USA > South Dakota > History of Dakota Territory, volume III > Part 97
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The democratic state convention assembled at Aberdeen July 20, 1904, and presented a full ticket for the consideration of the voters. N. L. Crill was nomi- nated for governor by acclamation. The others were: Lieutenant-governor, F. S. Rowe; secretary of state, John Wade; auditor, M. M. Bennett; school superintendent, Miss Emily Meade; land commissioner, H. Peever; attorney general, Olaf Eidam; railway commissioner, Frank Apt; treasurer, P. F. Mc- Clure ; Congress, W. A. Lynch and W. S. Stewart; supreme judges, U. S. G. Cherry and Chauncey Wood; presidential electors, James Phillips, John L. Bean, Captain Seegan and Dr. H. C. Burch. The platform reaffirmed demo- Vol. III-44
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cratic principles; endorsed the national platform; favored Government owner- ship of railroads and other public institutions; asked for a state primary election law; favored the separate election of judicial officers; opposed the election of county commissioners by the county at large; recommended the creation of a revenue commission ; denounced the management of the Soldiers' Home and pledged the correction of the alleged abuses there; called attention to the un- precedented extravagance of the republican party in South Dakota and com- pared it with that of Andrew E. Lee; renewed the allegiance of the party to W. J. Bryan, and favored the restriction of railroads in (1) their liabilities for injuries to employes, (2) their responsibility for damages done by fires along their tracks, and (3) their liability for stock killed by the cars.
In August Olaf Eidam, democratic nominee for attorney general, withdrew from the ticket and came out for Roosevelt for President. He announced that he could not conscientiously support the democratic national platform and ticket.
The fight made by Coe I. Crawford for the republican nomination for gov- ernor early in 1904 was one of the most brilliant ever conducted in the state. It was aggressive, relentless and revolutionary. He fought openly for the pro- gressive movement in the republican ranks. He was the avowed champion of Roosevelt and the particular enemy of the old machine of the republicans. He did not hesitate to use every artifice known to politicians and really invented new tactics of partisan advance, flank movements and retreat. The fact that he lost to S. H. Elrod by the vote of 778 to 226 drew special attention to his campaign and widened the split to the dimensions of a political chasm. His defeat caused him and his supporters to devise the primary law that was defeated so summarily by the machine republicans at the legislative session of 1905. The plan of this primary law was to prevent or circumvent a repetition of the boss tactics that had encompassed his defeat at the Sioux Falls convention in April, 1904. The stalwart republicans denounced Crawford and his followers in un- measured terms and endeavored to show from the experiments therewith in other states that the primary law was inadequate, inefficient and dangerous.
"With a recklessness born of desperation, Mr. Crawford expects to take his fight into Yankton and Minnehaha counties, the homes of Senators Gamble and Kittredge. That dull sickening thud will be heard in both places."-Brook- ings Press, April, 1904.
"Coe I. Crawford has met the fortune the fates had prepared for him from the beginning of his ill-starred campaign for the republican nomination for governor of South Dakota. Unheeding the friendly advice and warning of men who had been political and personal friends for years, some of whom had sacri- ficed their own ambitions and aspirations in order to aid his fortunes, Mr. Craw- ford listened instead to the voices of the political soreheads of the state, men who had been rejected by the voters for office-populists, democrats and rene- gade republicans-and reached the conclusion that he was bigger and better than his party. He has learned his lesson. The scars left by his campaign methods will be felt by the republican party in this state for many years. Friend- ships have been broken and enmities created which will remain to vex the party long after Coe I. Crawford as a political factor has ceased to exist. Money was spent like water by Crawford and his friends in an effort to break down the
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republican organization in South Dakota and defeat the will of a majority of the republican voters. Nearly every disreputable method upon the political calendar was resorted to to carry their point. The press was prostituted to their base ends wherever possible. Where newspaper support could not be bought, new papers were established with Crawford money. Mad with dis- appointed ambition, smarting from wounded vanity, the misguided man ran amuck over the state, self-deceived in the first place, and led on to still further absurdities by the fulsome flatteries of disgruntled politicians who had every- thing to gain and nothing to lose by a possible disruption of the republican party of South Dakota."-Aberdeen News, May 5, 1904.
"Crawford today is the idol of the republican rank and file of South Dakota. The plain people will be better organized next time."-Vermillion Republican.
"Inasmuch as the idol of the people spent five months' time in touring the state and $15,000 in cash in promoting his candidacy, and then received but a little over one-fifth of the votes in the state convention, his claims to popularity among the rank and file amounts to nothing. It was the plain people-the rank and file-that defeated the Crawford candidacy."-Aberdeen News.
In 1904 the republicans decided against holding two separate conventions- one merely to name delegates to the national convention, and the other to name candidates for state offices. The Black Hills people led this movement against two conventions. The state convention was held at Sioux Falls May 4th and 5th. The delegates to the national convention were Finch, Davis, Hughes, Warner, Driscoll and Ringsrud. A full state and congressional ticket was chosen, thus : Governor, S. H. Elrod; lieutenant-governor, J. E. McDougall; secretary of state, D. D. Wipp; treasurer, C. B. Collins; auditor, J. F. Halladay; school superintendent, G. W. Nash; land commissioner, C. J. Bach ; attorney general, Philo Hall; railway commissioner, W. G. Smith; Congress, C. H. Burke and S. W. Martin ; supreme judges, Dighton Corson, Dick Haney and H. G. Fuller. The presidential electors chosen were: H. S. Morris, H. H. Gulstine, John Q. Anderson and G. R. Evans. This convention was controlled wholly by the state republican machine, much against the wishes and judgment of many of the dele- gates. The same old partisan and factional tactics were in vogue and ruled the convention with autocratic power and severity. Against the "slate" there was threatened a revolt, but concessions were made and the machine continued to turn its wheels and to puff and blow. As a whole it was one of the ablest and most brilliant conventions ever held in the state.
The platform reaffirmed the platform of 1900; favored protection; com- mended the action concerning Panama; pledged support to the existing sound money system; commended the administration concerning trusts and damaging organizations; expressed pride in the influence of the United States in inter- national affairs; acknowledged the indebtedness of the country to the soldiers of the Spanish-American war and the Philippine insurrection; commended the services of Gamble and Kittredge and of Burke and Martin in Congress; ap- proved the administration of Governor Herried and his associates in handling state affairs ; endorsed the judges of the Supreme Court; believed that a high standard of civic virtue and ability should be made requisite for public official preferment, and eulogized the late Marcus A. Hanna. In addition the conven- tion passed a long series of resolutions dwelling upon the prosperity of the
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country under republican rule and praising the character and accomplishments of President Roosevelt.
"General Weaver, the populist nominee for President in 1892, heads the democratic delegation from Iowa to the St. Louis convention; and Senator Pettigrew, the king-bee among the silver republicans and populists of South Dakota, is the new democratic boss of this state and heads the democratic dele- gation from South Dakota to the national convention. The democrats in Iowa and South Dakota who have always been democrats may not like it, but they have to grin and try to look pleasant."-Aberdeen News, May 11, 1904.
"If South Dakota really wants a state primary law perhaps she can get a second-hand one cheap by applying to Minnesota."-Sioux Falls Journal.
"But South Dakota isn't hunting bargain-counter political ideas which other states have tried and found wanting."-Aberdeen News, May 14, 1904.
"Eight years ago the democratic candidate for President (Bryan) declared that toiling humanity was crushed under a 'cross of gold.' Statistics show that 'toiling humanity' has piled a little matter of $2,500,000,000 in gold money in the country savings banks."-Rapid City Journal.
"The republican party seeks the vote of the farmer because it has furnished him better markets and better prices for his products than ever before. The democratic party never expects the farmer's vote except when he has been rav- aged by drouth and the chinch bug."-Rapid City Journal, July 10, 1904.
The county conventions were held mainly in September and October, and intense partisan feeling was exhibited. Everywhere there were keen contests for place and power. The sentiment for a primary law developed rapidly during the campaign, the object of the masses being to evade the whip of the bosses and remove the oppression and humiliation of ring rule. It was a fact that state officials and functionaries were freely given the party lash for refusal to obey the orders of the party bosses. It was said that Thomas Thorson was independent enough to refuse to obey the commands of the republican slate- makers and was therefore refused a renomination. The newspapers for many years were full of such instances of factional rule. It was no wonder that the voters now demanded again the cessation of all such unfair ring practices, asked for a primary law and insisted on having more to say in the selection of their officials. In all parts of the state arose a strong feeling against machine and boss rule. It was the same juggernaut that had rolled over them and crushed their hopes of fair play for nearly forty years. But did they really and sin- cerely expect that the ponderous gearing of a party could be operated without a machine? Yes, but they hoped for an easier-riding machine.
The prohibitionists assembled in mass convention at Mitchell on June 16th and selected their ticket with great care in order to draw as much strength as possible from the old parties. The platform favored a constitutional amendment forever prohibiting the manufacture, sale, importation or transportation·of in- toxicating liquors for beverage purposes ; advocated equal suffrage regardless of sex; advised legislation that would put labor and capital on an equal footing, and condemned the purchase of votes.
The populist state convention, not to be wholly slaughtered, met at Yankton September 16th and nominated a full ticket, headed by A. J. McCain and G. W. Lattin for Congress, and R. C. Warne for governor. Of this convention George
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H. Steele was permanent chairman. Their presidential electors were John M. Pease, Philip Rempp, M. L. Crawley and Sherman Wilcox. Pease and Walpole were strong figures at this meeting. The latter opposed naming a full ticket, but the former favored that course. The convention reasserted the principles of the party.
The issues were so well defined in 1904 that there was little to quarrel over. Roosevelt's policies were well known; so were those of Judge Parker and the democrats. These facts caused the campaign of 1904 to be so quiet and unevent- ful that the usual pyrotechnics were almost altogether lacking.
In the fall of 1904 much dissatisfaction existed in South Dakota among the old-time populists. While it is true that they had in effect captured the state democratic organization, they were still dissatisfied because the St. Louis convention repudiated free silver and many other dogmas of Bryanism. This dissatisfaction was still further augmented when the democratic convention at Aberdeen endorsed the national ticket. There arose over this discontent a spirit of revolt that sought at one time to revive the populist party. John M. Pease was at the head of this resuscitation movement.
In 1904 the socialists endeavored to gain farmer adherents and votes by delivering calamity speeches and circulating poverty campaign literature. Free- man Knowles, their candidate for governor, adopted this course in his addresses during the fall and was called to account by opposition speakers and newspapers. The Vermillion Plain Talk said early in August :
"There is much in Freeman Knowles' address with which we could agree, but the picture of isolation and poverty among farmers is not applicable to this section at least. It is not true that two-fifths of the farms in Clay County are operated by tenant farmers, nor that one-half of the remainder are mortgaged beyond hope of redemption. Nor are the renting farmers paying the entire net profit of their labor to the landlords."
"The time has gone by when the South Dakota farmer yields to despair and votes the populist ticket every time his wheat fails to be a bumper crop. The South Dakota farmer has too many irons in the fire to let one bother him very much. While wheat isn't keeping up the record of past years, the corn crop is humping itself, the hay crop is magnificent, the cattle on the ranges and on the farms are as fat as butter, the dairy interests are in splendid shape, potatoes and other vegetables are fine and prosperity is abroad in the state throughout its entire length and breadth."-Aberdeen Daily News, August, 1904.
"How do Teller, Pettigrew, Lind, Towne, Dubois and the rest of the fellows who left the republican party in 1896 because it had the courage and wisdom to declare for the gold standard feel since they are compelled to accept the same standard from the party to which they deserted? Pettigrew was evidently looking forward to the immediate future when he refused to allow the demo- cratic state convention to pledge the delegates to the national convention to sup- port the ticket nominated." -- Aberdeen Daily News, July 15th.
"Since his sensational desertion of the republican party in 1896, Mr. Petti- grew has been rather at sea politically until this spring, when he forced himself upon the democrats of South Dakota and was accepted by them as leader and boss. There is no doubt that when Pettigrew went to the St. Louis convention he expected to do great things. It was even rumored that the ex-senator might,
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in certain contingencies, be chosen as democratic national chairman during the present campaign. But when he reached the convention city he discovered that he was a whole lot bigger man in Sioux Falls than he was in St. Louis. When he presented his pet plank for the Government ownership of railroads for the consideration of the resolutions committee, the members thereof just laughed, and Dave Hill told him the resolution was silly. Pettigrew enjoys a fight and thrives upon opposition, but to be laughed at and have his theories pronounced silly was a blow too hard to be borne in silence, and hence he is showing a restive spirit."-Aberdeen Daily News, July 18, 1904.
William Walpole, of Yankton County, was an ardent populist in 1896, and later wrote strong letters which were published by the newspapers over the state. In July, 1904, when an effort to organize the populist party was made in Meade, Davison and other counties, an effort to secure his co-operation was made, to which he replied thus :
"When the populist party was first started it was composed of men who were dissatisfied with the two old parties-men who were reformers at heart. As our organization increased and developed, the Benedict Arnolds, the spread- eagle orators, the politicians for revenue only, commenced joining our ranks in hopes of being rewarded by office. It seems those same political pirates are about to fly the skull and cross-bones in this campaign (1904). In 1896 and 1900 when the populists fused in hopes of electing William J. Bryan, those Judas Iscariots bolted and called themselves mid-road populists. Their platform had one plank-money. This they got and then sold their followers, boots and breeches, to the G. O. P. You say you find the populist sentiment still very strong in South Dakota. You are right, old boy. The good old-line pops that did not sell their birthright for a mess of pottage are still strong and only wait- ing for the bugle call of our tried and true leaders to rally around the flag of equal rights to all and special privileges to none. Though many of us are not satisfied with Judge Parker, we will all support one state and county ticket."
Said an Aberdeen paper:
"The center of the political stage in South Dakota continues to be occupied by the mid-road populists and the former populists who are now affiliated with the democratic party. They are yet indulging in an animated debate through the state press as to the wisdom of the mid-road populists holding a state con- vention and placing in nomination a congressional and state ticket. A call was recently issued for a convention state fair week at Yankton. The mid-road movement in this campaign originated among the populists of Meade County. A copy of letters recently sent to men supposed to be populists and urging their aid in the movement was addressed to 'Bill' Walpole, a character residing in Yankton County, who is known as the 'Sage of Walshtown.' In his reply he referred to his former populist associates as Benedict Arnolds and charged them with being engaged in a conspiracy to deliver the voters of the populists to the republicans. W. C. Buderus, secretary of the mid-road populist party of Meade County, retorted and referred to Walpole as a Rip Van Winkle. His letter in part was as follows:
"'In South Dakota, when the result of the democratic convention at St. Louis became known and when Bryan declared that he would support the ticket nominated, the Meade County populists were the first to say that neither Bryan
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nor any other man or party could carry them into the plutocratic camp of the democratic party. It seems they found the name Walpole in a list of populists and in good faith wrote to him. He, it seems, woke from his sleep, and, rubbing his eyes, called out, "treason." We populists here are not going to wait for anybody ; we shall go right ahead and fight Wall Street. We will not vote for anybody or even politically associate with anybody who will support Parker for President, and the candidate on the state ticket must intend to do so because the state platform endorses Parker. If Mr. Walpole and the leaders referred to are waiting for Mr. Bryan to commence reform proceedings again they have never been real populists and we can well afford to do without them. We are going right ahead reorganizing the party wherever we can.'"
A little later the Meade County populists nominated a full ticket. In Sep- tember John M. Pease established a new populist paper and began lively and flamboyant work for his party. About the same time the party convention was held at Yankton, there being present about twenty delegates. R. C. Warne was nominated for governor.
The standpat republicans did not have a good word to say about the proposed primary law of the insurgents. The Aberdeen News said :
"The News is opposed to a state primary election law because it believes it to be harmful in the extreme. It does not believe there have been sufficient good results from the system as it is in operation in other states to justify the people of South Dakota in adopting it. It believes the time for investigating the law is before calling a special election and putting the people of the state to the expense and annoyance of a campaign, rather than after the election is called."
The democrats endorsed the primary election law idea, not necessarily be- cause they believed in the principle but because they hoped by adopting the pet scheme of the insurgent republicans to capture some votes for their ticket.
It was declared that Senator Kittredge in 1904 was the tool of the railways ; that under his influence the railway officials dominated the Legislature and the state officials. But his friends asked how he was a tool. He fought for the rail- roads because they alone were capable of building up the state, because without them the state would again become wild cattle ranges, because they were enti- tled to reasonable consideration and profits, because unless the railways were encouraged with fair legislation they would wait still longer before extending their lines westward from the Missouri River to the Black Hills, a progressive step that had been wanted ever since the Black Hills were first invaded, back in 1875-76. While the freight rates were high, they were necessarily so, but were not excessive. The complaint arose, the newspapers stated, not because the people oppressed the railroads or desired to oppress them, but because they did not care to have the railroads enter politics, take control of state affairs, influence legislation in which they had an interest or no interest and build up a monopoly that would crush other smaller and weaker railway lines that other- , wise might construct much-needed extensions.
At the election in November, 1904, the republicans carried the state and the country with large majorities. The people again turned against populism, Bryan, free silver, Pettigrew, and went over in a body to protection, the gold standard, the policies of Mckinley and of Roosevelt and many reforms. The result was not due to the promises of politicians nor the platforms, but to the prevailing
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belief that the republican party now was nearer right than the others were. It was said that Mr. Pettigrew was so disappointed over the nomination of Judge Parker that he voted for Watson, the people's candidate for President.
For governor, Elrod (R.), received 66,561 votes; Crill (D.), 24,772; Knowles (Soc.), 3,028; Warne (Peop.), 1,114; Edgar (Proh.), 2,961.
At this election Pierre defeated Mitchell for the capital site by 17,562 ma- jority. There was a majority of 11,346 against increasing the salary of the attorney general, and the majority in favor of the school land amendment was 17,257.
The Legislature of 1905 rejected the proposed primary measure, but put forth the "honest caucus bill" as a substitute. Judging from subsequent events, it would seem that this was an evasion by the machine of the wishes of approxi- mate 8,880 petitioners. It was provided in the caucus bill that the people should express their preferences at the caucuses, that they should have secret ballot, and that the caucuses of all parties should be held simultaneously. This law went into effect July Ist, and soon after the first caucuses were held thereunder it was admitted that the law was far from what was wanted. As a matter of fact primary elections and laws at that period were largely experimental, and time was necessary in order to sift out the faults and save and improve the good features. It was really an experimental measure to give the voters a chance to say in advance whom they wanted to support. This primary law measure was one of the most important bills before the Legislature in 1905. It was demanded by a large contingent of the voters, who continued to clamor for such a law after the honest caucus measure had been tried and found wanting. The republicans were charged with having disregarded the wishes of the people in November, 1904, by opposing such a law; and as the Legislature of 1905 was controlled by the members of that party, it was charged with having com- passed the defeat of the proposed law and with having passed the useless and powerless so-called honest caucus bill. The Argus-Leader opposed the proposed primary law ; so did many other republican newspapers of the state. The measure was really one of the first steps of reform taken by the progressives. It was de- clared as an objection against the primary law that under it the rich man had the advantage of the poor man, because the former had an abundance of money with which to buy his place, whereas the latter did not. It cannot be denied that this is a fact, and that it is as true in 1915 as it was in 1905. Probably no primary law would be perfect until after many years of selection, elimination and trial.
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