USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Deerfield > History of Deerfield, Massachusetts: the times when the people by whom it was settled, unsettled and resettled, vol 1 > Part 65
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Probably no more acceptable service can be rendered to those interested in this campaign than to give what remains of the journal or orderly book of Samuel Merriman of North- field, who was an officer in the regiment of Gen. Timothy Ruggles. It is fragmentary, and appears to be in two parts; one official entries, the other his own observations, but I have arranged both under consecutive dates. The original is to be seen in Memorial Hall. It was given by his descendants in Northfield.
Merriman was at Albany at the date of the first entry :-
May ye 27, 1759, Won hilandder whipt 300 Lashes.
May ye 29, Won Rodilander shot.
May ye 30, Won Rodilander whipt; we left Albany June ye I, then we a rived att fort Edard June ye 6.
June ye 9, 1759, Recued ye I Lett at fort Edwad from Sister Ma- rey, Dated May ye 21, 1769.
June ye 9, Then I mounted Main Garde in ye camp at fort Edard ye proole falmouth for ye Night.
June ye 14, we Leaft fort Edard & ariued at half way broock & made 3 gard Battrys.
June ye 17, 1759, this Day here came in a flag of truth; what they came for we no not at present.
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THE LAST FRENCH WAR.
P. S .- ye general told them that it is not a time of a year to ex- change prisoners but giue them orders march of quick, for he told them that he Determined to paye them a uisit uary sun.
Camps Half way Broock June ye 21, 1759.
After orders a worcking party from ye Loques Consisting to tow Capt 6 subbs 8 sargt 200 men to praid to Morer morning at 6 a'clock to be puntuel at ye time with out any excuse & to worch where ye Inscorat shall think proper, also a couering party consisting of wone cap, 3 subbs 4 sargents 100 rancks & file to gard at ye same time. Cornal Ingerson picket to atend unloding prouisian, If euer their be brought, if not their are to cot * * * at Busheses to couer ye prouisition according to ye Commissionenars Directtion, a conering party of i subb i sagt.
Halfway Broock, June ye 22 Day, 1759, friday, paroll Richman, Lut Corl Ingerson [ Ingersol?] ofeser for ye Day to morrow, all Re- ports to be made att this- Capt Galord capt omphres of ye con- netecotes are a meddately to strike thair tents & to [take] pooses- ion of ye stockades, capt Galord on ye Right of ye gate to command ye noreste triangle ; Capt umphres on ye Left of ye gate to command ye souwest triangle; tha are to mount the gard with I corpt & 6 men to a gard.
Whosoeuer is found Macking Disorder in ye Campes or Stockades after ye Retret, Beeing either by singing, swaring or any Noiss by which ye gard may be Disturbed & ye sentry not able to Distinguis any aproch of ye Enemy, if any shold be lurking-
Camps at Halfway Broocks, June 30, 1759, perole Richmond, Lt Col Engerson field offeser for ye Day. All gards to be moanted as yesterday -al worcking partys for to morrow consisting I cap, 2 subbs 2 sergt 150 Ranck & file.
ye connecticut Regement at 1 o'clock after noon to be under arms. al after Date ye agetent to exersise them in platoones, forming them two Deep, these orders Respecting exercising is to be continued aft- er this Day from ye hour of 7 to nine in ye fore Noon & from 4 in ye after Noon until 6 o'clock. NA PAYSON.
Regtl orders that euery offeser commanding companys to giue in a Return of thire companys-setting forth whare as thire men-that euer was in theire companys as Well as those on Duty to be given to morrow morning by 7 o'clock & to be signed By ye Commanding offeser of each company on ye spot. it is expected that thay are made uary cuate as thay will be kept to examine otherse by.
for Nights pickets Lt Joseph Engersol cap page Lut Wilder Lut Martin for ye Reduble to morrow.
Campts Halfway Broock July 2, 1759, paroule Colchester-all gards to be as mounted as youshal. after these orders are pubbleish heir is to be No fire within ye campes or within ye Lines of this en- camptments after ye tattue is beet. whatever parson is found gilty of Disobaying these orders all former orders is to be strickly obayed, a Return to be giuen in to ye Agetent of all those men which ware in ye artilry seruis Last camppane. N. PAYSON.
This Day was killed 7 garses Blues & I wounded & 5 tacken at fort henry. theay was out a giting barck without thair armes.
July 4, Campts halfway Broock, 1759-after Proule Shonsbury-
663
RAW MATERIAL FOR INSIDE HISTORY.
Maj [John] Hawk field offeser for ye Day a sub & 12 men from ye Laynees to cot & burn all ye Leaues & Brucsh that are with in ye Loynes of Sentrys, a worcking party is to be preaded emeadately Consisting I cap 2 subbes 3 seart 50 priuates without arnies.
N. PAYSON. all gards to be mounted as ushal. as their seames to be sum Neg- lect of [one?] exersise it is expected for ye futur that it will be more puntil for ye futer.
N. PAYSON.
General orders-it is vary Nitoriously tru that profane cosing & swaring praules in ye campt; it is vary far from ye cristian solgers Deuty; it is not only vary Displasing to God armeyes, but dishon- orable before men. it is theire fore Required & it will be expected that for ye futer ye odus sound of cosing & swaring is to be turned in to a prefoun silence. ifter ye publish of these orders if any is found gilty of Bracking after these orders, theay may expect to suf- fer punishment, & all former orders to be observed. N. PAYSON.
Camps halfway Broock 5 Day 1759. Rigimental orderss-prole Dubling.
All ye gards to Be mounted as ushul-all axes & spades to haue ye Noumber exactly Right was Left for ye youse of this campts; if wanted after thay may haue them aplyed to ye Quater master. who euer is found to secure one & it Bee None twill Be luct upon as im- bastlen of ye kings stores & must answer it accordingly.
Lut Col Englson field offeser for ye Day he is to See ye picket praided & giue them orders is going ye rouns, as for some Night it hath been Neglected. all former orders to be obayed.
Camps at halfe way Broock, July ye 8, 1759.
Prole Wulf-Majer Hawkes field offeser of ye Day-all ye gards to be Mounted as ushal. ye offeser of ye Quarter garde are to taek speshel care as that None of ye oxen Belonging to ye king which will be brought in to Night & put under thair care; if any should get out of ye Sentry they must expect to be anserble for their Neglect-
No solger is upon any uow what soeuer Dow sleep or set Down when on Sentry; if any are or should be found Disobaying these or- ders for ye futer-all those found sleeping will be sent to ye prouow for trial & those seting will be seuerely punished-these orders to be Read his Night to each offeser of ye Gard at 10 o'clock that it may giuen in Chargue Not only to all ye solgers that are on duty this night but to continue from offeser to offeser when they are Reliued -all former orders to be obeaid. N. PAYSON.
Thare was a man killed by falling a tree on him.
July ye 9 thare was 2 men killed by falling trees on him.
Campts Half way Broock, July 9, 1759.
Prole portsmouth-L Col Engsa-field offeser for ye Day-all gards to be mounted as ushul; all ye troops are to hold them in Red- ness to March att ye shortest wornind at this campts. all former orders to Bee obaid. N. PAYSON.
Campt Half way Broock, July 10, 1759-Monday-Prole South- linny [?] Majer Hawkes fieldoffeser for ye Day. all ye men of Deuty are to see emeadly heir armes are clean & set out in ye sun; ye pick- ate are also to turn out & praid ther armes & thay are Like-wise to set their armes clean & in good order. N. PAYSON.
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THE LAST FRENCH WAR.
Campts att Halfe way Broock July 11, 1759-Prole Sutbury-Lt Coll Ingersons field offeser for ye day. All ye tropes att this place excepte ye garsion & Capt Shepardes companey to haue 3 days pro- uision 2 D of fresh & I of salt; one Hundred ax men from Lounes & fifty men from Coll Engersol ye picket to couer them; they are to be praided at 2 o'clock P. M.
Campt at Half brock July 11 [12?] 1759.
a cort marchal to scet this Day at 9 o'clock to trie prisoners that shall be brought before them-capt Whittlese presedend & L Ham- bleton, Lut how, Lut tripp.
All former orders to Bee O Bayed. N. PAYSON.
July ye 14, 1759, this Day we left Halfe way Brock & came to Lackgorge. [Lake George. ]
CAMPT LACKGEORGE, July 15, 1759-Sunday. This day we had a sarmon preetch ye tex was in Jeremier ye fortieth schapter & tenth vars. This was the first sarmon or publick prais that I have Heard sense I left Olbany.
July ye 18, CAMPTS ATT LACK GEORGE.
this day came a flag of truth to exchange prisoners; what Return they had Wee No Not. Wee Did not entertan them But Wone Night & sent them a way the Nex Day vary early in ye morning.
CAMP LACK GEORGE, July 18, 1759.
this day our men went tow Loding artilery & prouision in ye Battoe.
CAMPT LAKE GEORGE ye 17, 1759, Proul Sopus-for ye Day to morror Col fetch field offeser-for ye picket this Night, Regleres Ma- gas Campbel prouuenshels Lt Col hunt-Majer Shipp to morer Night Regler Lut Darby-Prouenishales Lut Col Solislain-Majer Hawkes genr1 gard to moreow-2 Battalons-Ruggles ye prounshales will Re- sau 3 Days fresh prouision to morrow morning Beginning at 5 o'clock with whiting, foling Ruggles Wilard Louel Sciler woster fich & babcock,. which compleat them to ye 22 Inclusiue-ye Batt of Ruggles wilard Louel & Babcok will each Discharg their defisiant arms & Resieue their amanition, flintes & Bayonets this day at 12 a clock by a plying to Mager ord commanding offeser of ye Royal ar- tiliry a cording to ye Return sent in this Day.
It is Repted that ye men are more puntil in turning out at Rolcael- ing at Sun Set, which has Ben greatly Neglected Notwith standing a former orders of a commishoned ofeser attending which will not be Repeted again.
July 21, this Day Wee Set Sale for bogus & we sald as far as ye second Narrows by ye great smooth rock; we lay tossing in y, Lack all Night & slept None all Night & vary early ye Nex morning wee saled about ye Lacke till we found ye Rigment & march to ye Land- ing Run a shore with out any Interaption & march to ye mills & Rogers met with a bout forty Engins & french; he killed fore french & tock 2 priseners.
July 22, ye fire continered from 9 in the morning till Darck & toock ten priseners.
July 23, our army marched up tow ye frentch Brest worcks with out any molestason & went to trenchen upon ye Enamies ground with in forty Rodes of ye french fort their march in tow Rigments
665
WHAT SERGT. MERRIMAN SAW AND DID.
into ye Intrenchments ye enemies continued their fire vary smart- thee Enemi saled out vpon our intrenchmentes they killed one en- sine & wound 14 teen & then ye enemy Retired to their fort.
One year before Gen. Abercrombie had lost nineteen hun- dred men on this very ground in a rash attempt to carry the fort by storm. This costly lesson had not been lost upon Am- herst, as we see by the next entry.
July ye 25, 1759. Nothing extrodnary happend this Day only wone helander Col [Roger Townsend ] & wone priuate killed with a canon ball. No firering upon our side, thee enemies fire is vary hauey. ye armi hath entrench within 30 Rodes of ye french fort our English went to ye fort & fired at ye sentry upon ye wale. Some of our men went into ye french garden & fetch a armfull ful of cab- age to gen1 & he gaue them tow dolares &c.
July ye 26, 1759, this day ye enemies fired vary smart til eleuen a clock at Night, then ye enemy sot ye Magazen on fire & blew up ye fort & went abord theire botoe &c our English neuer fired won can- on att ye enemie till they im bark, then ye fire was vary hot & toock 20 prisners-soe the sege was ouer a gainst ticontorogue, with grate Reioyceing. this Night Mr Rogers persued ye enemie & came so close upon them they was a bligue to Run to Shore & Left their Batoe-So Mr Rogers tuck perssion of thayr batoe with a hundred bareles of powder & wone batoe Loded with french cotes & consid- eral Dele of other plunder.
July 27, this Day our armie was imployed about puting out ye fire in ye fort & hewing timber for tow sloops. ye enemy fired 600-80 [680?] guns one Day.
July 28, r759, Nothing extrod hapend this Day.
July ye 30, 1759. This day I was calld to ye general Cort Mar- shal to be examened for kill a Desarter & was aqueted. Col. grant presedent of ye Cort Marshel.
CAMPTS TICONDAROGUE, august ye 2, 1759,-tuesday-this Day wee had a scout of men come in to ye camp & Informed ous that they had Ben to grown poynt and toock posestion of ye forte & for a token that they had Benn to ye forte ye Lut said he went & wrote his name on ye flag stafe & broat some cowcombers & aples from there. So ye gineral sent of this night Majr Rojers with fifteen 1500 men to take posesion of sd garison.
Aug. 3, 1759, this Day there is a Reguler to be hanged for De- searshon & was exceactuted this Day.
agust ye 4, 1759, Satterday, this Day some of our army set out upon ye march to Canaday.
August ye 5, 1759, this Day we Set Sale for Crown poynt at 5 cloch & ariued at Crown poynt at 8 oclocke; we a riued Safe with out any Interrupison.
MONDAY, CROWNPOINT, august 6, 1759.
Nothing extrodnary Hapened this Day.
Tuesday, august ye 7, 1759, crownpoynt this Day I eate a Dinner of green peas in Crownpoynt.
Campts Crown poynt, august ye 12, this Day I received tow Let-
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THE LAST FRENCH WAR.
ters from home to my Rcioycing at ye well fare from their-won from my Son dated July 13, thee other letter Dated July 16.
CAMP AT CROWN POYNT, PROWL AMBAY.
This day I Mounted ye Quarter gards i Ensine of ye gard one sart tow corp'l 29 men.
Crownpoynt, Sept 29, 1759, proal Kensington-for to morrow- Col Montgomry for y" pickate this night, regulars, Magr hambleton; prouenchales Lt Col Saltonson for ye workes to morer royal heland- ers. mag" John Whitney of ye Rhodesland Rigt has Reciud a com- misshon of a Lt Col of sd Rigt & capt Ebanazer Whiting has Reseiud a commisshon as Magr & they are to be obayd as shuch.
There are few entries for two months. Amherst was busy in repairing the fort and building a fleet for further opera- tions. The diary begins again :-
Campt crownpoint, October 7, 1759. This day our men are im- ployed Loding grate gones & artillry stores.
Campt crownpoynt, Oct 8-9-10, for these seural days our men haue been Imp loyed a bout fixing sales for their battoes & whale botes.
Oct ye 11, 1759, this day our genral Set Sale with ye fleet to Saint John jest at son set with five thousandes & fiue hndred men. they are gone with a brigteen which mounts 20 gones thee briggs name Comberland; ye sloope montes 160 gones; ye Read Doe [Rideau] mountes 6 twelve pounders & won large mortar, & two arke which mounted 1-24 pounder each & some morters & seuerl boets & three Rogaleys which mounted won 18 pounder each & some morters be- sides some 6 & 8 pounders & pritey many swifles.
Campst Crownpoint, October ye 23, 1759-after gen' orders ye offesers & men for ye work for ye Day are to praid to morrow morn- ing; Col Ruggls is to a Quant ye offesers of ye prounshals troops th by a vote of ye assemble of that prouence of the 6 of Oc- tober which ye governor have transmitted to the genr'l that Not with standing ye time for which ye troops for ye present expedision a ganst Canaday Dose expire on ye first Day of November Nex, if thiar saruice should be found nesary beyond that time, thare pay shall be continued to ye first of Desember Nex. Col Skiler is to a Quant ye offesers & priuate men of ye garsey troops, that ye goueir- ner in form ye gen' that there is prouision made to ye 15 of Nouem- ber & that if thair saruis is Required be yound that time thay will be payd to ye Day of their Return. All ye offesers & men of ye aboue troopes are to be inform of this by Respecttiue offersers & to be as- sured that the gen' will Not keep them a Day longer in ye field than what is absolute Nasasry for ye safty and presvation of his majistys faithful subgietes in a merica & to put out of ye power of ye enemi to make any more inuasion of ye inhabitance which will be a fectible don by cecuiong ye fort at crownpoint.
Amherst did not penetrate Canada ; the season and the ele- ments were against him, and he brought his army back to Crown Point, where he went into winter quarters October
667
THE CLOSING CAMPAIGN.
21st, and the dispatches above noted were promulgated. He began at once to prepare for the next year's campaign. That he might open a more direct communication with New Eng- land he projected a road over the Green Mountains to con- nect Crown Point with No. 4. This is the work referred to in the following entries in Sergt. Merriman's journal :-
Campt crownpoint, October 26, 1759, friday this day we set out to clean a rode to No. 4. we crost the Lake about Sun set & then campt.
Satterday the 27, camp east side of ye Lak upon Mager Hawks Rode; this day we sot out to clear ye Rode & cleard as far as 2 mile Brook & we campt. Nothing extraordinary haped this Day.
Sabath October ye 28, 1756, this Day we cleard 4 miles & then campt.
Monday October 29, 1759 this day we marched 2 miles & then came to a stream & made a brigue ouer & then marched 2 miles fur- ther & then came to a Nother large stream & there we campt &c.
Tuesday October ye 30, 1759, We maid ye great brigue & march 3 miles & then camp.
October ye 31, 1759, then march 2 miles & then we eat diner.
So ends the journal for 1759, and so ended Maj. Hawks's road from the lake eastward. The next season it was met by one from No. 4, westward. Probably Merriman was engaged on that. Certainly he was with the army of invasion and "in at the death," as appears by the following from his journal :-
Camptes Islenox, august 25, [1760]. Wee opened our Batryes a gainst our Enemy & continuing our fire vary smart-
Camps Islenox augst ye 28, this day the enemy left this place & we toock possession of the same without much Lose-
Campt Isilanox august, this day wee left this plase & Set Sale for sant Johns & sald in about a mile & a half of Sant Johns & by bracke of Daye we campt in sit of this plase & when we was Discovered the Enemy set the fort on fire & made the best of their way of & we Landed & then we coockt some uicttles & then we persued ye ene- my; we ouer toock ye Enemy & they fired upon the front of our army & killed 2 & wounded i or tow of our men. we goat ye ground & drove them into their brest work & perciuing ye enemy tow nu- mrous for our scout wee turned back to Sant Johns & then wee met our army & in camp here.
Campst att Sants Johns, September ye 1, 1760, this Day we Set Sale for Sant tarnerres & their we met with no Resistance.
September 2, 1760, ye Rengers went down to Shamblee & when we came in site of ye fort we sent a small cout to tack som prisen- ers & was succeeded & they inform us they would not surrender the fort without fireing two cannon at them. So we returned back to to sant tanerres.
Camp Shamblee, Sept ye 4, this Day we came to this place & Laid
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THE LAST FRENCH WAR.
Sheed 12 clock & toock possion of ye fort at son set & toock their armies.
Campt Shamble Sunday 7 day, this Day we set out for Mount Rial; we trauel with in about three miles of Lapprany & there we in campt &
September ye 8 we came to Mount Riel & as we came in site with our armie, the enemy capetilateed & gaue up the Sity.
The object of the campaign of 1760 was the capture of Montreal, the last stronghold of the French in the country, and three armies were sent against the doomed city. Am- herst, the commander-in-chief, led one by the way of the Mo- hawk river, Lake Ontario and down the St. Lawrence. He reached Montreal island September 6th. Gen. Murry, with an army from Quebec, went up the St. Lawrence and reached the lower end of the island September 7th. Col. Howland led the third army down Lake Champlain and St. Johns river and, as we have seen, struck the St. Lawrence opposite the island September 8th. This was probably the most remark- able conjunction of independent armies in the annals of the world, each marching and fighting its way for hundreds of iniles, and all arriving at the destined point within the space of three days.
September 8th, Vaudreuil surrendered Montreal to Am- herst, and the whole of Canada was at last in the hands of the English.
With this surrender the power of France in Canada passed away forever, and with it all danger of Indian incursion. Without the encouragement of French priests, the aid of French government and the lead of French officers, the In- dian was henceforth powerless for evil. He had not been battling in defense of his own rights or to revenge his own wrongs. He was only the blind instrument of Romish zeal and French greed of dominion. No one versed in the history of the times will for one moment doubt the truth of this statement.
Many Deerfield men served in this closing campaign. John Hawks was commissioned major in Ruggles's regiment Feb- ruary loth and made lieutenant colonel July 10th. Seth Cat- lin, who went out as lieutenant, was appointed quartermaster in the same regiment. Other men were Capt. Salah Barnard, who came back a major ; Sergt. Phineas Munn, Samuel Allen, Jesse Billings, Lebeus Childs, Barnabas Davidson, Elisha
669
THE QUAKER AND THE PURITAN.
Hinsdale, Joseph King, Reuben Nims, Nathaniel Parker, Ebenezer Tolman, Samuel Shattuck, each of whom served from March Ist to December, 1760.
The final treaty of peace was signed at Paris, Feb. 10th, 1763.
Great credit has been given William Penn for buying of the native owners, the land on which he located his settle- ments ; and historians have contrasted his proceedings with those of the founders of New England, to the discredit of the latter, and have declared that the early wars in which they were engaged, and the peaceful relations between the Indians and the Quakers, could be traced directly to their respective treatment of the aborigines in that matter ; entire- ly overlooking the bloody wars in which hundreds of Penn- sylvania settlers were butchered by the Indians.
To be sure, these statements are not true; but the asser- tions are so often and so confidently made, that people gen- erally suppose there must be some foundations for them in fact. But Gov. Winslow, in May, 1676, declared in writing, that until the breaking out of Philip's War, the English did not possess one foot of land in the colony that had not been fairly bought of the Indian owners. This was sixteen years after the settlement of our town. Deeds in Memorial Hall at Deerfield, executed in 1666-7, prove that Dedham had bought of those claiming to be the owners, every acre she occupied at Pocumtuck under the Legislative grant of Oct. 11th 1665. Again it is a fact to be borne in mind, but generally over- looked, that the Eight Thousand-acre Grant was not a con- veyance of the fee in the soil, but only of the right to buy the land of the native owners. For it was the law of the land that no white man could buy any territory of the Indian, or even take it from him as a gift, without leave of the au- thorities, under a penalty of £5 per acre. And it is patent to every student of our colonial history, that the rights of the Indians were carefully guarded, in good faith, by the practice of the civil courts, as well as by legislation. But here; then as always and everywhere in the court of war, the soil remained with the party having the strongest battalions.
If Chauk, sachem of Pocumtuck ;- if Masseamet, alias Mil- kenaway ;- if Grinneackchue, Kunckkeasacod, and their broth- er Ahimunquat, alias Mequannitchall ;- if Mashshalisk, the
670
THE LAST FRENCH WAR.
old woman, and Wuttawwalunksin, her son, and Ackaum- bowet, her kinsman, were the actual owners of certain lands at Pocumtuck, called Scowockcooke, Tomholissick, Masquom- cossick, Nayyocossick, Wequnuckcaug, Pacommegon, Allin- nackcoock, Taukkanaekcoss, Manteleleck, Manepaccossick, Pemawachuwatunck, and other tracts, with kindred names, then our ancestors became the true and lawful owners of them all by fair bargain and sale. But, says the critic, the price paid was next to nothing; the Indian was practically cheated out of his heritage by the more knowing Dedhamite. Was he? Let us see. In estimating the value of the land, we must roll back the years to the period of the sale, and look upon the transaction in the light of contemporaneous evidence. By this it appears that Dedham paid more than the market value of the land in hard cash, in addition to giv- ing up to Eliot's Indians, at Natick, one acre for every four they got at Pocumtuck. The proof of this is,-to repeat a statement made in Chap. I,-that before the place was set- tled, a block of four hundred and fifty acres of selected land at Pocumtuck, was publicly offered for sale, at two pence per acre in advance of the average price paid for the whole tract ; to be paid for, " 2-5 in corn, and 3-5 in cattle." No buyers ap- peared on these terms, although one-third of the lot was of the best meadow land in the town of Deerfield. This seems a fair criterion of the value of real estate to the English at that period.
While it is probably true that the Indian did not fully real- ize the ultimate result of his sale, he did know as well as his white brother that a change in the ownership of land meant a change of occupants. Thus much he had learned in his wars of conquest.
We have before given the transactions relating to the oc- cupation of the territory by the Pocumtucks, their expulsion by the Mohawks, the grant by the General Court, and the purchase by the grantees, as they appeared on the face. But a peep under the surface will be necessary to a clearer un- derstanding of the supposed rights or wrongs in the case. The critic says the Dedhamites drove a sharp bargain with the ignorant savage. If he will look at the matter a little more carefully, perhaps he will discover that the few remain- ing Pocumtucks were original Yankees, quite a match for the
671
WHICH DROVE THE SHARPEST BARGAIN?
unsophisticated Englishmen, in this particular real estate transaction. No evidence is found, except in one case, that the parties who received pay for the land sold were ever the owners of it. We have evidence that, if they ever did own the land, it had passed years before to the Mohawks, by the right of conquest, according to Indian custom and practice. So the grantors certainly sold what did not belong to them. Again, had the title still remained with them, as they claimed, the land had, under the circumstances, no real or nominal value to them; they could neither regain it by con- quest, nor occupy it as it lay. In the hands of the English, however, it would be of real value to them, for they had shrewdly reserved the right of hunting, fishing, and gather- ing wild fruits. These rights they might hope to utilize un- der the protection of the new owners. If taking possession under these deeds should involve the English in a war with the Mohawks, in whom the fee was really vested, so much the better. So long as the whites could hold their own, their enemy would be the losers, and the English be the avengers of their blood. These are the simple facts in the case, and who shall say that the Indian did not fully comprehend and act upon them ? After all, and back of all, there lie the funda- mental questions :
What right had the civilized man to be here at all? What rights have savages in the face of civilization? The casuist has the field.
It will not do to say of the early wars that the Indian was a patriot warrior, fighting to recover land unjustly taken from him by the English, as many writers urge. In no case, can the origin of Indian hostilities in New England be traced to any claimed infringement by the whites on territory of the natives, with a single exception of the Eastern war of 1723. Even then it has been clearly shown that the hostile Aben- akis, in this case, were only puppets in the hands of the Cana- dian governor De Vaudreuil, who moved them at will through his agents, Father La Chase and Father Rasle. [See ante, page 391.]
In the dastardly attack at Deerfield, Feb. 29th, 1704, it was not-as sentimental writers have often professed to believe- a desperate attempt on the part of the Pocumtuck tribes to get possession of their favorite haunts and the graves of their
672
THE LAST FRENCH WAR.
ancestors. Not a Pocumtuck, nor the son of a Pocumtuck, wagged a finger in the affair. The expedition was purely a stroke of French policy, and not the slightest attempt was made to hold the captured town for the Indians. The assaults of the red man on the white, when not prompted by the French, were the natural outgrowth of his taste for a state of warfare and the glory to be thereby gained-a relish not yet extinct-and an insatiate desire for scalps to adorn his wig- wam, and plunder to make the hard life of its inmates more easy.
One of the great questions of the day is the "Indian Question," and much is being done to arouse the people to a sense of its importance. Agents are sent all over the land to enlist sym- pathy in behalf of the gentle savage. It is fashionable to ig- nore his deviltries, or apologize for them, and to dwell at length upon his wrongs. Orators go about abusing our an- cestors for their alleged abuse of the Indian, forgetting the enthusiastic and persistent efforts of our fathers to civilize and Christianize the race, and that at a time when public opin- ion on both sides of the sea was unanimous in favor of the un- dertaking, and also failing to chronicle the almost utter fail- ure to make upon their subjects any permanent impression for good.
Mrs. Rowlandson, a captive among the hostiles in Philip's War, says of Eliot's "Praying Indians" among them, "they were the worst wolves in the whole bloody crew."
This is not a new subject. To our ancestors for several generations the "Indian Question " was the great question of their lives. To its importance they were fully alive,-that is, if they were left alive at all. It needed no member of Con- gress to arouse the people. The Indians themselves did that most effectually, and the enlistment was not of sympathy for the marauding savage, but of soldiers to succor the scattered settlers and to protect, so far as possible, their wives and children from the butcheries of the inhuman barbarians.
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