hostilities among the Indians, as appears by the follow- ing record :---
Att a legall Town meeting in Deerfield, June 26, 1702: Ens. Jno. Sheldon, moderator :
That ye Town fort shall forthwith be Righted vp Voted affirma- tively That every man shall for ye present Right vp his proportion of ye fort yt was last laid out to him Voted affirmatively.
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QUEEN ANNE'S WAR-1702 -- 1713.
That all ye fort shall be Righted vp by Wednesday next at night vpon penalty of 3 shillings pr Rod for every Rod y" defective and after yt one shilling per Rod per day so long as sd fortification shall lie unrepaired: Voted afirm: That ye comisioned officers shall be ye men yt shall Inspect and pass ye fort in General: Voted afirm
That a pitition be sent to ye Gouerner for help and Relief in our present distress occasion by a prospect of war: The Town left ye wording of sd petition with Capt Jonath Wells and Mr Jno Richards together with ye selectmen: Voted afirmatively :
The action of the Council on the petition sent under this vote shows that the evident alarm here was not considered groundless :--
In the Council July 2d 1702.
Upon a representation made by the inhabitants of Deerfield in the County of Hampshire, the most westerly frontier of the Province, that a considerable part of the Line of Fortification about their Plan- tation is decayed and fal" down, praying for some assistance in re- building and setting up the same, for that they are apprehensive of some evil designs forming by the Indians, an unwonted intercourse of Indians from other Plantations being observed.
Advised, That his Excellency do write to John Pynchon Esq Coll. of the Regiment of militia in that County, directing him forthwith to send his Lieut. Coll to Deerfield aforesaid to view the Palisado about that Town, and to stay there some short time, to put the Inhabitants upon the present repair of the said fortifications in all places where it is defective, and to cover them with a scout of ten men by turns out of the next towns whilst they are about the said work, and to as- sure them of an necessary support and to take the like order as to Brookfield saving the scout. The scout not to be paid. [Six soldiers were paid £65 for this service. ]
On the peace of 1697, some of the settlers had left Meeting- house Hill and located " some a mile and some two miles" away ; now they were gathering again within the palisades.
Att a legall Town meeting in Deerfield Sept II: 1702: Ens Jno Sheldon moderator The Town y" agreed and voted yt ye Comon field shall be opened on wednesday in ye morning being ye 30th day of ys instant September 1702 There was also at ye same meeting a little piece of land Granted to Sergint Jno. Hawks to builde on in ye fort for his lifetime: which land is to be in ye middle hieway leading into ye meadow and on ye South East corner of Mr. Jno Williams his home lot adjoyning therevnto as it shall be laid to him by a Comitty :
The Comitty Chosen for sd work were Capt Jonathan Wells Liett Dauid Hoyt and Sergeant Benony Stebins:
Town meetings for publie business were often held at this period, and always under the lead of military officers.
"Decmb 24: 1702 : Ens Jno Shelden moderator The Town y"
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VAUDREUIL SUCCEEDS CALLIERES.
agreed and voted yt all timber or firewood yt shall be only fal" and not cut vp shall be forfeted at any time after it hath lain fal" 3 months "-a provision, it seems, for getting a win- ter's stock of fuel with the least exposure to an enemy. There is no account of any hostilities about here at this time, but " John Santimore and Peter Boyloe, two Frenchmen, prison- ers" of whom I learn nothing-they may have been spies- were taken from Deerfield to Boston by Stephen Belden and Samuel Allen, for which service they were paid by the Coun- cil, Jan. 17, 1702-3, £6, 10S.
In May, 1703, Lord Cornbury, Governor of New York, sent word to Gov. Dudley, that, through his Mohawk spies he had learned that an expedition against Deerfield was fitting out in Canada. Similar information was sent here by Maj. Peter Schuyler not long after, and twenty soldiers, enlisted in the towns below, were stationed here as a garrison.
M. de Callieres, Governor of Canada, had already secured the neutrality of the Iroquois, and Dudley, in the same line of policy, met the sagamores of the Eastern Indians at Casco, June 30th, 1703. Here the old treaty was solemnly renewed. Both parties " added a great number of stones" to the piles called the "twin brothers," erected at a former treaty ; vol- leys were fired by each. and the Indians sang and danced for joy. They declared "that as high as the sun was above the earth so far distant shall their design be of making the least breach between each other." The savages were doubtless honest in these expressions, but they had placed their destiny beyond their own control, and in six weeks were all in arms against the English. Before the arrival of Dudley the saga- mores had sent to Canada for help to revenge on the English some fancied or real wrong. M. de Callieres died about that time and M. de Vaudreuil, Governor of Montreal, succeeded him. 3 Vaudreuil eagerly responded to this appeal of the Abenakis, and sent Lieut. Beaubassin, with five hundred In- dians and some French, to their aid. On his arrival Beau- bassin was told of the new treaty of peace and of the satis- faction for their complaints, but he declared it was too late ; they had been sent for, and came, to fight the English, and if the Abenakis refused to join them, themselves should be the first object of attack. This rupture "was not effected without protracted discussion," says French authority, but
-
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QUEEN ANNE'S WAR-1702-1713.
the savages at length succumbed to Beaubassin's threats. The army was divided, and at 9 o'clock a. m. of Aug. 10th, 1703, by concerted action, every English town on the coast was surprised.
The sending of this force to Maine was one of the earliest of Governor Vaudreuil's official acts, and to his ambition must be attributed the horrors of the Indian war that fol- lowed. He gleefully writes to France that Beatbassin "laid waste more than fifteen leagues of territory and took or killed more than 300 prisoners."
His conduct was not approved at home. Ponchartrain, the Minister of War, condemns this expedition. He says : " M. de Vaudreuil was wishing for it, in M. de Callieres' time, who would never consent to it, no more than I. I have a perfect knowledge that the English want only peace, aware that war is contrary to the interests of all the colonies. The French have always commenced hostilities in Canada." Fears were entertained in France that the English would in turn incite the Iroquois to attack Canada.
Vaudreuil had written the War Minister that he " consid- ered it highly necessary to embroil the Indians of these parts and the English, otherwise the Abenakis, who are wavering, might ** * eventually be opposed to us," and that "the serious attack we have obliged them to make" was part of his plan.
Again he speaks of "the absolute necessity we
were under to embroil them with the English
* The English and the Indians must be kept irreconcilable enemies * The Jesuits were watching the Indians -x- * Father Rasle wrote that the Abenakis would take up the hatchet when I pleased."
The Iroquois, not understanding the cause of the outbreak, offered, says Vandreuil, "to act as mediators between the English and us." This did not meet the views of the gov- ernor, and this Christian office of the savages was declined by the American representative of " His Most Christian Maj- esty " of France.
After the return of Beaubassin six Indians were killed at Pigwacket by a party of English under Col. March.
The disapproval of the home government did not reach Vaudreuil in season to prevent his fitting out another expedi- tion-this time against our devoted town. We shall see how
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DANGER BY DAY AND BY NIGHT.
closely this was connected with the events on the Maine coast, which have been noticed.
The condition of affairs here at this time is vividly pictured in the letter of our minister given below. No one was for a moment safe outside the palisades; but there was less risk, it was thought, in being out after dark than in the daytime, when every movement could be observed from the adjoining hills. It was found, however, that danger lurked under the shades of night, as well as in the glare of sunshine. The common field had been opened Oct. Ist ; on the 8th two young men, probably after their milch cows feeding there, were sur- prised, captured and taken to Canada by Indians. The fol- lowing account of the affair is found on a scrap of paper, in the handwriting of Stephen Williams :-
Zebediah Williams & John Nims went into ye meadow in ye even- ing to look after creatures, & wer ambushed by indians in ye ditch beyond Frary's bridge, who fird at ym, but missd ym, and took W. quick, & N ran to ye pond, & then returnd to y" (fearing to be shot, ) ye Indians [ then?] wound cattle and went off. Ye men were carried to Canada, where W. dyd, & N ran away in ye year 1705, wth joseph petty, Thos Baker and Martin Kellogue. My father escaped nar- rowly ye n' before at Broughtons hill.
The alarm caused by news of hostilities in Maine was now increased ten fold. Military affairs in Connecticut were put into the hands of a Council of War, with authority to defend Hampshire county as well as their own borders. By the fol- lowing paper it would appear that a garrison of sixteen men, probably from Connecticut, was continued here through the season :
An account of Billets of Sixteen Soldiers at the Garrison in Deer- field, from the 21st of October, 1703, to the sixth of December fol- lowing, amounted to £6-3-5, having been examined by your Com- missary General, was presented ;
And it was paid to the order of Capt. Jona. Wells. The pay of Massachusetts garrison soldiers was five shillings per week, as established by order in Council, May 29th, 1703.
It had become a question whether our fortifications were strong enough to resist an attack, and a town meeting was called for Oct. 15th, 1703.
The Town at sd meeting Considering there nesasaty of fortifing agreed & voted yt a comitty should be chosen to ioyn with Colonell patrigg to consult agree & determin wheither to fortifi or no and if
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QUEEN ANNE'S WAR -- 1702-1713.
y" agree to fortifie then in what manar place or places The comitty to sd work were: Capt Wells: lieut Hoyt: Ens Jno Sheldon: and Daniel Belden:
One result of the consultation ordered above appears in the following petition :--
To his Excellency, Joseph Dudley, Esq. Capt Gen1 & Govr over this Prouince of the Massachusets Bay & to ye Counsell & Repre- sentatives in Gen Corte assembled this 27 Oct. 1703.
The Town of Deerfield who lye much exposed to ye present enemy, weh obstructe them much in their occations, their Lives hanging in doubt everywhere w" they goe out. Also they are now forced to re- build their fortifications at much disadvantage to them, & it being 320 rod or upwards, will fall very heavy to do it all upon their own charge, were verry earnest with me w" lately there, to plead with this Corte for some allowance towards the doing of it out of their publique Rates now to be collected there; as also, that they might be Quitted of Rates to ye publique for ye tyme being of this present warr, wh is so destressing upon them.
SAML PARTRIDGE.
By the statement of Col. Partridge it is seen that 320 rods of palisading was required. Mr. Williams says 206 is re- quired. In 1693 "the whole compass of the fort was 202 rods." Perhaps the present plan was to enclose with stock- ades the houses of Capt. Wells and Lieut. Hoyt, as places of refuge in sudden alarms-they were both well situated for that purpose, south and north of the main fort-and not un- likely to add flankers to the latter. There is no evidence of any works at Hoyt's, but when the shock came, the stockad- ing of Wells's house proved the salvation of many.
The following modest, ingenuous and pathetic letter, gives a vivid picture of our settlement at this time. It was ad- dressed :-
For his Excellency Joseph Dudley Esq her Majesties Govenor for the Prounce of Massachusetts Bay in N. E &c at his dwelling house In Roxb:
Deerf. October 21, 1703.
May it please your Excellency :
As i am bound in duty i would thankfully acknowledge your care and concernment for our safety in the seasonable provision to get the fortification made up, & in the care to have a supply of souldiers with us, so i am emboldened to lay before your Excellency our dis- tressd state & condition, knowing your forwardness to commiserate & incourage frontiers, that you may stir up your Councele & the As- sembly to an encouraging of them, i would be far from showing any discontented complaint; an evil too common & frequent, to the dis- honour of God, the scandal of religion, & the great exercise of them
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