History of Dakota Territory, volume III, Part 100

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1146

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SOUTH DAKOTA: ITS HISTORY AND ITS PEOPLE

committee on resolutions were S. A. Ramsey, Henry Volkmer, J. Alexander, Charles Eastman, Frank Tracy, A. H. Olson, E. M. Doyle, R. F. Pettigrew and Hugh Smith.

Two notable planks in the platform were as follows: (1) The Government demands security when it deposits public money in a bank and we believe that the security of the individual depositor who intrusts his earnings to a bank should be as perfect as the Government's security. (2) The conscience of the nation is now aroused and will, if honestly appealed to, free the Government from the grip of those who have made it a business asset of the favor-seeking corpora- tions ; it must become again "a Government of the people, by the people and for the people," and be administered in all its departments according to the Jeffer- sonian maxim-"equal rights to all and special privileges to none."

In June Taft was nominated at Chicago and in July Bryan was nominated at Denver. At the Republican State Convention in July there were 276 pro- gressives and 210 stalwarts. In the preliminary proceedings the latter endeav- ored to have removed from the state platform two objectionable planks: (1) the declaration in favor of the guaranty of bank deposits, and (2) the endorsement of the primary law. In order to promote harmony this request was granted, Gamble being the lone progressive to oppose this change. Still further to estab- lish harmony the progressives assisted in nominating Eben W. Martin, a stalwart, for Congress to succeed Mr. Parker, deceased. The presidential electors, four in number, were equally divided between the two factions. But the convention finally adjourned after adopting a platform more progressive than the national platform. The two factions fraternized admirably. Capt. Seth Bullock carried a message of peace back to the Black Hills and R. O. Richards and C. H. Burke were seen strolling together arm in arm with nods and smiles. By yielding an equitable number of candidates chosen the progressives won the adoption of their platform and a concert of action between the two wings.

The Democratic State Convention met at Rapid City, July 14th, with A. H. Olson as temporary chairman. Andrew E. Lee was called for and addressed the delegates at length. They named a full ticket except candidates for gover- nor, lieutenant-governor and congressman, which four had been previously chosen at the primary. The law allowed state conventions to fill vacancies left by the primaries. In addition to their platform, which is given above, they adopted resolutions covering a variety of subjects, two being as follows :

"(1) We call upon the people of the state to join with us to rescue the edu- cational institutions from the corrupt political board of regents who have despoiled these institutions by partisan appointments, filling the highest educa- tional positions with politicians whose only qualification was party service to a corrupt ring of bosses.

"(2) The republican party of this state is equally divided between the fol- lowers of Governor Crawford and of Senator Kittredge, each denouncing the other for corruption in office and extravagance and wastefulness in the conduct of the government of the state. As both of these factions have had control of all branches of the Government since 1901-Kittredge from 1901 to 1907 and Crawford from 1907 to the present time-we ask the voters to compare these last two republican administrations with the administration of Governor Lee from 1897 to 1901 : Cost of state government under Lee, 1897 to 1899, $826,174;

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1899 to 1901, $918,380; Kittredge or Elrod, 1905 to 1907, $1,408,000; Crawford, 1907 to 1909, $1,721,000."

Four of the principal issues developed in the 1908 campaign were: (1) right of the people to name candidates for office through the primaries; (2) prohibi- tion of passes; (3) absolute banishment of the corrupt legislative lobby; (4) adequate and just assessment of railway property. Among the leading speakers were Kittredge, Gamble, Burke, Vessey, Ericson, Martin, Governor Hughes of New York, Taft, Bryan, Chapin, John T. Graves, independent candidate for vice president ; George F. Knappen, prohibition candidate for governor; Pettigrew, Crawford, Lee, Hall, Glass, Shober, Clark, Brown, Martin, and many others. It was a famous or infamous year for the bosses and grafters, because there was abundant opportunity for the barter and sale of place and power and for the purchase of voters and influence. There was a split in the ranks of the democracy during the campaign, one faction going off and adopting the name independent. Their candidate for President was Thomas L. Hisgen. It was announced during the campaign that, should Bryan win, Mr. Pettigrew would be given a place in his cabinet. The headquarters of the state republican clubs was at Huron.

At the November election Taft was chosen President, and in South Dakota the whole republican ticket was successful. Kittredge and the stalwarts were defeated. Taft received 67,395 votes and Bryan 40,171. For governor, Vessey (republican) received 62,945 votes, and Lee (democrat) 44,837. .

In 1909 the Legislature passed an amendment to the primary law, which abolished the convention system of choosing delegates to national conventions and provided that any group of delegate candidates could unite and be grouped in the primary ballot under one motto and be voted for en masse by the mark X.

In the Senate the vote for United States senator was-Crawford (republican) 23, Lee (democrat) 6; and in the House-Crawford 94, Lee 9.

At one time in the spring of 1909 eight or ten petitions for new laws under the referendum clause of the constitution were in circulation, and nearly all were successful because only 5 per cent of the voters was necessary to bring them before the electors. About this time R. O. Richards on one side and Governor Vessey and Senator Crawford on the other became estranged. Mr. Richards said in April :

"Among the specific acts I had to overlook in managing Mr. Crawford's campaign as a reform candidate for the Senate, were his alliance with Gamble, a stalwart, without asking the advice of any progressive leaders; his reluctance to support the anti-pass program and the divorce law; his weak action as gov- ernor in permitting Cassill's interest graft which helped finance two daily papers (Sioux Falls Press and Aberdeen Daily American) in Crawford's support; a word from the governor to the Legislature or to the treasurer would have stopped that practice which, together with the land fraud charges, came near ditching the entire movement; his mismanagement of state finances; his dema- gogic advocacy of a 2-cent rate law instead of a fair intelligent study of the railroad rate question and his choice for the successor in the governor's chair, of a man incapable of being a leader in his own right. But all these things I should have passed over as incidents in the attainment of a great reform if there had been an honest effort on Crawford's part to provide by law for doing away as far as possible with the evils of machine control in politics. This he could

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easily have done, as governor, in the enactment of the primary law, because the Legislature was singularly responsive to him; however, he failed to do so."

As early as August, 1909, Mr. Richards' name was mentioned in connection with the governorship on the republican ticket. Senator Crawford at first fa- vored the Payne Tariff Bill, but voted against it when it came up for final passage in the Senate. For this course he was so severely criticised that he announced in an open letter that in the absence of definite advice from his constituents he was forced to use his best judgment and hence voted against the bill.

In the fall of 1909 President Taft's course was so unsatisfactory to the pro- gressives of South Dakota that a general cry arose from all parts of the state for him to continue to carry out the Roosevelt policies instead of slighting or disregarding them. Taft favored the Aldrich Currency Bill, which was disliked by the South Dakota progressives. They believed it to be a movement of the big banks and other gigantic moneyed concerns to control the financies of the country. At a meeting of republicans called in conference at Mitchell on Oc- tober Ist, William Doddle served as chairman and the following action was taken: (1) in favor of uniting the republican factions under the platforms of 1906 and 1908, particularly the carrying into effect of the Roosevelt policies ; (2) in approving the course of the western senators and representatives in Con- gress with advice to continue the good work; (3) in opposing the so-called high- handed acts of Speaker Cannon; (4) in recommending that the voters at the next election choose a Legislature pledged to ratify the income tax amend- ment to the Federal Constitution; (5) in support of the proposition that home people be permitted to select their own postmasters; (6) in favor of a general civil service law. At this meeting Mr. Richards acted with the stalwarts. Sen- ator Kittredge and Congressman Burke were present. The former favored a reactionary ticket for 1910.

The action of the stalwarts in calling a factional conference at Watertown for January 6, 1910, was a movement of the old republican guard to defeat the pretensions of the progressives, reduce their strength and gain control of the party machine. The meeting was postponed, but was finally held at Huron on February Ist. The tocsin was sounded on the manifesto which called this con- ference. For five years up to this date, it was declared by the press, the pro- gressives, sailing under a white flag though armed for the fight, had manipulated the party for factional gain and should now be displaced. In calling the con- ference the stalwarts said :

"The present wasteful management of the state affairs is now costing the tax payers of South Dakota $2,000 per day more than better management cost during the two years of the Elrod administration. We deplore the needless accumulation of a state debt of $1,000,000 in the last three years-the highest taxation ever known in the state."

At this conference were Kittredge, Martin and Burke, the latter two con- trolling the proceedings. While in session they received 'a message from Taft asking for harmony. Senator Kittredge favored a ticket wholly independent of that of the progressives, but was overruled by the others; he thereupon sub- mitted. Resolutions to the following effect were adopted: Extolling the repub- lican party and its principles; supporting Taft and the Roosevelt-Taft policies ; favoring a protective tariff ; supporting the Payne Tariff Bill; favoring railway

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rate legislation, the regulation of large corporations, a graduated income tax, and conservation of national resources; pledging a business administration for the state and nation; promising economy, and needed help to the state institu- tions ; cutting out all unnecessary offices; promising to keep expenditures within the tax limits, to pay the state debt and to equalize taxation ; promising a reduc- tion in freight and express rates ; pledging a 2-cent fare and the correct valuation of railway property ; promising that as the primary election law had been settled by the people, it should not be disturbed and that the selection of candidates should be left as provided by this law; suggesting that farmers' institutes should be held under the management of the State Agricultural College; commending the course of the state treasurer in turning the interest on state funds into the treasury ; and recommending that only candidates who were in harmony with these principles should be nominated at the June primary.

This action of the stalwarts at once set the progressive machinery in opera- tion. They promptly called a conference for February 24, 1910. To be publicly charged with having an extravagant state administration was more than they could bear, in face of the fact that they had voluntarily conceded nearly half of the official patronage to the stalwarts. In addition President Taft was disregard- ing the Roosevelt policies and Speaker Cannon was overriding the rights of the progressives in the House. All of this set a spur in the ribs of the progressives of this state. Already they had determined, owing to President Taft's reactionary course, to go on with the Roosevelt, LaFollette, Cummins and Murdock reforms. This step was their principal object. In their call for the meeting they said :

"Whereas, The progressives are responsible for the Vessey administration and have used every honorable means to unite the factions of the republicans (particularly at the meeting held October 1, 1909, at Mitchell) and

"Whereas, The stalwart republicans have rejected all the overtures for union and peace and have openly declared war on the republican state administration of Governor Vessey and are determined to force the fight on the progressives in order to restore control of the party and the state to the corporate interest from which it was wrested in 1906, and

"Whereas, At a secret caucus of the stalwart wing a secret ticket was agreed upon, so as to have but one stalwart candidate for each office in the state, and

"Whereas, It is now necessary for the progressives to present a solid front against such reactionary measures, therefore,

"Resolved, That the object of this meeting (of February Ist) is to organize for the purpose of repelling this attack, preventing the success of the reactionary movement and keeping the state within the progressive columns."

The progressives declared that the sole object of the stalwarts was to gain control of the state government. The stalwarts stated that while this was one object, it was not the sole object, though it was one of the principal objects. The progressives called attention to the advance of the state under their policies and management. Before their advent in 1906, they said, the political bosses were dictatorial, arrogant and supreme. Railways and other corporations ran the state with mighty hand. Invariably they dictated party platforms, named the issues and controlled conventions and legislatures. All of this, said the pro- gressives, has been changed. They boasted of the following accomplishments or reforms: Primary election law; anti-lobby law; anti-pass law; 2-cent railway

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passenger law; physical valuation of railways; forced track connections at rail- way closings and junctions ; railway to pay for stock killed under certain condi- tions and for damage done by fires started by locomotives; reciprocal demurrage law; fellow servant law; joint resolution to Congress asking for an amendment of the Constitution to enable the people to choose senators by direct vote; burden of proof on railways in specific cases; limited the working time on railways to sixteen consecutive hours; forbade railways to parallel rival lines; prevented railways from abandoning any established station; anti-discrimination law; per- mitted the commission form of government in cities; revolutionized the taxation of railway property ; reduced express rates 20 per cent ; required the state treas- urer to account for interest on state funds; anti-trust law; established a tuber- culosis sanitarium; hotel inspection law.

To continue their work the progressives called another meeting for Febru- ary 24, 1910, at Huron, on which occasion resolutions to the following effect were passed: Declaring their loyalty to the basic principles of the republican party ; insisting on their adherence to the Roosevelt policies; commending Taft insofar as he carried out Roosevelt's policies ; advocating tariff revision, protec- tion, the Payne Tariff Law and a graduated income tax ; denouncing Cannonism and Aldrichism; favoring the corrupt practice act; pledging the elimination of the personal spoils system; advising the selection of postmasters by the people; promising the publication of insurance statements; making the office of insur- ance commissioner elective; favoring the recall of officials as a safeguard to the primary law; keeping the state expenses within the income; advocating a reform in taxation ; commending the safe, conservative, upright and business-like admin- istration of Governor Vessey and his associates, and approving the course of Senator Crawford in Congress.

At this conference an elaborate explanatory speech was delivered by R. O. Richards, who desired that his motives should not be misunderstood nor that his object should be obscured by his enemies. It was about this time that he began suit against the Argus-Leader for defamation of character, fixing the damages at $50,000. He was president of the South Dakota Primary League at this date. Near the last of February the progressives opened headquarters at Huron with Mr. Richards as manager.

As early as March, 1910, the prohibitionists assembled at Huron and non- inated O. W. Butterfield for governor. The platform declared that the legalized liquor traffic was responsible for the prevailing social and political unrest of the nation; condemned the interstate commerce regulations which sent liquor into the states that did not want it; favored county option; promised to give women the ballot ; advocated reductions in railway freight and passenger rates; favored better roads; pledged the control of trusts and corporations, and urged other reforms.

In April, 1910, Thomas Thorson was announced as a candidate for Congress on the republican ticket. So was John Schrader. Frank M. Byrne was candi- date for lieutenant-governor. Burke and Martin were active in this campaign. They supported the course of Speaker Cannon against the progressives. George W. Egan was an independent candidate for governor at the republican primaries. Few in this state were ever so maligned and transfigured as he was. His private character was assailed and held aloft for public inspection. Later he

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began suit against certain newspapers for heavy damages and was largely successful.

The following is the republican ticket that was successful at the primary of June 1, 1910: Governor, R. S. Vessey ; lieutenant-governor, Frank M. Bryne; secretary of state, S. C. Polley ; attorney-governal, R. C. Johnson ; auditor, H. B. Anderson ; treasurer, G. G. Johnson; land commissioner, F. F. Brinker ; school superintendent, C. G. Lawrence; railroad commissioner, W. G. Smith; congress- men, C. H. Burke and Eben W. Martin. Of the above list six were progressives and five stalwarts. The primary gave the progressives control of the state convention and insured them a working majority in the Legislature. Generally there was a progressive gain in the whole state. The greatest surprise was in the vote of the Black Hills which gave a. large majority to the progressive candidates. They had previously been stalwart. Congressman Martin had pre- dicted that the Hills would give the stalwarts a majority of 5,000. One of the surprises of the primary was the large vote given George W. Egan, independent candidate for governor. Vessey (progressive) received 26,372 votes; Egan (independent), 21,446; Elrod (stalwart), 20,335. No doubt the large vote for Egan was partly due to the irritation of the republican voters caused by the war between the two factions, but may have been due in part to the campaign of abuse against him.

According to the returns filed in the office of secretary of state expenses for the primary campaign of 1910 were as follows: R. S. Vessey, $650.80; S. H. Elrod, $635; G. W. Egan, $2,339.14; J. W. Parmley, $860; A. W. Ewart, $1,006.05 ; G. G. Johnson, $760; H. B. Anderson, $530; S. C. Polley, $424; Charles Dousman, $610; W. G. Smith, $607; W. S. Benedict, $250; F. S. Brinker, $219; stalwart committee, $6,470; insurgent committee, $6,644; C. H. Burke, $2,441 ; E. W. Martin, $2,321 ; J. S. Schrader, $1,003.

At the republican state convention on June 5 the progressive platforni and principles were adopted practically as a whole. A few concessions were made to the stalwarts and to others who presented plausible reasons for a change. One of the new planks opposed the appointment of corporation lawyers to federal judgeships. T. W. Dwight was chairman of the convention. Dissensions within the party were referred to him as "growing pains." Mr. Richards opposed nearly every act of the convention, claiming that it should support the agreement made between him as the authorized and chosen leader and other leading politi- cians. It required five hours for the committee on resolutions to make their report. Finally, at 1.37 A. M., it was adopted. W. C. Cook was chosen chairman of the state central committee.

The platform presented these features: Adherence to republican principles ; continuation of Roosevelt's policies ; commendation of Taft's administration in part ; protection; commendation of the interstate commerce railway measure ; control of trusts and corporations; graduated income tax; preventing special interests from controlling legislation; corporation lawyers to be ineligible to federal judgeships; no backstep in progressive legislation; state depository com- mended; postmasters to be chosen by the electors at home; repeal of the law requiring the publication of insurance statements ; sustaining the act of the last Legislature dividing the state into two legislative districts; commended the ad- ministration of Governor Vessey.

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The democratic state convention was held at Redfield. Mr. Pettigrew was a conspicuous figure. They named Chauncey L. Wood for governor. The convention was one of the largest and most successful held in the state for several years. No doubt the enthusiasm shown was due largely to the prospect of a division in the phalanx of the republicans, in which event their chances of success were much brighter and more alluring. Every county in the state were represented. Granville Jones served as temporary chairman and General Sheafe as permanent chairman. During the session speeches were delivered by Granville Jones, Colonel Lyons, General Sheafe, ex-Senator Pettigrew, A. S. Simmons, Chelsea Wood, W. W. Soule and others. The proposition to exempt from taxation homes valued at $2,500 was voted down. The platform was similar to those of recent years. It declared in favor of the income tax, reorganization of freight rates, direct election of United States senators and other planks of less importance.

In the summer of 1910 Roosevelt refused longer to endorse the Taft adminis- tration which had begun to disregard his policies. It was charged that within the administration was an anti-Roosevelt conspiracy-that the administration would no longer be bound by the intangible and alleged policies of an outsider no matter how prominent and that Taft and his supporters would stand on their own foundations. All this made the distinction between progressive and stalwart fully defined and established. In South Dakota this gauntlet was flung in the face of the progressives.

The campaign was one of vituperation and bitterness. New issues arose as time passed. In his campaign Roosevelt criticised the courts and widened his platform so as to embrace all who would support his policies. He visited Sioux Falls in September and delivered an elaborate address on the so-called issues. It was about this time that Roosevelt excluded Lorimer from the republican banquet in Chicago. Nearly all of the republican and democratic candidates for office in this state took the stump and there was hardly a schoolhouse that did not ring with the hosannas of political gatherings. The election was not wholly a surprise but was foreshadowed by the chasm between the two republican factions. With the republicans of the country almost equally divided the general success of the democrats was the inevitable result. Thus there was what is known as a democratic landslide. In this state the republicans had this great advantage over the democrats -- they could win though thus divided, because they had agreed on a ticket and a platform. They thus won by a large margin, the Legislature having 135 republicans and 14 democrats. The republicans here were united so far as the common enemy was concerned, but were engaged in a family row with hair-pullings and knockdowns behind party doors. As a whole there was a light vote. All of the amendments as follows were defeated: (1) Leasing school lands; (2) increase in attorney-general's salary; (3) equal suffrage; (4) limiting county debts; (5) the new revenue law; (6) people to vote on the location of state institutions.

In the United States Senate, in January, 1911, Senator Gamble spoke in favor of the adoption of the Lorimer committee report. Senator Campbell took a different view. They took opposite sides on nearly all live subjects. In May, 1911, ex-Senator Kittredge died at Hot Springs, Ark., whither he had gone to regain his health. He is generally and justly regarded as one of the ablest

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History of Dakota Territory, volume III, Part 100

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920 Publication date: 1915 Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company Number of Pages: 1146

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1146