USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Deerfield > History of Deerfield, Massachusetts: the times when the people by whom it was settled, unsettled and resettled, vol 1 > Part 14
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Seven Indians, and one without a Gun, Caused Capt. Nixon, and 40 men to run.
These Indians were doubtless part of those living at Long- meadow before the outbreak of Oet. 5th, and the assailed party were old neighbors. The survivor of the wounded women said she "knew every particular person of those eight Indians." They talked very freely with the women and told them they should be taken to Deerfield, where the Nashua captives were. The women were treated very kindly until the pursuers came up. Much information was obtained from
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PHILIP'S WAR.
the woman as to the resources, plans and forces of the ene- my. They did not want for powder. They were supplied by " Jerrard, and Jacob, two Dutchmen who had lived with Maj. Pynchon, but now lived at Fort Albany, and two Dutch- men more." These men had recently "brought four bushel on horseback from Albany, and had gone for a new supply two days before." They were "very inquisitive as to the number of our men," and informed very freely of their own. They had "3000 Indians at Deerfield and 300 at Squakheag, and had built 300 wigwams above Deerfield." About the 20th, "Capt. Tom, of Natick, and the rest of them Indians with him was come to Deerfield, and that they do intend to make that their headquarters." The "Mohawks had killed some of their men, but peace had been made again." They also told her that some Frenchmen had been among them, who " persuaded them not to burn and destroy the houses, but to make what slaughter they could of the people, because they intend to come and inhabit them ;" and that preparations were being made to " fall on the towns shortly."
At this date all the Connecticut soldiers, both Indian and English, had been withdrawn from Hampshire county. On the 25th, Maj. Treat had been directed to lead an expedition against the Narragansets. The events of the 26th, however, caused serious alarm at Hartford, and he was recalled on the 27th, to guard the settlements about that place.
In this crisis, overtures looking to a peace were made by both colonies, to the enemy. On the 28th, a small party of friendly Indians under Towcanchasson, bearing a flag of truce, were sent from Hartford by order of the Council, to the Indians at the northward, with proposals for exchanging prisoners, and an offer to treat for peace with any Sachem who may desire it. Whatever the motive of this mission, from fear, policy or humanity, it bore some fruit, as we shall see.
March 28th, Maj. Savage writes the Massachusetts Council, "I shall do my best endeavours to discover the enemy by sending forth scouts according as you desire, but have no In- dians to go forth with our scouts, but only those six that came out with us [Naticks, who came as guides] who are un- acquainted with the woods;" that the Connecticut Indians " would not be persuaded " to remain. Scouting was a dan- gerous service ; our men had not yet learned the wiles of the
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CONFUSION IN COUNSEL AND ACTION.
natives ; children of the woods only could match them. The letter concludes with an account of the Longmeadow affair. By the same courier the authorities of Northampton write the Council, asking a garrison of fifty men for that town, en- gaging to furnish pay and rations.
During the next ten days, confusion, indecision and fear ruled all round ; in the camp of the clans up the river, as well as in the counsels of the English. Savage had orders to find the enemy and attack them, and he had tried in vain to ar- range with Connecticut, an expedition against the hordes about Pocumtuck, as he did not dare to move against them with- out the co-operation of Maj. Treat. Connecticut feared to leave her towns unguarded, and hesitated. Massachusetts author- ities considered it imprudent to leave Savage longer in the valley, while the Bay towns were being constantly ravaged. The Indians were successful at every point. Lancaster, Concord, Medfield, Weymouth, Groton, Billerica, Chelmsford, Marlboro, Wrentham, Bridgewater, Hingham, Scituate, Sud- bury, Haverhill, had successively felt their fury. The alarm of the Council was well founded. Had the savages been united, or well led, all would indeed "have been lost." Com- munication was slow and uncertain ; the real condition of af- fairs was ill understood, in the valley, at the Bay, or by the Indians up the river. The "advice" to Maj. Savage had raised such a storm of indignant protest in Connecticut, as well as in the doomed towns, that the plan of consolidation was not executed, and the settlers were spared that great loss and humiliation. This, however, was yet in the future, and did not lighten the clouds and gloom which shrouded them at the departure of the troops on which they had relied for defense. On the 7th of April, Savage, under peremptory orders, without even giving notice to the Connecticut au- thorities, with four companies, under Moseley, Whipple, Gil- man and Drinker, marched towards the Bay. Capt. William Turner of Boston was left at headquarters, to command in the valley. He had in garrison at Hadley, fifty-one men ; at Hatfield, under Sergt. Robert Bardwell,* forty-five men ; at Northampton, under Sergt. Ezra Fogg, forty-six men. Sergt. Roger Prosser, with nine men, was sent to Springfield, to increase a force already there. These soldiers
*Recently from London and ancestor of all of the name in the country.
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PHILIP'S WAR.
were only to do garrison duty, and guard the inhabitants while at their labors. Directly on the news reaching Hart- ford of Savage's march eastward, all the forces in the field under Maj. Treat were disbanded, and thenceforth a strictly defensive policy prevailed in the Connecticut valley. The soldiers, however, were ordered to be in readiness to take the field at an hour's notice.
THE CONFEDERATES AT SQUAKHEAG.
Meanwhile, up the river, shifting about on the territory of Squakheag and Pocumtuck, were gathered the great body of hostile Indians-at a low estimate more than three thousand souls. They were of different tribes and clans, each under its own chieftain. There was no "Commander-in-Chief," nor is the assumption that Philip ever did hold or professed to hold that office, warranted by facts. He was far-seeing, pol- itic, subtle and crafty ; but lacked personal magnetism and prowess. He failed to command the respect of the warriors or show the qualities of a leader in war. He sowed the wind, but could not reap, nor bind the whirlwind.
Full sketches of the notables now gathered on our soil, with descriptions of the daily life of their followers would be replete with interest. Scant material for this is to be found, but from what is available, brief notes on some of the former, and faint glimpses of the latter will be given.
Philip, on being driven eastward by the Mohawks as before related, made his way with small following over the Green Mountains, reaching the Connecticut river the latter part of February. Gathered about him now were the chief men of his tribe; his uncle and chief counsellor, Unkompoin; his cousin, Penchason, and Tatason, war Sachems of note. Phil- ip's brother-in-law, the powerful Tuspaquin, husband to his sister Amey, probably met him here. Anawan, his chief captain, who had obtained renown in the wars under Massa- soit, and who remained faithful to his son until the last. With Anawan were his two sons, one of whom fired the first shot in this war, and fell with Philip, Aug. 12th, 1676. Here also was a princess of the Wampanoags, a sister of Philip; and wise and wary Awashonks, the powerful squaw Sachem of Sogkonate, with all her braves, led by Peter Awashonks, her son and chief captain, afterwards faithless to Philip, but a faithful soldier un-
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INDIAN NOTABLES AT SQUAKHEAG.
der Capt. Church. But perhaps the most noted figure at the court of Philip was the unfortunate Nanumpum, better known as Weetamoo. She was doubly sister-in-law to Philip, having married Wamsutta, his brother, while Philip's wife was Wo- tonekanuske, her younger sister. At her marriage, Weeta- moo was squaw Sachem of Pocasset, and was "counted as Po- tent a Prince as any round about her, and had as much Corn, Land, and Men." Not long after her marriage, Weetamoo complained to the Plymouth authorities that her husband, and his father, Massasoit, were selling her land. Getting no relief from English law she made it over to trustees, under Indian rules. Wamsutta died soon after under a suspicion of being poisoned by the whites. Philip had artfully fomented this suspicion, healed the quarrel about the land, and after much wavering, the "Queen of Pocasset" joined him in the war with three hundred warriors. For a second husband Weetamoo had married Petananuet, who at this juncture proved a traitor to his wife and Queen, and joined the Eng- lish. The indignant Weetamoo at once repudiated the nup- tial bond, and in December or January following took for a third consort, Quinnapin, thus allying herself to a royal fam- ily of the Narragansets. To this tribe she had fled when driven from Pocasset. Quinnapin, who was with her at Squakheag, was nephew of Miantonomo, and cousin to Ca- nonchet, the head war chief of his tribe. Quinnapin had de- clared he would "fight it out to the last, rather than submit to the whites." With him were his brothers, Ashamaton, and Sunkeesunasuck, both Sachems, and a one-eyed brother, with- out any command. A fourth brother had fallen in the "great swamp fight," Dec. 19th, 1675. Among the war Sachems Quin- napin ranked next to Canonchet.
Canonchet, also called Nannuntemo, son of Miantonomo, was the hereditary chief of the Narraganset nation. With him were about twelve hundred warriors, with their Sachems. Canonchet, like all savage potentates, was fond of show. When presiding over a council he dressed in a style befitting his rank. He wore a brilliant silver-laced coat, a richly em- broidered mantle of wampum over his shoulders, the ends hanging down in front; his buckskin leggins were gaily fringed with tufts of hair and feathers, and a heavy stripe of wampum work ran from his waist to his moccasins; the lat-
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PHILIP'S WAR.
ter were handsomely figured with beads and quills. Over all he wore a gorgeously adorned scarlet blanket, sweeping the ground as he walked. In person, he was tall and command- ing, with the well-knit frame of an athlete. "A very proper man, of goodly Stature, and great Courage of mind as well as Strength of Body." Around his council fire were gath- ered many of the notables of the tribe. Pessacus-also called Sucsusquench, Coousquench, Peticus, and Canonicus the Sec- ond-a brother of Miantonomo, and for twenty years regent, during the minority of Canonchet, now chief councillor and ruler ; the fiery Quinnapin and his sons; old Pomham, a "mighty man of valor," "one of the most valiant Sachems," on whose death it was said "the glory of the nation has sunk with him forever." With him was his comely son, and a grandson already a noted captain; Potucke, "the great In- dian counsellor," of "wonderful subtlety;" the treacherous Stonewall John, "one of the most distinguished Narraganset captains," "an active and ingenious fellow, who had learned the mason's trade, & was of great use in building their forts," who boasted before the swamp fight, Dec. 19th, that the Eng- lish durst not fight them; and Wennaquabin, and Neco- peake, Sachems of lesser note. Canonchet was a young man and he represented the temper of those forward for the war. He had declared he would never submit to the English. He was looked upon as the real leader in the war, and the young braves from other clans and adventurers from distant tribes flocked to his standard. During the season occasional bands of Nipmucks were also here, led by Mawtamp of Quabaug, Sagamore John of Lancaster, Capt. Tom of Natick, Old Ma- toonas and others. Here were the apostate Christians from the towns of Praying Indians, established by Eliot-"Preying Indians," Hezekiah Usher called them. They were under Wattasacompanum, whom Eliot called his "chief assistant, * *
* a grave and pious man, of the chief sachems blood of the Nipmuck country." These renegades affected the costume of the English, and may have been seen on horse- back, "with hats, white neckcloths, and sashes about their waists, and ribbons upon their shoulders." These pious lambs proved the worst wolves of the whole bloody crew. One of them for an ornament wore "a string about his neck, strung with Christian fingers." Here was Sancumachu, the
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THE PRAYING INDIANS.
Pocumtuck Sachem, with the survivors of the Pocumtuck confederation, and what volunteers he could muster from the Mahicans, or other western tribes during the winter. He came with Philip, heading about three hundred warriors. From this force most of the scouts to our frontiers were doubtless selected. Megunneway, an Abenaki, was in the Falls fight, and it is probable that other Eastern Indians had joined the hostiles.
Philip, in his state dress, was not eclipsed by the popular Narraganset chieftain. His mantle, a belt nine inches in width, gorgeously wrought with beads and wampum in fig- ures of beasts, birds and flowers, hung from his neck to his feet. Another belt, equally fine, circled his head, the ends, adorned with pendant flags, hanging down his back. All of these had an edging of rare red hair, obtained in the Mohawk country. His buskins "were set thick with beads, in pleas- ant wild works." Elegantly carved powder horns, filled with glazed powder, hung upon each arm. A richly adorned red blanket, trailing behind him, covered the whole.
Neither the costume nor occupation of the unfortunate Wotonekanuske, his queen, has been ascertained, but those of her sister, Weetamoo, may well represent the mode, at the court of King Philip.
The marriage of the Queen of Pocasset to Quinnapin, was doubtless for reasons of state, rather than from affection or romance, for the latter had already two wives. The honey- moon had been spent in a dangerous retreat to the Nipmuck country, before the victorious English. Weetamoo took at least one waiting maid along with her, and after the attack on Lancaster, Quinnapin presented her with another in the person of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson, the minister's wife, whom he bought from one of his men, by whom she was captured. From this new servant we get many glimpses of Indian life and character. She says of her mistress :-
A severe and proud dame she was, bestowing every day in dress- ing herself, near as much time as any of the gentry of the land. Powdering her hair and painting her face, going with her necklaces, with jewels in her ears and bracelets upon her hands. When she had dressed herself her work was to make girdles of wampum and beads. At great dances she wore a kersey coat, covered with girdles of wampum from the loins upward. Her arms, from her elbows to her hands, were covered with bracelets. There were handfuls of neck-
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PHILIP'S WAR.
laces about her neck, and several sorts of jewels in her ears. She had fine red stockings and white shoes, her hair powdered and her face painted red, that was always before, black.
On similar occasions Quinnapin "was dressed in his Holland shirt, with great stockings; his garters hung round with shillings, and had girdles of wampum on his head and shoul- ders." This coin, doubtless the Pine Tree money of Massa- chusetts colony, was hung so thick as to jingle when the wearer moved. Each of the wives of Quinnapin kept up a separate establishment. One was old, the second young, with two children. Weetamoo had at least as many. Early in April one of Weetamoo's children died. It was buried the next day, and "for some time after a company came every morning and evening to mourn and howl" with the sorrow- ing mother.
Wotonekanuske had also with her at least two children, a boy of eight or nine, and a young pappoose attended by a nurse maid. One day the latter demanded of Mrs. Rowland- son a piece of her apron "to make a flap " for this royal scion of the Wampanoags. Mrs. Rowlandson refused. Weetamoo ordered compliance, and a furious war of words followed. Her white servant still refusing, the fond aunt rushed at her with a club, to enforce her command, when the captive was glad to escape by giving up her whole apron.
The future of this infant is unknown, but the horrible fate of Wotonekanuske and her boy, by an act disgraceful to civ- ilization, is blazoned on the rolls of infamy. They were cap- tured Aug. Ist and sent from the free, cool shade of a New England forest to pine and perish under the lash of a task- master, beneath the burning sun of the tropics. They were sold into West Indian slavery! No savage had yet mastered the art of a torture equal to this.
The condition of Mrs. Rowlandson among the Indians seems peculiar. She appears in a measure to have been master of her own time and did many odd jobs of needlework out of her mistress's family, for which she received pay. At Phil- ip's request she made a shirt for his unfortunate son, for which he gave her a shilling. With this she bought a piece of horse flesh. For making the same lad a cap she was in- vited to dine at the royal table. Although often on the verge of starvation, if she was detected in getting food from others,
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MRS. ROWLANDSON IN CAPTIVITY.
she was punished for having disgraced her master by beg- ging. The Indians were well provided with dry goods, needles, &c. Mrs. Rowlandson knit stockings for Weetamoo, and for a warrior, she ravelled out a pair that was too big, and knit them to fit. For making a shirt for her sannap, one squaw gave her a piece of beef ; and another a quart of peas for knitting stockings. Upon this rare stock of provis- ions Mrs. Rowlandson made a feast. "I boiled my beef and peas together," she says, "and invited my master and mis- tress to dinner ; but the proud gossip, because I served them both in one dish, would eat nothing, except one bit which he gave her on the point of his knife." An Indian gave her a knife for making a shirt for himself and an unborn child. When Quinnapin saw the knife he asked her for it. She gave it to him, and was glad she had "anything they would accept of and be pleased with." For a shirt made for a pap- poose, the mother gave her a dinner of broth thickened with powdered bark. Again she made a shift for a squaw, who re- placed her lost apron, and she got a hat and silk handker- chief for knitting three pairs of stockings. After the Sud- bury fight she made a shirt for Quinnapin's pappoose from a Holland laced pillow beer, part of the plunder.
On the arrival of the confederate tribes at Squakheag, the plan of the campaign agreed upon in January seemed feasi- ble. The towns about the Bay were being ravaged daily, and the valley was defenceless. Two problems presented themselves to the Indians, the solution of which was neces- sary to success; the first, to stave off starvation until the fishing season ; the other, a much more difficult one, to get a supply of ammunition. For the latter purpose a party of Po- cumtucks and Nipmucks was at once dispatched to Canada, with captives taken at Lancaster, to be exchanged for pow- der. A plan was discussed of sending a like expedition to Albany ; but the arrival of the Dutch traders [see ante, page 136] made this unnecessary. The small stock of provisions they had been able to carry with them had been exhausted, and they were now existing from hand to mouth. Light foraging parties had been sent out on the English frontiers by Sancumachu, and one party brought in from Westfield five bushels of meal. Another captured John Gilbert and Edward Stebbins, two Springfield lads, by whom they learned
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PHILIP'S WAR.
that no Bay troops had come to the valley. Within two days after the arrival of Canonchet a council met and a decision was made to attack Northampton at once. Canonchet had not forgotten the taunt of Roger Williams, the October be- fore, while dissuading him from joining Philip, that "the In- dians were so cowardly that they had not taken one poor fort from us, in all the country." An opportunity now offered for a practical reply. Runners were sent through the camps giving notice. The night of March 11th was spent in a war dance by the braves, and by the squaws in preparing such food as could be obtained for the march. On the 12th, a strong force set out down the river, fully expecting to return loaded with plunder and prisoners. The result of the attack has been given, [ante, page 132.] Although the cattle, sheep and horses secured were a great relief to the hungry multi- tude, the main object of the movement was not accomplished.
This repulse and the discovery that the valley towns were well defended, changed the whole aspect of affairs at Squak- heag. Philip, whose headquarters had been on the west side of the river, scented danger, and on the 16th moved north- ward, and crossed to the east side. On the 20th, Capt. Tom, with five hundred Nipmueks, took post at Pocumtuck to guard their frontier. The Poeumtucks were especially dis- appointed. They had been fully assured that their old home was about to be restored to them. Their discontent was in- creased by news that the expedition to Canada for powder had failed. It had been attacked by Mohawks and two of the Pocumtucks killed. This loss was charged directly upon Philip; the cause of Mohawk hostility being well known to them. They saw in the failure of these plans, their own ruin, and accused Philip of inciting them into a war for which they had no just ground, simply to gratify his own personal hatred.
Meanwhile the daily struggle for existence went on. " Many times in the morning," says Mrs. Rowlandson, "the generality of them would eat up all they had * * and yett I did not see one man woman or child die with hun- ger, though many times they would eat that that a hog would hardly touch. They would pick up old bones, and if they were full of maggots, would heat them to "drive them out, then boil them, and drink the liquor." The softer part
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MRS. ROWLANDSON DINES WITH PHILIP.
of the bones were pounded in mortars and eaten. "They would eat horses guts and ears *
* * dogs, skunks, rat- tlesnakes, yea, the very bark of trees." But their chief reli- ance was ground nuts, and other roots dug from the earth as the frost came out. Had not the winter of 1675-6 been one of remarkable mildness-the ground then opening in Feb- ruary-it seems impossible that these hordes could have sur- vived it. Mrs. Rowlandson being exhausted one day, an In- dian gave her a spoonful of samp, and "as much as she would, of the water in which he was boiling a dried horse's foot." With this treat her "spirits came again." For one day's travel, five grains of corn was all the food allowed her. On the occasion of her invitation to dine with Philip, she says : "I went, and he gave me a pancake about as big as two fin- gers, it was made of parched wheat, beaten and fried in bear's grease." With this niggardly hospitality the royal banquet closed-an exhibition of the meanness of Philip, or the leanness of his larder.
The responsibility of the campaign rested on Canonchet. One problem had been solved. The Dutch would supply powder in barter for furs. On the failure at Northampton he saw that the non-combatants must be permanently located here, and provision made for their support. His plan, which he laid before the Sachems in council, was to make this re- gion the general rendezvous, and place of refuge for the old men, women and children, with a party of his own men, who were on good terms with the Mohawks, for a guard. No- where else, he might well say, could provision for the sum- mer and stores for the winter be so easily procured. The river at Peskeompskut would afford abundance of shad and salmon in their season. The broad meadows at Pocumtuck and Squakheag would yield a supply of corn, beans and squashes. Berries and nuts would abound on the hills. The ponds would soon be covered with wild fowl, and here were the favorite haunts of the deer, raccoon and beaver. The only lack was seed for planting. Canonchet said there was corn enough in the barns of the Narraganset country, and called for volunteers to go and get a supply. This being a service of great danger, with little chance for glory, no one came forward until the chief declared he would go himself, and then only thirty offered to accompany him. With this
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PHILIP'S WAR.
little band Canonchet left the valley and took his way to- ward the Narraganset Bay. It seems he reached his goal in safety, and dispatched his escort with the precious seed, while he lingered to meet the main body of his army, which was to follow and join him. On the 2d of April, while in camp with six or seven men on the bank of the Pawtucket, he was surprised and captured by a party of English under Captains Avery and Dennison, and Indians led by Oneko and others. The first Englishman who addressed Canonchet was Robert Stanton, twenty-one years old, son of Thomas Stan- ton, the interpreter, who began to question him. Canonchet, looking scornfully upon him, said, "You much child, no un- derstand matters of war; let your chief come, him will I an- swer," and no more would he say. He was taken to Stoning- ton and executed the next day. No man ever carried himself more nobly than this captive chieftain. He was offered his life on condition he would " send an old counsellor of his to make a motion towards submission," but he refused. When told he was to die, he replied, " I like it well. I shall die before my heart is soft, or I have spoken anything un- worthy of myself ;" but " killing me will not end the war, for I have 2000 men who will revenge my death." Being taunt- ed with his boast that he " would not give up a Wampanoag, or the paring of a Wampanoag's nail," and that he "would burn the English in their houses," he only answered, "Others were as forward for the war as myself. I desire to hear no more about it." The only favor he asked, was that the in- dignities of torture might not be inflicted, and that his ex- ecutioner might be Oneko, son of Uncas, whom he acknowl- edged as a fellow prince. These requests were granted. He was executed by Oneko, as Miantonomo, his father, had been by Uncas. His head was sent to Hartford, the receipt of which was noted April 8th. [Conn. Rec., II, 432.] Mistaken accounts give the date of the capture as April 9th.
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