USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Deerfield > History of Deerfield, Massachusetts: the times when the people by whom it was settled, unsettled and resettled, vol 1 > Part 35
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A FINAL AND VAIN EFFORT.
therein came to no purpose If yr Excellency hath the Returns of peace I hope to receive them; and then shall dispatch them away as directed. I found a great fatique in my Journey to and from Canada and waded through many Difficulties in ye way wth the Prisonirs To Dilate thereon would be prolix. I now beg leave to assure your Excellency of my Effection and Zeal to every yor Commands and that in all Sincerity I am May it Please Yor Excelly
Yor most obedient humble Servt
Albany June ye Ioth 1713
JOHN SCHUYLER
Col. Schuyler's narrative of the culminating event in the eventful life of Eunice Williams is as pathetic as it is dra- matic. The actors are all truly representative characters; the scene an epitome of the historic verities of our Colonial life. One may be pardoned if he do not quite agree with the honest Dutchman as to the disinterested efforts of the priests to release Eunice, whom they had baptized Margaret.
A true and perfect Memoriall of my proceedings Jn behalf of Mar- garett Williams now Captive amongst ye Indians at the ffort of Cag- henewaga Jn Canada, Insisting upon here Relief and to persuade her to go home, to her father and Native Countrey, it being upon the instant and earnest desire of her ffather now Minister at Dearfeild in New England.
J arrived from Albany at Mont Reall on ye 15th of Aprill last 1713 Where J understood yt Mons' de Vaudruille Govern' and Chief of Canada, was expected then every day from Quebeck, Upon which J thought proper not to mention any thing touching the aforesaid Captive, untill his Excellency should be here himself, and according- ly when he arrived here; J propos'd the matter to him, who gave me all the Encouragem' J could immagine for her to go home, he also permitted me, to go to her at the ffort, where she was to prepare, if J could persuade her to go home, Moreover his Excellency said that wth all his heart, he would give a hundred Crowns out of his own pockett, if that she might be persuaded to go to her Native Countrey ; J observing all this, then was in hopes, J should prevaile with her to go home. Accordingly J went to the ffort of Caghenewaga being accompanied by one of the Kings Officers and a ffrench Interpreter likewise another of the Jndian Language, Being upon the 26 Day of May entring at the Indian ffort, J thought fitt first to apply mySelf to the priests; As J did, Being two in Company, And was informed before that this infant (As J may say) was married to a young Indian J therefore proposed to know the Reason why this poor Captive should be Married to an Indian being a Christian Born (tho neerly taken from the Mothers Breast and such like Instances &c) Where- upon the priest Sett forth to me Such good Reasons, wth Witnesses that my Self, or any other person (as J believe) could fairly make Objection against their Marriage; (First sd he they came to me to Marry them) very often wch J always refus'd wth good words and per- suasions to the Contrary, But both continuing in their former resolu-
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tions to Such a Degree, that J was constrained to be absent from ye the ffort three Severall times, because not Satisfyed mySelf in their Marriage; Untill last, after Some days past they both came to me, and sd that they were Joined together, And if he would not marry them they matter'd not, for they were resolved never to leave one the other But live together heathen like; Upon wch J thought proper to Join them in Matrimony and Such like Reasons as afore- said the priest did plainly Sett forth) and after some further dis- course, J desired the priest, to let me see her at his house, ffor J knew not where to find her upon which he sent for her, who p'sently came with the Indian She was Married to both together She looking very poor in body, bashfull in the face but proved harder than Steel in her breast, at her first Entrance into the Room, J desired her to sitt down wch she did, J first Spoak to her in English, Upon wch she did not Answr me; And J believe She did not understand me, she be- ing very Young when she was taken, And liveing always amongst the Indians afterwards, J Jmployed my Indian Languister to talk to her; informing him first by the ffrench Interpretor who understood the English Language, What he should tell her, and what Questions he should Ask her, Accordingly he did J understood amost all what he said to her; And found that he Spoak according to my Order but could not gett one word from her. Upon which J advised the priest To Speak to her And if J could not prevail wth her to go home to Stay there, that She might only go to see her ffather, And directly return hither again, The priest made a long Speech to her and en- deavoured to persuade her to go, but after almost half an hours dis- course-could not get one word from her; And afterwards when he found She did not Speak, he again Endeavoured to persuade her to go and see her ffather, And J seeing She continued inpersuadable to speak; J promised upon my Word and honour, if she would go only to see her ffather, J would convey her to New England, and give her Assureance of liberty to return if she pleased-the priest asked her Severall times, for answer upon the my earnest request, And fair offers weh was after long Solicitations (Jaghte oghte) which word being translated into the English Tongue their Signifycation (is) may be not) but the meaning thereof amongst the Indians is a plaine de- nyall and these two words were all we could gett from her; in all- most two hours time that we talked with her, Upon this my eyes being almost filled with tears, J said to her mySelf, had I made such proposalls and prayings to the worst of Indians, J did not doubt but have had a reasonable Answere and consent to what J have sd. Up- on weh her husband seeing that J was so much concerned about her replyed had her ffather not Married againe, She would have gone and Seen him, long Ere this time But gave no further reason and the time growing late and J being very Sorrowfull, that J could not pre- vail upon nor get one word more from her J took her by the hand and left her in the priests house. JOHN SCHUYLER.
The following letter gives us a parting glimpse of Eunice enjoying a serene old age in her Canada home. It was writ- ten by James Dean to her brother Stephen. Dean had spent several months at Caghnawaga and knew Eunice intimately.
351
LOST LETTER OF EUNICE WILLIAMS.
The original letter is owned by Edward E. Ayers of Chicago, who kindly loaned it for my examination and use. Two ex- tracts are given :-
* "She has two daughters & one grandson which are all the Descendants she has. Both her daughters are married: But one of them has no children. Your sister lives Comfortably & well & con- sidering her advanced age enjoyd a good state of health when I left the Country. She retains still an affectionate remembrance of her friends in New England : but tells me she never expects to see them again; the fatigues of so long a journey would be too much for her- to undergo " * * "Should have written more particular respect ing your sister, but I suppose you either have, or soon will receive a letter from herself, which Mr. Frisbee has brought down, in which she gives a particular account of her family."
Where is this letter?
ANECDOTES RELATING TO THE CAPTIVES.
Penhallow, who died in 1727, gives the following anecdote, in referring to the invasion of Deerfield, February, 1704. It is not found elsewhere. A certain historian (?) has transferred this story to the time of the capture of Fort Massachusetts in 1746 :-
Some of the captives then in Canada, knowing the enterprise that was then on foot, sent several letters unto their friends, which the enemy did carefully put into a bag and hang it upon the limb of a tree in the highway; which letters were afterwards found, and satis- faction of those that were then alive among them.
There is a tradition in the Nims family, that when De Rouville's expedition was being planned, some of the leaders made John Nims the offer to save harmless all of his friends, if he would act as their guide. The proposition was joyfully accepted by Nims, with the expectation of being able to es- cape and give seasonable warning. But when the matter came to the ears of the Governor, he forthwith put a stop to the project, as a dangerous experiment.
Soon after John Sheldon left Canada for home in 1705, four young men, disappointed at not being allowed to return with him, made their escape and reached home about June 8th. Their names were Thomas Baker, John Nims, Martin Kellogg and Joseph Petty. They had no arms, but probably a small stock of provisions, and reached our frontier more dead than alive from hunger and fatigue. They were dis- covered in Wisdom in an imbecile condition, and seemed
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guided more by instinct than reason, in making their way towards home. Their appearance when brought in was such as to melt the stoutest heart. Nourishment was given ac- cording to the judgment of some old men, who had known what starvation was by experience. But the alternate ab- jeet supplication, and impotent wrath, with which the poor fellows begged and fought for "more," was more than some of their friends could bear ; and stringent measures were necessary to prevent such a response to these appeals as would have proved fatal to the sufferers, according to the theory of those in charge. Broth, in small quantities, was given at first, and by slow degrees more substantial food, un- til they were filled. It was a long time before their cravings were satisfied. After having eaten all they could, they still felt as hungry as ever.
I had this account, when ten years old, from my grand- mother Sheldon, who was fifteen when John Nims died, and who heard it from his own lips. She was then more than four- score, and the story came from her trembling lips with a pa- thos never to be forgotten. I recall another incident: One day when the fugitives seemed at the last extremity, they discovered and killed a great white owl. This was instantly torn in pieces, which were laid in four piles, and fairly di- vided, one turning his back, and responding to the query, "Who shall have this?" until all had been "touched off." Each took his share, and hardly waiting to pull off the feath- ers, tore the tough fragments with their teeth, like so many ravenous beasts. Grandmother said, " John Nims always in- sisted that a wing which fell to him was the sweetest morsel he ever tasted."
As an illustration of the value of tradition this story will be left as printed in the first edition. How the slow tortoise of which Petty partook, as appears in the following letter, obtained the plumage of the grave bird is of no consequence, for the "Providential Great White Owl" will still live, with "Goffe the Guardian Angel" of Hadley. And both will plume themselves and dress their feathers on the pages of so-called historical writers, to the music of the silver toned " Bell of St. Regis." To the courtesy and generosity of William F. Havemyer of New York City, we are able to give the following letter, the original of which is framed in
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A RARE DOCUMENT COMES TO LIGHT.
Memorial Hall. It was procured by him at an auction sale in Philadelphia in 1892 :---
Revª Sĩ
Upon your desire, I now present you with a Narrative of my es- cape from Canada, tho it is now so long Since yt I may possibly for- get some particulars. But the acct as near as I can remember is as follows vist About thirteen months after I was taken from Deerfield (we you well remember) four of us consulted methods to make our escape. Sometime in May upon yr great procession day we had Lib- erty to go in & about ye city of Mont Real & there we happened all to meet together & John Nyms & I informed ye other two of our de- sign to make our escape. This was on a thirsday [May 10] & we agreed yt ye other three were to come down to where I lived we was about 9 miles from ye city & wt was something remarkable ye guns & Provisions we I had designed to bring wth us was in another room from where I Lodged we exercised my mind very much how I should come at yl since I Lodged in another room with ye people of ye house & wt still oppressed my spirits more was, yt coming in from work at noon I found a bed & sick person placed in yt room where ye guns & Provisions were: & I thot now it was impossible to escape but upon my return at night I found ye sick person removed & my bed brought into yt room we much revived me.
on ye Sabbath [ May 13] following I was to go to ye city again to conclude further about our escape, & having confirmed all matters I returned at night & found my Landlords son there we was designed to Lodge with me we again dashed my spirits much for now I thot it impossible for me to Escape from him.
But while I sat pausing wt to do I remembered yt I was to set up a sign by ye River for ye other three to know where ye house was & I thot I would go & do yt we wn I had done upon my return I found my Landlord's son moving off & would not stay tho much persuaded to tarry & altho it was very Dark & he did go; we again revived me & about break of day ye other three came & I handed y" two guns & some Provision & we took a Cannoe & passed y River by sun rising & tho ye people Lived on ye other side we passed by them undiscov- ered. This was on monday morning [May 14] & on wednesday about sun two hours high at night we arrived at Chamblee River about 9 miles below ye fort yre we made a raft & went over & ye next day we travelled up against ye fort & stopped to get some Provision killed a calf & dryed it, but friday & Saturday rained so hard yt we could not travel we yn we judged made against us but in Providence we found it otherwise, for those yt pursued us were in this time re- turned. on ye Sabbath following we set out for ye Lake & arrived yre on Wednesday about no [torn] there we found two cannoes we we judged our pursuers [torn] ad Left one of these we took & came along with our journey, & came along yt day & all night & ye next day & at night Left our Cannoe | x pou?] we came along on ye east side of ye Lake untill we came to ye mouth of Misisecou River we went up this river all night for it comes along ye same course as ye east shore of ye Lake & next morning we found a small runn [?] wather we Led out of ye River into ye Lake we we made use of to
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waft us into ye Lake again : there is extraordoary good Land on each side of this River all ye way we went as far as we could perceive. this day we travelled on ye Lake till night & Lay by ye Lake, but next morning ye wind was so high against us yt we Left our Cannoe & travelled on ye side of ye Lake yt day: & ye next day being Satur- day we struck across for French river falls & arrived there on Sab- bath about 9 in ye morning. this we travelled up about 2 or 3 dais & Left it & struck away for ye branches of White River & on ye next Sabbath about 9 in ye morning we came to White River Now our Provision was spent excepting some small matters we had Left to fish withal, & yt day we spent in getting Provision & supplied our- selves for yt night & part of ye next day we was all ye Provision we had untill we came to Deerfield excepting ye leg of a tortoise & a small hook fish we we brought along a Little way. ye next night we came to ye mouth of white river & made a fire & designed to Lodge there & we set one to fish for us; but by reason of ye flies he was soon discouraged & as soon as he came up I was going down to ye River to drink & espied an Indian on ye East side of ye Great river coming to drink we made me stop and hide myself untill he was gone off & for fear of discovery we made off yt night & ye next day our provision being spent sometime & we weak & faint we thot best to make a raft upon we we came down yt day & ye next night on Con- necticutt River & ye next day also we still continued our Course on ye raft & on thursday about 9 or 10 in ye morning we came to ye great falls, there we Let go our raft & went below ye falls & made another & came yt day to ye Lower end of ye great meadows or ye place now called ye Cannoe place there we Lodged yt night & y" next morning we came on our raft to ye meadows where y" fort is now there we Left our raft & came on foot yt day into Deerfield about twilight in ye evening & thus thro the good hand of divine Providence (we watched over us all y' way) we safely arrived to our own native Land again & were joyfully received & well taken care of by our friends upon we I cannot but say yt we have reason to praise God four our deliverance, & never forget his be [torn]ts. thus S' I have given you a brief & as exact a relation [torn] can well, since t'is so Long a time passed since, & if it may be of any service I Rejoyce & sub- scribe my self yours to Command JOSEPH PETTY
[This letter was addressed to] "The Revd Mr. Stephen Williams Att Springfield Longmeadow These."
Ebenezer Nims, seventeen when captured. He was adopted by a squaw, and lived at Lorette; perhaps taken to fill the place of a son killed in the expedition. He came home with Stoddard and Williams in 1714, bringing his wife and son Ebenezer. The Indians of Lorette were so much attached
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THE PRIEST OUTWITTED.
to this family that on hearing they had been taken on board the vessel by force, they came to Quebec in a body to rescue them.
Sarah Hoyt, seventeen. The priests urged her to marry. They pertinaciously insisted upon it as a duty, and had a French officer selected as her mate, thus assuring themselves of a permanent resident, and popish convert. Professing to be convinced of her duty in the matter, Sarah declared one day in public that she would be married, if any of her fellow- captives would have her. Ebenezer Nims, a life-long com- panion, at once stepped forward and claimed her for his bride. The twain were made one upon the spot. The wily priests had met their match, for it is easy to believe that this was a pre-arranged issue on the part of the lovers.
Ebeneser Carter. A family tradition says, "he was stolen away by merchants trading between Montreal and Albany, and restored to his father." Probably this story originated in the following incident: Feb. 11th, 1707, Col. Schuyler writes from Albany to Capt. Partridge: "Yours of the 11th came to hand by this Indian you sent it by. As to the boy the Indians brought here, he is at my house, in good health, and when his friends come to redeem him, shall be delivered up."
Samuel Carter, in a petition to the Connecticut General Court, May 8th, 1707, says his son Ebenezer "was redeemed by paying £24, borrowed money." It is probable that some of the Schuylers had been engaged to redeem Ebenezer from his Indian master in Canada, and that he was the boy re- ferred to in the above letter.
Benjamin Burt and his wife were among the captives. Their first child, Christopher, was born April 14th, 1704, on the march. They were among those recovered by Ens. Shel- don, on his second expedition, and a second child was born to them July 4th, 1706, on the return voyage. It was named Seaborn, and baptized on his arrival in Boston by Rev. Sam- uel Willard, as already stated.
Jonathan Hoyt, sixteen. The story of his redemption is told by his grandson, Elihu Hoyt, who was nine years old when the captive died. When young Dudley was at Quebec with Capt. Vetch, in 1706, he was attracted one day by the English-looking face of a boy on the street ; he spoke to him, learned he was from Deerfield, and that his Indian master
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was in the city, selling garden truck. He found Hoyt anx- ious to go home, and told him to go and fetch his master. With a light heart he tripped about the city until his master was found and brought to Dudley. The latter holding out twenty silver dollars, offered them for the boy. The savage could not resist the temptation, and accepted the coin. Hoyt was at once hurried on board the English brigantine. As Dudley expected, the Indian soon repented of his bargain, and came back with the money. But it was too late, and he went away lamenting that he had parted with his favorite boy for a few dumb dollars, that could neither hunt nor fish. His home was at Lorette, where Hoyt had learned the Indian language, which he spoke fluently as long as he lived. In after years his Indian master paid him a visit at Deerfield, and was well received and kindly treated. On parting, "they took an affectionate leave of each other, expecting to meet here no more."
Mary Sheldon, seventeen years old when taken, was adopted by a squaw. After the war her Indian mother often visited her in Northampton. She would never sleep in the house but would go out to Fort Hill to sleep every night. On this hill stood an Indian fort before Philip's War.
Stephen Williams, then ten years old, was taken by an " Eastern Indian," named Wattanamon, who, after two or three weeks, gave the boy to his brother, who took him the next summer to the fort at St. Francis, an Abenaki settle- ment. But, as this savage "could not comply with their rites and customs, he went to Albany," leaving the captive with his kinsman, Sagamore George, a Pennicook chief, who had settled at St. Francis. The latter was a faithless, avaricious fellow, who, while Stephen was yet in the hands of his second master, had taken money of Mr. Williams for his redemption and appropriated it to his own use. He now set a price of forty crowns upon the boy, which, after a long parley, was paid by Vaudreuil.
What is the explanation of the undisputed fact, that chil- dren taken among savages soon became strongly attached to their mode of life? There is plenty of evidence that many of those taken from Deerfield, remained in Canada of their own choice ; that many who did return were induced to leave savage for civilized life with great difficulty ; and some were
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SEEKING AN EXPLANATION OF A FACT.
hardly restrained from returning to it, after many years. Agassiz, in reply to this query, said he thought it was a reac- tion from the rigid restraint of Puritanic training. Others say, children always fall naturally into their surroundings, whatever they may be. While the latter view may apply to very young children, and the former to those older, neither appears to cover the whole ground. It would seem that our every-day observation gives evidence, that there is an ele- ment, underlying all such considerations, where the explana- tion may be sought, if not found.
We all know the fascination of camping out. Nothing so delights the heart of youth as a wigwam in the woods. Al- though it be represented by a shawl spread over bushes in the garden, or even over chairs in the parlor, the charm is still there. The same feeling governs those of a larger growth, who find no keener enjoyment than shanty life on the borders of some wild lake, or in the depths of a primeval forest, where they can indulge in the natural sports of fish- ing and hunting. In the same direction are picnic parties, where all are happy in using fingers instead of forks, green leaves for napkins, and a single cup supplies the wants of many ; where ottomans and sofas are found on stumps, logs or stones, and pine needles, or green-sward, are a more en- joyable carpet than the most luxurious product of the loom. And the more highly cultivated the participants, the more keen the zest. In the late rebellion, young men, nurtured the most tenderly, living luxuriously all their days, were never happier than when enduring the rough usage of a sol- dier's life,-the hard march, the coarse fare and the bivouac under the stars. For such, the artificial life of a high civil- ization, the etiquette of their accustomed social circle often became henceforth irksome ; the cramping influences of their old life were unendurable, and thousands have broken away for broader and more natural surroundings. To-day they are scattered all over the plains and mountains of our great Western wilderness ; shepherds, “ cow-boys," hunters, miners, enduring almost all the hardships incident to a savage life. Here extremes meet ; the most scholarly productions of our universities strike hands with the unlettered trapper, or guide, find a common level, become boon companions, and perhaps bosom friends, and but for their maturer years, would
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easily lapse into the same condition of barbarism which swallowed up the young Deerfield captives in Canada.
Do not these things all indicate a natural desire for a clos- er walk with nature? a more primitive life? a deep-seated protest against the results of hot-house cultivation ? a tenden- cy, which, when the pressure of centuries is removed, be- comes the controlling influence? The same tendency may be observed in flowers, fruits, and domestic animals. Those brought by artificial means to the highest degree of excel- lence, retrograde the most rapidly. It is only by unceasing cultivation and care, that those are kept from falling back into the condition of the original stock.
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