History of Dakota Territory, volume III, Part 8

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1146


USA > South Dakota > History of Dakota Territory, volume III > Part 8


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There are three horizons of coal or lignite in the state, namely: Carbonifer- ous, Dakota and Laramie. The first was evidently formed under conditions not favorable to the formation of coke. The result is a form of lignite which is used to considerable extent, but its value is limited. In the upper part of the Dakota


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formation near Centerville and in the extreme southeast corner of the state occur small quantities of lignite. In the Laramie formation are large beds of lignite from five to eight feet in thickness, and over the northwestern portion of the state a considerable quantity of this formation has been mined from the earliest time for commercial purposes. Peat deposits are found upon the east and west coteaus outside of the first morains. There are oil and coal lands in Meade County on Mason Creek and on Black Flats. Not long ago about thir- teen thousand acres in that section of the state were leased for commercial purposes.


The rich tin deposits in the Black Hills were discovered about the year 1881-2 and at first did not attract much attention. Thereafter and previous to 1890 a period of excitement would occasionally arise, but would soon subside because no concerted and effective attempt was made to open the deposits. The best deposits were found to be in Custer and Pennington counties and occupied a tract of about twenty to forty miles extension. At the time of the gold excite- men of the 'zos, tin was not considered, was overlooked in the excitement over the gold discovery, but later was called to the attention of prospectors and capitalists. In the gold placer beds were found the earliest specimens of tin ore. They appeared as small nuggets of black ore in the gold washings and were called "black-jack." At first no one knew what it was, but finally specimens were sent to the assay office, whereupon it was discovered that they contained a large percentage of tin. This news at once created great excitement second only to that caused by the discovery of gold itself. At once many ledges were staked for tin. The first claims proved to be rich in the ore. Its value was soon established beyond question. New York capitalists sent large amounts of money here for the purchase of claims and the commencement of operations. About 1883 they put up the first mill for the reduction of the ore. After this mill had made a splendid cleanup, it was closed down and reports were circulated that the ore could not be worked and possessed no commercial value. This caused the excitement to die out for a while. A little later it was discovered that the purposes of these reports was to enable certain holders to secure an advantage in the market.


In the meantime the miners made investigations on their own initiative and learned that the ore possessed great value. The New York men were known as the Etta Company. It was then learned that they had been buying everything in sight that looked like a tin prospect. Soon this company had immense properties of tin ledges in the Hills. The Etta Company, after spending about eight hun- dred thousand dollars, found that their yield was still unexhausted. As they needed more capital they negotiated with London industries and succeeded in securing large additional sums of money for development purposes. Various reports concerning the worthlessness of the mines were circulated, but those who had made experiments never lost faith in the richness of the ores. James Wilson took with him to England 80,000 pounds of the ore, which there was thoroughly tested and found to be of great value. In about 1887 the Etta Com- pany consolidated with the Harney Peak Tin Mining and Manufacturing Com- pany, and the united organization became the largest tin mining concern in the Hills. By 1890 this company owned 10,000 acres of ore land and had invested over two million dollars. At this time two Chicago companies were interested


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also in the tin possessions. The Glendale Tin Company was the first one to cast tin pigs for commercial purposes. The Tin Mining Company, another Chicago concern, was capitalized for $150,000. Cyrus H. McCormick, Mr. Hibbard, of Hibbard, Spencer & Bartlett, and H. W. Fowler, of the Fowler Roller Mill Company, became large holders of the stock.


Tin ore or cassiterite (binoxide of tin, as it is technically called) is found in various parts of the world. Up to this date the principal supply had come from Wales, Australia and Southern Asia. A few deposits had been discovered in South Carolina and North Carolina. The Black Hills deposits were shown by assays to be the richest in the world and the supply seemed to be practically inexhaustible. Blasters were thrown out yielding ore with as high as from 15 to 25 per cent of metal. The prospect for immense milling works in the Hills was never better than at this time. Coal was found in abundance near; the petroleuni fields of Wyoming were within easy distance; timber was found in abundance within a few miles; splendid water power for at least six months in the year could be readily obtained, so that the outlook for the tin mines of the Black Hills seemed at this time unimpaired and unexcelled. There were in sight at this time 500,000 tons of the ore. The Glendale Company prepared to put in a smelting plant by January 1, 1891. The Harney Peak Company likewise planned to commence smelting during the summer of 1890.


The Black Hills tin belt somewhat resembles a semi-circle in shape with the Harney Peak in the center and includes an area of about thirty miles in length and five miles in width. Tin ledges are found throughout this belt and they are generally continuous, well defined fissure veins of mica schist, the rock being a siliceous slate. The ore occurs in the form of cassiterite crystals from a micro- scopic size to those that weigh 100 pounds or more. There crystals are some- times found near one wall and at other times are disseminated through the ledge matter. The ledges vary from a few inches to ten feet or more in width. In 1890 the outlook for the continued rapid development of the tin industry was never better. Near Custer City the outlook was most encouraging. A large force was busy at Tenderfoot Camp and an additional force had been put on at Tin Reef where the company's boarding house was located and being enlarged. Another strong force was at Flora, the noted Willow Creek Bonanza, one and one-half miles north of the city, the number of men employed there being con- stantly on the increase. Large quantities of machinery had been ordered by the Tin Reef and Willow Creek properties. It was estimated that the aggregate number employed in this vicinity was about two hundred men. The tin ore of this region did not require roasting like the ore of Great Britain and other coun- tries of Europe. The Harney Peak Company tin mines cost about three million dollars, that amount having been spent thereon by July, 1890. At this time work on several small railway lines in the Hills was commenced. They were designed to be used in conveying the product of the mines to market. The above company first planned to place 12,000 tons of tin on the market annually. The owners of Etta Mines had large and valuable properties; in fact, they owned valuable tin mines in all parts of the world and endeavored to manipulate the product of the Black Hills to their own advantage, but were unsuccessful. The tin belt in the Hills, it was found, reached from Hayward to Custer along the northwestern side of Harney Ranch. The Harney Peak Company assayer made tests on new


"THE DELLS," BLACK HILLS


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ore three times every week and on every mine in the Hills. It was found that there was four times as much tin in the ore as in the ore obtained at Cornwall, England. At Hillside there were in operation in 1891 the Cowboy, Coats, Gerta, Nevada, Adda and Coloron tin mines. In 1893 the tin mills shut down for a time, owing to labor troubles, and much hardship to the employes resulted. The South Dakota Mining Company had serious difficulty with its employes. Soon afterward other companies were involved in the same trouble and there was a considerable lapse of time. The Big Palmer Gulch gold field was discovered about 1893. Here tin had been found when placer mining was first commenced on the gulch. These discoveries were among the first in that portion of the Hills.


Shafts were early sunk or wells were bored in Hughes, Sully, Hyde, Hand and Potter counties to a considerable depth, and not only artesian water but both oil and natural gas in considerable quantities were secured. One of the first strikes of natural gas was in the artesian well sunk at the Indian School in Pierre in 1892-3. The gas was shown to be in considerable quantity and at once at was utilized by the inhabitants. Other wells there gave similar results, and altogether they furnished probably half enough to meet the wants of the inhabitants. The natural gas subject at Pierre cut an important figure during the capital contests. Few wells were sunk in this portion of the state that did not give strong evidences of valuable oil and natural gas supplies. West of the Missouri for a considerable distance the same products were shown to exist. North and south from Pierre for many miles along the Missouri all deep wells gave these results, but the excitement died out when investigation showed that the supply was exceedingly limited and was being rapidly exhausted. In 1893 there was an oil excitement five miles west of Fort Pierre, where 1,200 acres were quickly filed upon as mineral claims, buildings were put up and a small town was started. Since that time oil and natural gas have been found in numerous wells that have been sunk in this portion of the state. In 1903 Huron found oil and a small quantity of natural gas in one of its wells, but not enough to be of commercial value. At this time Emil Brauch was state oil inspector. A real estate concern known as the Gas Belt Company flourished at Pierre for many years. In 1904 a deep well sunk at Pierre supplied a large amount of gas. It did not seem to affect the supply in the other well at first, but later both wells began to fail in this product. At this time it was estimated that the two gas wells alone supplied about two hundred thousand cubic feet of fairly good gas per day. At a depth of 1,300 feet on the Scotty Phillips ranch, a short dis- tance west of Pierre, excellent artesian water and a considerable supply of gas were obtained. The well was sunk to secure water to be used in irrigating alfalfa. In 1907 the Gas Belt Exposition was held at Pierre and was largely attended by persons interested in that product.


The first practical test of gas at Pierre for power was conducted in Novem- ber, 1898. It was applied to operate the Hyde Grist Mill. The engine was of forty-four horse power, but was run at thirty-five horse power. It required about thirteen cubic feet of gas per hour to run the mill. The supply from the well was from sixty thousand to seventy-five thousand cubic feet per day. In 1898 the . city sank another well. In 1897 gas was found in a well which was sunk at Ashton.


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The approximate value of natural gas produced in South Dakota in 1899 was $3,500; 1900, $9,817; 1901, $7,255; 1902, $10,280; 1903, $10,775; 1904, $12,215; 1905, $15,200; 1906, $15,400; 1907, $19,500; 1908, $24,400; 1909, $16,- 164; 1910, $31,999; 19II, $16,984; 1912, $30,412 for both North and South Dakota. No record seems to have been kept prior to 1899. In 1912 there were 34 wells in this state producing gas and in all there were 403 domestic and 3 industrial consumers. Domestic gas was sold for 70.8 cents per thousand cubic feet. The gas in this state comes wholly from artesian wells and is limited to the counties of Hughes, Lyman, Stanley, Sulley, Potter and Walworth. In these counties owners of ranches where artesian wells have been sunk and where the gas has been obtained use it for domestic and other purposes. At the Indian school near Pierre is an artesian well which produces a considerable flow of water and natural gas. At Fort Pierre the wells supply considerable gas which is used for power at the waterworks and for domestic uses by the inhabitants. The same is true of Pierre on a more extensive scale. Power to supply water for irriga- tion purposes is furnished here and there by the consumption of this gas. Late in 1912 the number of artesian wells in the state, from which this gas was obtained for the various uses was thirty-five. The gas pressure varies from thirty to sixty pounds. A pumping plant operated by a natural gas engine was installed at the Indian school to aid in irrigating the gardens and fields connected with the school. Two gas wells were abandoned in 1912. The supply thus far is limited. Pierre and Fort Pierre are the only two cities in the state which are supplied with this gas. They use it steadily both for domestic and public service.


CHAPTER III


THE INDIANS; THEIR SCHOOLS AND LANDS; THE VERENDRYE PLATE


Dakota Territory was informed by telegram from Washington, D. C., on May 1, 1888, that President Cleveland had signed the Sioux Reservation Open- ing Bill. This intelligence caused intense joy throughout the whole territory, particularly in the towns along the Missouri River. The inhabitants in those districts held formal celebrations to voice their joy at the opening. There were left of the Big Sioux Reservation in Dakota the following tracts still under the domain of the Indians: (1) Upper Brule or Rosebud; (2) Lower Brule; (3) Cheyenne River; (4) Oglala or Pine Ridge; (5) Standing Rock. In addition a new but small reservation was created from the old Crow Creek and Winne- bago Reservation on the east side of the Missouri River. The Yankton Reserva- tion, also on the east side of the river, was left intact. The latter had never been a part of the Great Sioux Reservation which originally included every foot of Dakota west of the Missouri River and south of the Cannon Ball River. The Treaty of 1875 took a large slice from the western side of the original Sioux domain, and the new treaty of 1888 was planned to remove a large portion of the remainder. The five smaller reservations under the proposed law of 1888 were all of the Sioux tribe, the ownership being divided among the various bands. The Yanktonaise, the Crow Creeks, and the Yanktons at Yankton were members of the great Sioux family, and were related to the Sioux of Pine Ridge, Rosebud, Lower Brule, Cheyenne River, and Standing Rock agencies west of the Missouri River.


The territory to be surrendered under the bill of 1888 included all of the (then) counties of Nowlin, Scobey, Delano, Choteau, Rinehart, Martin, Wagner ; nearly all of Ziebach, Stanley, Sterling, Jackson, Pratt and Presho, and portions of Hettinger and Todd. The big opening of the Government tract between the Rosebud and the Pine Ridge agencies, and the big opening between the Cheyenne and the Standing Rock agencies were for the purpose, so far as possible, of dividing the large tribe and separating them so that they could not unite for an attack upon the whites.


The title of the act in Congress was "An act to divide a portion of the reser- vation of the Sioux nation of Indians in Dakota and to separate the reservation and then to secure the relinquishment of the Indian title to the remainder, and for other purposes." The act really opened to settlement the entire Sioux Reser- vation, with the exception of the five comparatively small reservations mentioned above. The Santee Sioux and others in the northeast part of the state received satisfactory allotment.


The Government Indian Commission left Washington for Bismarck July 14, 1888, for the purpose of securing, in accordance with law, the signatures of a


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three-fourths of the adult males to the treaty agreement. The design was to leave Bismarck and pass down the Missouri River and visit the agencies in succes- sion. A member of this commission was Rev. W. N. Cleveland, a brother of the President. The Cheyenne Agency Indians included the Minneconjous, Sans Arcs, Blackfeet and Two Kettles. The commission first visited Standing Rock Agency, arriving there in July. A conference was called, the object of the visit was explained and the Indians were asked to sign the agreement. Under the direction of their leaders and under still other influences, all refused to do so. John Glass was one of the eloquent leaders of the opposition. Governor Churchi, who was present, used every effort in his power to induce the head chiefs to sign the agreement, but was unsuccessful. Other prominent chiefs present were Big Head, Circling Bear, Long Dog, Mad Bear, Rain-in-the-Face, Gall, a speaker of great power and eloquence, Running Antelope, and others. Sitting Bull, not being a chief, did not participate in the conference, but his baneful influence on the out- side in opposition to the agreement was probably stronger than that of any chief present. The cattlemen and the squaw-men were equally influential in preventing the Indians from signing the agreement.


Thus in succession the commission visited the various agencies, but were unsuccessful in every instance. By September, after about two months of hard work, the commissioners had succeeded in securing only about one hundred sig- natures to the agreement. One of the first to append his, signature was Bowed Head, who made an appeal to the members of his band that overcame the objec- tions of White Ghost, chief of the Crow Creek Indians. Bishop Hare was present at several of the conferences but did not have sufficient influence to induce the Indians to sign the agreement, or else in secret did not desire then to do so.


The commissioners, though baffled at the start, did not give up the struggle. but continued their efforts, directing their work to the bands that were most easily influenced. By September 12th, three-fourths of the adult males at the Lower Brule Reservation had signed the agreement, which fact caused the con- missioners to hope that they could approach the other agencies with greater promise and leave with a greater degree of success.


The Government made very liberal offers. Secretary of the Interior Vilas offered to increase the $1,000,000 to be set apart under the agreement to the credit of the Sioux tribe, to $2,000,000 as an extra inducement to secure the signatures of the Indians. It was provided that they should be paid $1 an acre for all land sold within three years, 75 cents for all sold within two years thereafter, and 50 cents an acre for the remainder. Congress, it was provided, should have the right after five years to sell the remainder at 60 cents an acre. In addition the Indians were to receive large herds of cattle, horses and many implements. Still the Indians refused to accept the proposition. Sitting Bull and Gall held out perhaps stronger than any of the others against the proposition of the Government. The negotiations were continued for several months, and the chiefs were invited to visit Washington to confer with the authorities with the hope that the influences there might cause them to change their minds. Chief Glass was sent to represent his tribe, which act roused the wrath of Sitting Bull. who seemed to think that he should have secured that pleasure, distinction and honor. Upon the return of Chief Glass another sitting of the commission was held at Standing Rock Agency, on which occasion Black Thunder delivered an


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cloquent address against signing the document and was cheered loudly by hun- dreds of his warriors. Young White Cloud finally yielded and announced his intention of signing the agreement. At this act Sitting Bull became intensely angry and moved his hand as if to shoot Young White Cloud, and caused a score or more of Indians to rush upon the young warrior, but all were promptly halted by Chief Gall, who thus probably prevented an open conflict at the conference. Sitting Bull, however, promptly left the conference, whereupon Black Thunder soon afterwards broke off the pow-wow. John Glass was a member of the Black- feet Sioux and was poisoned by young Indians acting, it was later shown, under the influence of Sitting Bull. He recovered from the poison. At the Cheyenne Agency among the first to sign the agreement were White Swan, Yellow Hawk, Crow Eagle and Little Bear. A number of Indians finally offered to sign the agreement provided they were allowed $1.25 an acre instead of 75 cents. In the end the commission failed to secure enough signatures to make the agreement binding and effective. During this period Delegate Gifford worked hard at Wash- ington for the reduction of the great Sioux Reservation.


The failure of the commission in 1888 caused the people of the state to redouble their efforts to secure the opening of the reservation at a later date. Very active work in Congress was commenced in December, 1888, with this object in view. Senator Jones of Arkansas introduced the measure in the Senate. John H. King, of Rapid City, and ex-Congressman J. J. Kleiner, of Pierre, were sent as special representatives to Washington to use every reasonable effort for the passage of the bill. All this action was taken in response to the suggestions of the commission who had recommended strong measures. The commission had discovered that one of the chief obstacles to success was the established custom of Congress to support the Indians in idleness. This fact had been prominently mentioned by the newspapers and public speakers of South Dakota for many years. It was insisted that even the whites themselves would deteriorate in civilization if placed under the same conditions and environments. No wonder the Indians wanted no change and refused to sign the agreement that threatened to cut off their livelihood and end their influence with the Government.


The Gifford bill of 1889 provided for opening the Sioux Reservation with- out the consent of the Indians, and was first introduced in December, 1888, as Congress had re-convened succeeding the November election. It was announced soon afterward, no doubt in view of this proposed drastic course, that the Indians had signified their willingness to sign the opening bill in accordance with the terms offered them during the summer of 1888. Numerous amendments were offered in House and Senate to the Gifford bill. One provided for the payment of $1.25 per acre for all land settled upon during the first ten years after the opening and 50 cents an acre for the remainder. Although many attacks were made upon the provision of the bill which fixed the opening without the consent of the Indians, that measure was not changed because it was believed that the threat contained therein would be sufficient to force the Indians to the Govern- ment's terms.


Early in 1889 many persons, among whom was M. H. Day, contended that the new Sioux bill was too liberal, as it gave the tribe $10,000,000 for lands which really did not belong to the Sioux, but which were taken at war from other nations ; and that the lands as a whole were not worth over 50 cents an acre.


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The Gifford bill, with some amendments, became a law in February, 1889. Upon receipt of the news early in the latter month that President Harrison had signed the measure, intense enthusiasm again broke forth throughout the whole territory, particularly in the Black Hills and along the Missouri River. Numerous public celebrations with bonfires, speeches and parades were carried into effect with great enthusiasm. At Chamberlain a grand inaugural reservation ball was held as a part of the celebration. Young men dressed and painted as Indians galloped through the streets and held war dances in open places with all the enthusiasm characteristic of Indian gatherings. At the same time a mock sitting of the Sioux Commission, which had failed the previous year, was held to voice the regret, if not the contempt, which the citizens felt for the failure to secure signatures to the agreement.


In April, 1889, the new commissioners under the Gifford bill came to Dakota for the purpose of putting the law into effect. These commissioners were Gen. George Crook, Hon. William Warren of Missouri, and Hon. Charles Foster of Ohio. They were required to visit the Indian tribes and secure the signatures of the Indians to the opening agreement. Late in May they arrived at Valentine, Neb., and thence went to the Rosebud Agency to secure the signatures of the Indians there first.


Both of the commissions of 1888 and 1889 found that the Indians were influ- enced against signing the opening agreement by persons or organizations difficult to trace and to circumvent. The Indian Defense Association, at the head of which was Dr. T. E. Bland, editor of the Council Fire, a paper conducted in the interests of the association and of the Indians, took a strong position against the signing of the agreements by the natives. At all times the commissioners found that the association effectually either blocked the progress of the proceed- ings, or threatened to do so, until the demands of the Indians for certain con- cessions were complied with. Doctor Bland, especially through his paper, said that the law of 1889 in particular was unjust to the Indians, and that its measures were bulldozing and should be resisted. It was stated at the time by many news- papers of the state that Doctor Bland caused Red Cloud's opposition. John Gall and Glass in the end said that they signed the measure because they had come to believe it was the best terms the Indians could get from the Government, and that if they did not sign the Government probably would use coercive measures, would take the lands in any event, and would give the Indians no supplies, annuities, etc.




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