USA > Pennsylvania > Martial deeds of Pennsylvania, Vol. 1 > Part 9
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" Mr. Lincoln then threw off his overcoat," says a correspon- dent of the Harrisburg Telegraph, " in an off-hand, easy manner, the back-woodsman style of which caused many good-natured re- marks. After an impressive prayer by the Rev. Mr. Clark, of- fered in the midst of profound solemnity and silence, the flag, which was rolled up in man-of-war style, was adjusted, the signal fired, and amid most excited enthusiasm, the President-elect hoisted the national ensign. A stiff breeze caught the folded bunting, and threw it out boldly to the winds. Cheer followed cheer, until hoarseness prevented their continuance."
In the meantime, extensive preparations had been made for his reception at Harrisburg, where he was expected to arrive early in the afternoon. The military had assembled from distant parts of the State, numerous civil societies and associations were repre- 7
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sented, and the people had come out in their strength. The Legis- lature was in session, and had given itself that day to the enter- tainment of their distinguished guest. On that morning, the sol- diers of the War of 1812, a few grey-haired old men spared of a former generation, under command of Captain Brady and Captain Krause, had borne in procession a new flag to the Capitol, where, amid the crowds that had gathered, and with much enthusiasm, it was run up upon the flag-staff just erected for the purpose upon the dome. While the flag was ascending, the Chief Clerk of the House, Mr. E. H. Rauch, commenced reading the Farewell Ad- dress of Washington, from the portico in front of the rotunda, which was listened to with profound attention by the assembled multitude. This ceremony of flag-raising had been repeated in several parts of the city ; wreaths and triumphal arches had been thrown across important thoroughfares, and on every hand the town was decked in its gayest attire.
Mr. Lincoln arrived by special train at half past one, and at the intersection of the railroad with Second street, along which the military were drawn up, and a barouche with six white horses, gaily caparisoned, was in waiting, he alighted, and was received by Governor Curtin. Upon his arrival at the Jones House, he was conducted to the balcony overlooking the square, where the Governor addressed him in the following graceful terms :
"Sir, It is my pleasure to welcome you to the State of Penn- sylvania, and to extend to you the hospitalities of this city. We have frequently heard of you since you left your home in a dis- tant place ; and every word that has fallen from your lips has fallen upon the cars of an excited, patriotic, but loyal people. Sir, as President-elect of the United States, you are called to the discharge of official duties at a period of time when animosities and distractions divide the people of this hitherto happy and prosperous country. You undertake, sir, no easy task. You must restore fraternal feeling. You must heal discord. You must produce amity in place of hostility, and restore prosperity, peace, and concord to this unhappy country, and future generations will rise up and call you blessed.
"Sir, this day, by act of our Legislature, we unfurled from the dome of the Capitol the flag of our country, carried there in the
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arms of men who defended the country when defence was needed. I assure you, sir, there is no star or stripe erased, and on its azure field there blazons forth thirty-four stars, the number of the bright constellation of States over which you are called by a free people, in a fair election, to preside. We trust, sir, that in the discharge of your high office, you may reconcile the unhappy dif- ferences now existing, as they have heretofore been reconciled. Sir, when conciliation has failed, read our history, study our tra- dition. Here are the people who will defend you, the Constitu-' tion, the laws and the integrity of the Union.
"Our great law-giver and founder established this Government of a free people in deeds of peace. We are a peaceful, laborious people. We believe that civilization, progress, Christianity are advanced by the protection of free and paid labor. Sir, I wel- come you to the midst of this generous people, and may the God who has so long watched over this country give you wisdom to discharge the high duties that devolve upon you, to the advance- ment of the greatness and glory of the Government, and the hap- piness and prosperity of the people."
To this, Mr. Lincoln replied : "Governor Curtin, and citizens of the State of Pennsylvania : perhaps the best thing that I could do, would be simply to endorse the patriotic and eloquent speech which your Governor has just made in your hearing. I am quite sure that I am unable to address to you anything so appropriate as that which he has uttered. Reference has been made by him to the distraction of the public mind at this time, and to the great task that lies before me in entering upon the administration of the General Government. With all the eloquence and ability that your Governor brings to this theme, I am quite sure he does not-in his situation he cannot-appreciate, as I do, the weight of that great responsibility. I feel that, under God, in the strength of the arm and wisdom of the heads of these masses, after all, must be my support. As I have often had occasion to say, I repeat to you, I am quite sure I do not deceive myself when I tell you I bring to the work an honest heart; I dare not tell you that I bring a head sufficient for it. If my own strength should fail, I shall at last fall back upon these masses, who, I think, under any circumstances, will not fail.
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" Allusion has been made to the peaceful principles upon which this great Commonwealth was originally settled. Allow me to add my meed of praise to those peaceful principles. I hope no one of the Friends who originally settled here, or who have lived here since that time, or who live here now, has been or is a more devoted lover of peace, harmony, and concord than my humble self.
" While I have been proud to see to-day the finest military array I think that I have ever seen, allow me to say in regard to those men, that they give hope of what may be done when war is inevitable. But, at the same time, allow me to express the hope that in the shedding of blood their services may never be needed, especially in the shedding of fraternal blood. It shall be my endeavor to preserve the peace of this country so far as it can possibly be done consistently with the maintenance of the institutions of the country. With my consent, or without my great displeasure, this country shall never witness the shedding of one drop of blood in fraternal strife."
` The utterance of this speech, to an audience that filled the square and choked the entrance to all the streets leading from it, was full of animation and earnestness. His countenance was lighted up with a fervor and a glow which, to one familiar with his pictures, or with his face in repose, which was almost habitu- ally grave and reflective, reminded of the face of Him who was transfigured on the mount. The assertion that there should be no bloodshed by his consent unless required to maintain the insti- tutions of the country, was made with an earnestness that seemed inspired by the convictions of a sincere and devoted heart.
From the hotel Mr. Lincoln was escorted to the Capitol, where in the presence of both Houses, the Governor, and heads of de- partments, he was formally received. The chair in which it was arranged for him to sit, was that in which Hancock sat when he signed the immortal Declaration-of antiquated form, stiff, high back and clumsily wrought, but made sacred in its associations. The Speaker of the Senate, Mr. Palmer, addressed him in suitable terms, expressing, in behalf of the people of Pennsylvania, their satisfaction in meeting him without distinction of party, and their especial gratification in the sentiments which he had previously
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expressed upon the subject of protection to American industry. Mr. Davis, in behalf of the House, greeted him with an expres- sion of concern for the safety of the country, but in a vein of profound respect for his prudence, wisdom, and patriotism. "There is no disguising the fact," he said, "that the ship of state is drifting in a dangerous and unknown sea. But we have every confidence in the steady hand and true heart of the Pilot of our choice."
Mr. Lincoln responded : " Mr. Speaker of the Senate, and also Mr. Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Gentlemen of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania : I appear before you only for a few brief remarks in response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for this reception, and the generous words in which support has been promised upon this occasion. I thank your great Commonwealth for the overwhelming support it recently gave-not me personally, but to the cause which I think a just one-in the late election. Allusion has been made to the fact-the interesting fact, perhaps we should say-that I, for the first time, appear at the Capitol of the great Common- wealth of Pennsylvania, upon the birthday of the Father of his Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the history of this country, I have already gone through one exceedingly interesting scene this morning, in the ceremonies at Philadelphia. Under the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for the first time allowed the privilege of standing in old In- dependence Hall, to have a few words addressed to me there, opening up an opportunity to express something of my own feelings excited by the occasion, that had been really the feelings of my whole life.
" Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the country. I was given the honor of raising it to the head of its staff; and when it went up, I was pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm. When, accord- ing to the arrangement, the cord was pulled and it flaunted glori- ously to the wind without an accident, in the glowing sunshine of the morning, I could not help hoping that there was in the entire success of that beautiful ceremony, at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor could I help feeling then, as I
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often have felt, that in the whole of that proceeding I was a very humble instrument. I had not provided the flag; I had not made the arrangement for elevating it to its place ; I had applied but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in raising it. In the whole transaction, I was in the hands of the people who had planned it; and if I can have the same generous cooperation of the people of this nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept flaunting gloriously. I recur for a moment to what has been said about the military support which the General Government may expect from the Commonwealth of Pennsylva- nia, in a proper emergency. To guard against any possible mis- take do I recur to this. It is not with any pleasure that I con- template the possibility that a necessity may arise in this country for the use of the military arm. While I am exceedingly grati- fied to see the manifestation upon your streets of your military force here, and exceedingly gratified at your promise to use that force upon a proper emergency ; while I make these acknowledg- ments, I desire to repeat, in order to preclude any possible mis- .construction, that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them-that it will never become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed fraternal blood. I promise that, in so far as I may have wisdom to direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it shall be through no fault of mine.
" Allusion has also been made, by one of your honored speakers, to some remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg, in regard to what is supposed to be the special interest of this great Com- monwealth of Pennsylvania. I now wish only to say, in regard to that matter, that the few remarks which I uttered on that occasion were rather carefully worded. I took pains that they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to add to them or subtract from them. I leave them precisely as they stand, adding only now that I am pleased to have an expression from you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, significant that they are satis- factory."
Speaker Palmer then proceeded to deliver an elaborate oration upon the " Life and Character of Washington," in accordance with the previous request of the Legislature. Near the close of his
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address he made the following allusion to Mr. Lincoln : "And may God protect and bless the President-elect of the United States, whom He has called to the performance of high and important duties at this solemn and difficult period in our history. The people of Pennsylvania, by their votes in favor of his elec- tion, have confided their interests and their honor to his keeping, and the vast destinies and future welfare of the Union are largely committed to his charge. And here, in behalf of the people of Pennsylvania, let me thank him for his recent public declarations of fraternal feeling and justice of intention towards the people of the Southern States-that ' they are to be treated as WASHING- TON, JEFFERSON, and MADISON treated them-that their institu- tions are in no way to be interfered with-that he will abide by every compromise of the Constitution.' And further, that 'they are our fellow-citizens, friends, and brethren, equally devoted with ourselves to the Constitution, and that there is no difference between them, and us, other than the difference of local circum- stances.' These are the sentiments of WASHINGTON, and the sen- timents and principles Pennsylvania meant to sustain, when her people voted for Abraham Lincoln."
The address of the President-elect before the Legislature of Pennsylvania was the last of that remarkable series which he delivered during his more than triumphal progress to the Capital. His words throughout were those of kindness and conciliation. He allowed no utterance to escape him that could by any possi- bility be construed into a menace, or an incitement to civil strife. On the contrary, he iterated and reiterated the sentiment of obe- dience to law and a devotion to the Constitution, with a frequency that, under other circumstances, would have been devoid of taste. The real effect of his words was, however, the reverse of that which he intended. It was at a time when the whole country, from the revolutionary attitude which the South had chosen to assume, was greatly excited, and every word which would throw light upon the solution of the vexed problem was eagerly sought. The kindly and humane tone of his utterances gave intense satis- faction, and his words were hailed as those of truth and soberness. Every one came to feel that if it was possible to avoid war, it was in the heart of Abraham Lincoln to do it. Every sentiment he
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expressed, tended to mould and unite the North, and to make his cause their cause. How much soever he might disclaim the inten- tion of inciting to war, and declare-
" I come not, friends, to steal away your hearts,"
yet he succeeded, though unwittingly ;- and when, finally, he was forced to call for men to defend the national honor, they were ready to go, and eager to flock to his standard.
Mr. Lincoln was accompanied on his journey by his wife and family, and a few personal friends, among whom were Judge Davis and Mr. Judd of Illinois, Colonel Sumner, Major Hunter, and Captain Pope. It had been arranged and widely published that the party would proceed by special train on the following morning over the Northern Central Railway to Baltimore, and thence to Washington. But intelligence communicated on the evening before caused that arrangement to be in part changed. Previous to the departure of Mr. Lincoln from his home, threats had been heard of his assassination; that he would never live to reach the Capital, and that the 4th of March would come and go without witnessing his inauguration. It is asserted on good authority, that an attempt was actually made to throw the train from the track on the first day of his journey, at a point where a wreck would have been disastrous, and the precaution was after- wards adopted of sending a pilot engine just ahead. A hand grenade was also found secreted in the car in which he was to travel, just as the train was leaving Cincinnati. So numerous and confident had the threats of bodily harm to Mr. Lincoln become, that detectives were employed to discover whence they originated, and if there was really any foundation for apprehen- sion. It was ascertained that a plan had been formed to assassi- nate him at the Calvert-street Depot in Baltimore, while sur- rounded by the crowd. This information was so positive and circumstantial, and having come through two sources entirely independent of each other, so well confirmed the previous rumors, that it was deemed advisable by the friends of Mr. Lincoln under whose escort he was travelling, and by General Scott and Mr. Seward, who had ferreted out the plot and had sent a messenger to Philadelphia to warn him of his danger, to abandon the Northern
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Central Road, and go by the way of Philadelphia, passing through Baltimore in the night time, thus avoiding change of cars in that city. The manner of that journey was the subject of sensational despatches and comments, many of them embody- ing the wildest exaggeration. Mr. Lincoln was represented as having fled from Harrisburg in disguise, dressed in a long mili- tary cloak and a Highland cap, and in rude fur garments, after the manner of a hunter. The illustrated papers, too, made his clandestine journey the subject of broad caricature. It is fortu- nate that amid so much misrepresentation we have from the mouth of Mr. Lincoln himself a plain statement of the event and all the attendant circumstances.
Early in December, 1864, Mr. Benson J. Lossing, the eminent historiographer and annalist, visited Mr. Lincoln, who, in reply to an inquiry made upon the subject, gave the following account, which was afterwards reduced to writing, nearly in his own words : "I arrived at Philadelphia on the 21st. I agreed to stop over night, and on the following morning hoist the flag over Independence Hall. In the evening there was a great crowd when I received my friends at the Continental Hotel. Mr. Judd, a warm personal friend from Chicago, sent for me to come to his room. I went, and found there Mr. Pinkerton, a skilful police detective, also from Chicago, who had been employed for some days in Baltimore, watching or searching for suspicious persons there. Pinkerton informed me that a plan had been laid for my assassination, the exact time when I expected to go through Baltimore being publicly known. He was well informed as to the plan, but did not know that the conspirators would have pluck enough to execute it. He urged me to go right through with him to Washington that night. I didn't like that. I had made engagements to visit Harrisburg, and go from there to Baltimore, and I resolved to do so. I could not believe that there was a plot to murder me. I made arrangements, however, with Mr. Judd for my return to Philadelphia the next night, if I should be convinced that there was danger in going through Baltimore. I told him that if I should meet at Harrisburg, as I had at other places, a delegation to go with me to the next place, then Baltimore, I should feel safe and go on.
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" When I was making my way back to my room, through crowds of people, I met Frederick Seward. We went together to my room, when he told me that he had been sent, at the instance of his father and General Scott, to inform me that their detectives in Baltimore had discovered a plot there to assassinate me. They knew nothing of Pinkerton's movements. I now believed such a plot to be in existence. The next morning I raised the flag over Independence Hall, and then went on to Harrisburg with Mr. Sumner, Major (now General) Hunter, Mr. Judd, Mr. Lamon and others. There I met the Legislature and people, dined, and waited until the time appointed for me to leave. In the meantime, Mr. Judd had so secured the telegraph that no communication could pass to Baltimore and give the conspirators knowledge of a change in my plans. In New York some friend had given me a new beaver hat in a box, and in it had placed a soft wool hat. I had never worn one of the latter in my life. I
had this box in my room. Having informed a very few friends of the secret of my new movements, and the cause, I put on an old overcoat that I had with me, and putting the soft hat in my pocket, I walked out of the house at a back door, bareheaded, without exciting any special curiosity. Then I put on the soft hat and joined my friends without being recognized by strangers, for I was not the same man. Sumner and Hunter wished to accompany me. I said no; you are known, and your presence might betray me. I will only take Lamon, now Marshal of this District, whom nobody knew, and Mr. Judd. Sumner and Hunter felt hurt. We went back to Philadelphia and found a message there from Pinkerton, who had returned to Baltimore, that the conspirators had held their final meeting that evening, and it was doubtful whether they had the nerve to attempt the execution of their purpose. I went on, however, as the arrange- ment had been made. We were a long time in the station at Baltimore. I heard people talking around, but no one particu- larly observed me. At an early hour on Saturday morning, at about the time I was expected to leave Harrisburg, I arrived in Washington."
Mrs. Lincoln and the rest of the party remained until morning, when, after receiving a dispatch from Washington, stating that
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Mr. Lincoln had arrived in safety, they departed by the train especially prepared, over the Northern Central Road, and passing unmolested through Baltimore, arrived at the Capital in due time. That a well-matured plan had been formed to take Mr. Lincoln's life, there was little doubt, and subsequent events con- firm the belief. Mr. Raymond, in his Life of Lincoln, states that a notorious gambler, by the name of Byrne, left Baltimore soon after these events, and went to Richmond, where he fell under suspicion of disloyalty to the Southern Government, and was arrested. But at the hearing of his case, ex-United States Sena- tor Wigfall testified that Byrne "was captain of a gang who were to kill Mr. Lincoln," which secured his instant release, it being sufficient evidence of his loyalty to a Government which could regard with favor, and lend its sanction to, such murderous practices. The headquarters of the assassins was at No. 66 Fayette street, near Calvert, in the Taylor Building, which was the place of meeting of the leaders of the mob, who did actually murder some of the Massachusetts troops shortly afterward.
One of the agents employed to trace out the parties to this con- spiracy was under the direction of Samuel M. Felton, of Phila- delphia, President of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad Company. Having his own road to protect, the bridges of which were threatened with destruction, he was able the more easily to extend his investigation beyond his immediate charge, and to trace the source of the danger. At the request of the Librarian of Harvard University, Mr. Felton, whose brother was the President of that institution, prepared an account of the investigations that he instituted. It illustrates, in a most striking manner, this noted night journey of Mr. Lincoln through Pen- sylvania, and the solicitude felt by its citizens for his safety; it serves, too, to show the diabolical nature of the rebellious spirit, even at that early stage.
"It caine to my knowledge," says Mr. Felton, "in the early part of 1861, first by rumors and then from evidence which I could not doubt, that there was a deep laid conspiracy to capture Washington, destroy all the avenues leading to it from the North, East, and West, and thus prevent the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln in the Capital of the country; and, if this plot did not succeed,
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then to murder him while on his way to the Capital, and thus inaugurate a revolution, which should end in establishing a Southern Confederacy, uniting all the Slave States, while it was imagined that the North would be divided into separate cliques, each striving for the destruction of the other.
" Early in the year 1861, Miss Dix, the philanthropist, came into my office on a Saturday afternoon. I had known her for some years as one engaged in alleviating the sufferings of the afflicted. Her occupation had brought her in contact with the prominent men South. In visiting hospitals, she had become familiar with the structure of Southern society, and also with the working of its political machinery. She stated that she had an important communication to make to me personally; and, after closing my door, I listened attentively to what she had to say for more than an hour. She put, in a tangible and reliable shape, by the facts she related, what I had heard before in numerous and detached parcels. The sum of it all was, that there was then an extensive and organized conspiracy throughout the South to seize upon Washington, with its archives and records, and then declare the Southern conspirators de facto the Government of the United States. The whole was to be a coup d'état. At the same time, they were to cut off all modes of communication between Washington and the North, East, or West, and thus prevent the transportation of troops to wrest the Capital from the hands of the insurgents. Mr. Lincoln's inauguration was thus to be pre- vented, or his life was to fall a sacrifice to the attempt at inaugu- ration. In fact, troops were then drilling on the line of our own road, and the Washington and Annapolis line, and other lines ; and they were sworn to obey the commands of their leaders, and the leaders were banded together to capture Washington.
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