USA > South Dakota > History of Dakota Territory, volume III > Part 101
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statesmen South Dakota has yet produced. In the spring of 1911 Frank M. Byrne was mentioned in connection with the governorship.
The Primary League was successful in its efforts to establish a primary law, which, while crude and faulty, showed the possibilities of such a measure and was a long step in the direction of more satisfactory political methods.
On February 25, 1911, over one hundred republicans from all over the state met at Pierre and organized the South Dakota Progressive Republican League, a branch of the national league. C. E. DeLand called the meeting to order and was chosen chairman. The committee on rules, resolutions and program were P. M. Peterson, Albert Norby, John Sutherland, Doctor Ratte, T. W. Dwight, E. L. Senn and Peter Norbeck. W. H. Roodle was elected president of the organization. It was about this time that Senator Depew referred to the National Progressive League as the Salvation Army of politics. The real object of the league was to institute certain reforms, among which were: (1) Election of United States senators by direct vote ; (2) direct primaries ; (3) direct election of delegates to conventions; (4) initiative, referendum and recall; (5) corrupt practice act. Already the recall was being put in operation in several municipali- ties of the state. The recall movement was an old idea that had been talked of ever since the formation of the Government. It was first used in this country in the articles of confederation adopted in 1777, and was directed at the delegates of each state sent to Congress "with a power reserved to each state to recall its delegates or any of them at any time within a year and to send others in their stead for the remainder of the year."
In 1911 Congress passed a reapportionment bill and the state Legislature adopted a redistricting measure so that each congressman thereafter could be elected from a separate district. District No. 3 was all that part of the state west of the Missouri River. W. S. Glass was mentioned as a candidate for Congress at this time.
At a meeting of the Progressive League held at Mitchell in September, 1911, many prominent republicans were present, among whom were Crawford, Byrne, Richards, Norbeck and Polley. The meeting convened in the corn palace. The object was to organize for the state and national campaign of 1912. Com- mittees were appointed and harmony generally prevailed. In October Senator Crawford and others from South Dakota attended the National League confer- ence at Chicago. LaFollette was endorsed as republican candidate for President, not only by the National League, but by the South Dakota League. In October President Taft visited the state and delivered addresses at Deadwood, Pierre, Huron, Aberdeen and elsewhere. Senator Crawford campaigned Michigan for Senator LaFollette this fall. Dean Sterling of the state university was a candidate for the United States Senate; he favored the nomination of LaFollette for the presidency. LaFollette late in 1911 began a general campaign, starting with Ohio and visiting many states of the Union. He was liked by the progres- sives of this state.
It should be noted that in 1898 the Constitution was amended with the initia- tive and referendum, but the clause was not invoked until 1904-5 when the initiative was tried on the proposed primary law. Although the petition contained 8,876 names the committee on rules so cut down the list that it fell below the constitutional number. It was again invoked in the case of the county option
VIEW OF THE CEMETERY AT SIOUX FALLS
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bill in 1910. It was next used in 1911 on the Richards primary law. This bill was defeated in the Legislature, but another petition was circulated by the friends of the measure and was successful, whereupon the bill was passed and ordered to a vote, November, 19II.
The stalwarts or Taft republicans assembled, pursuant to call, at Huron on January 5, 1912, there being present about five hundred voters. J. W. Parmley was chairman of the meeting. They passed resolutions endorsing Taft's admin- istration, criticising the Vessey state administration, opposing the primary law, etc. Among the speakers were Senator Gamble, Congressmen Burke and Martin and Secretary of Agriculture Wilson. The latter declared that not only would Taft be renominated, but would be re-elected by a larger majority then ever.
On January 11, 1912, the progressives held a large meeting at Sioux Falls, on which occasion M. D. Cheney was chairman. The resolutions adopted were strong for either LaFollette or Roosevelt for President and favored R. S. Vessey's renomination for governor and the election of Dean Thomas Sterling to the United States Senate. John Sullivan was chosen state campaign manager for 1912. They further reaffirmed the intention to keep control of state and nation for the benefit of the people; promised a faithful fulfillment of all election pledges ; agreed to nominate no man for office unless he should promise to live up to the platform; pledged constructive and progressive legislation; promised to control public service corporations, agreed to revise the tariff downward; opposed watered stock; pledged. to punish criminal wealth; promised free coal, lumber, sugar and iron; denounced the betrayal of platform pledges by the Payne-Aldrich tariff measure; protested against the reciprocity measure which obliged the American farmer to sell his produce in a free trade market, but protected the manufacturer ; denounced the veto of the reduction of wool schedule passed by the last Congress; opposed the appointment of corporation lawyers to the federal bench; and endorsed R. M. LaFollette as the logical candidate for President. This was a meeting of great moment.
The democrats of the state met at Pierre on January 31 and were presided over by Benjamin Wood of Rapid City. While no one was endorsed for Presi- dent the names of Wilson and Clark were regarded with favor. Among those present were R. F. Pettigrew, Andrew E. Lee and Ed. S. Johnson. The former was endorsed for the United States Senate. The resolutions adopted favored the initiative and referendum, the recall of judges and the direct election of United States senators. A full state and congressional ticket was planned.
Early in February Mr. LaFollette became ill and it seemed at first that he would not be able to carry on the campaign. In this extremity all progressive eyes were again turned in the direction of Roosevelt. On February 10 the governors of eight states met at Chicago in this emergency and called for Roose- velt to lead the progressives through the campaign. A little later Governor Johnson of California came out for Roosevelt. On February 26 Roosevelt said he would accept the nomination if it were tendered him.
Early in March another progressive meeting was called at Mitchell, among the leaders of this movement being Col. Melvin Grigsby. This conference was independent of the progressive movement which had endorsed LaFollette as it was now thought that he was out of the race. This meeting was a Roosevelt- progressive affair gotten up with the hope, no doubt, of being able to control
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the progressives of the state. In the selection of delegates to the national convention a compromise was effected thus: An executive committee of nine members from the South Dakota Roosevelt League was appointed to hold a conference with a like committee from the other progressive faction in order to unite upon a delegation that should represent all of the progressives at the national convention. Among those present at this meeting were Melvin Grigsby, H. C. Preston, N. P. Bromley, T. S. Everett, George B. McClellan, E. L. Brown, Mark Scott, Howen Babcock and C. M. Harrison. Those present passed a resolution favoring an amendment to the Federal Constitution to limit the official terms of federal judges to four or six years, but subject to reappointment if their services should prove to be satisfactory. This meeting and the other finally came to an understanding, whereupon the progressive forces were said to be "mobilized."
In March, 1912, the democrats held another meeting at Huron to exchange views, perfect their organization and select delegates to the Baltimore convention. At this time nearly all present were in favor of the nomination of Woodrow Wilson for the presidency. The meeting looked with favor upon the candidacy of Ed. S. Johnson for the governorship. Said the Canton News of March, 1912: "Never was there such a general mix up of political affairs in South Dakota or anywhere else. We find men supporting Taft and Sterling * *; others * supporting LaFollette, Gamble, Dillon and Byrne; still others who favor Roose- velt, Sterling, Byrne and Branson. Men are choosing their candidates entirely upon personal lines and because of personal relations. The primary has broken the party yoke-whether for good or ill it is certain that the mere partisan has lost his occupation."
While there was much confusion, still the greater issues were clearly defined and the progressives seemed to have the best of the argument. They said that Roosevelt had turned the country over to Taft, who agreed to carry out certain principles or reforms which were called "Roosevelt's policy." At the time it was thus turned over it was in the midst of constructive and progressive legisla- tion demanded by the party and wanted by a majority of the people. Never before had the people been so awakened to social, moral and political improve- ment and never before had any party so won its way to the hearts of the people by the reforms which it carried into effect instead of merely promised. But Taft had utterly failed to carry out the improvement demanded by the people and pledged by his managers. Instead, his whole course was reactionary, evasive and opposed to the people who had placed him in the White House. Thus, it was argued, the Taft faction was to blame for the confusion, not the progres- sives. On March 15, the following telegram from Senator LaFollette was received by R. O. Richards in answer to a question : -
"My candidacy must stand or fall by itself. I cannot consent to any combination on delegates or to the printing of the name of any other candidate upon petitions or tickets in connection with myself. This has been my position from the first and must be adhered to by my friends in every state."
This spring Colonel Grigsby was a candidate for the United States Senate on the progressive ticket. He stumped the state for Roosevelt in April and May and brought out many of the real issues. The campaign of Dean Sterling was equally strong and effective. At this time the Taft forces were doing all in their
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power to sow discord in the ranks of the progressives. It soon became manifest that Sterling or Gamble would be the republican nominee for the Senate. In May Senator Crawford strongly advocated in the Senate the proposed plan to shorten the terms of the inferior federal judges to ten years. This, he said, would enable the people to put them out if they should prove unworthy. Much was made of this issue during the campaign. It was in response to the general movement to correct abuses in the courts as well as in other departments of the Government.
In 1912 George W. Egan was an independent candidate for governor on the republican ticket. He conducted a campaign of intense personality and was himself subjected to violent and continuous abuse. Said the Sioux Falls Press, May 26: "The campaign he is making through the state has never before had its equal in vilification of citizens of this state." During the spring LaFollette and Beveridge of Indiana appeared in a series of speeches at the principal centers. The purpose of LaFollette now was anything to beat Roosevelt. Henry M. Allen of Kansas spoke in several cities during the spring.
At the June, 1912, primary Roosevelt won for the presidency, Sterling for the Senate and Byrne for the governorship. As a whole the progressive ticket was successful.
In June the whole state was aroused to an unusual pitch of excitement over the action and results of the Republican National Convention at Chicago when Taft was renominated and Roosevelt withdrew with the announced intention of organizing another party. At once the same division occurred in the republican ranks in this state. On July 2 a meeting of republicans was called at Huron and E. G. Kennedy was chosen temporary chairman by the vote of 2372/3 to 2221/3, a contest which was won by the Roosevelt progressives. M. J. Russell was the stalwart candidate. The following presidential electors were chosen: H. C. Preston, L. T. Van Slyke, Oscar Olson, L. H. Rugg and J. S. Thompkins, all Roosevelt advocates, but they were left uninstructed. Taft was not endorsed nor was his administration. The stalwarts charged that this was a "boss con- vention and a steal." The platform adopted favored these factors: Protective tariff ; government by a self-controlled democracy; direct primary and popular election of United States senators ; limitation and publicity of campaign expenses ; equal suffrage for men and women; parcels post; restriction of labor hours for women and children; physical valuation of railroads; establishment of a depart- ment of labor; conservation of natural resources; establishment of Government roads and waterways; two battleships a year; properly guarded immigration laws; inheritance and income taxes; single national health board; establishment of an industrial and country life commission. The platform opposed these factors -political activity of office holders ; unrestricted injunction against labor ; night work for women; convict contract system; commerce court; Aldrich corporation bill; free use of the Panama Canal for railroad ships; exploitation of natural resources.
It was remarkable and entirely accountable that so many republicans voted against Dean Sterling for the Senate in January, 1913. Other republicans voted for were: Byrne, 3; Gamble, 8; E. Abel, 7; J. E. Kelly, 2; Mr. Ayres, 3; Mr. Richards, 2; J. L. Brown, 3; M. Maney, I. E. S. Johnson received the full democratic vote, 18; Sterling received 100 on the twenty-sixth ballot. The Vol. III-46
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stalwarts tried the trick of booming Byrne for the Senate, but this step received no favor. They did this when they saw that the election of Gamble was out of the question.
The democratic contest at Baltimore in June again roused the people of South Dakota to an exciting stage. When Wilson won on the forty-sixth ballot there was great rejoicing among the democrats, who felt that their ablest and most suitable man had been placed in the field. Many here condemned the action of W. J. Bryan in the convention. Pettigrew called him a modern Judas who had betrayed his friends for the hope of personal preference. He also denounced Woodrow Wilson as a worse reactionary than Taft. On August 13 Mr. Pettigrew announced that he would not support the democratic national ticket. He further said that in his opinion Wilson had a deeper hatred for those who champion the cause of the people than any of the candidates who sought the presidential nomination at Baltimore and that no true progressive democrat could support hin and maintain his self respect. He also said:
"William Jennings Bryan can no longer claim to be the champion and leader of progressive democracy, but now stands out as the selfish, ambitious, political demagog, seeking only the advancement of his own personal interests. Bryan was a candidate (for President) at Baltimore and hoped by destroying Clark, who was the leading candidate and the man of the people, to secure the nomina- tion for himself. His statement, carefully prepared in advance, which he made on the floor of the convention announcing that Clark had favored an alliance with Tammany and the corrupt interests seeking special privileges, was an abso- lute falsehood and was known by Mr. Bryan to be untrue when he made it. Bryan joined with the ninety delegates from New York headed by Charley Mur- phy, the fifty-eight delegates from Illinois absolutely controlled by Roger Sullivan, and the delegates from Virginia whom Thomas Fortune Ryan held in the hollow of his hand, to unseat the Clark delegation from South Dakota and seat the Wilson delegation from that state, which had been defeated at the primaries by 2,500 voters. *
* Governor Dix of New York told George F. Williams and me that Bryan had supported Parker for President and had taken the stump for him in 1904 after Parker's friends had paid him $15,000 for his services. Wilson is an aristocrat. He comes from a long line of slave-holding democrats of the past, has no sympathy with labor and always expressed his contempt for the men who toil. I defy any man to find anything in his writings and speeches that does not indicate contempt for the toiling masses of the country and for the principles of progressive democracy. * * * I believe the time has arrived for the formation of a new party in the United States composed of the men of both old parties who believe in progressive principles and that the necessity is even greater than the chain of events that brought the republican party into existence in 1856. Then the issue was the enslavement of the black man; now the issue is the enslavement of the white man."
The democratic electors chosen were I. B. Mathews, Millard Asved, A. E. Hitchcock, James Mee and J. P. Biehn. The platform supported the follow- ing principles : Tariff for revenue only ; income tax ; popular election of United States senators; criminal punishment of monopolies; presidential preferential primaries ; physical valuation of railway, telephone, telegraph and express com- panies ; Government regulation of these concerns; conservation of natural re-
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sources ; development of waterways; Government aid to the good roads move- ment; conservative merchant marine; enforcement of the pure food laws; extension of civil service; free use of the Panama Canal for American ships ; parcel post; arbitration for international disputes; and opposed the following measures : Protective tariff ; all monopolies; re-election of presidents ; extrava- gance of the republican party ; Aldrich currency or banking bill; free use of the Panama Canal for railroad ships ; all violations of the law.
At the Progressive National Convention in Chicago, August 5-7, 1912, Albert J. Beveridge served as temporary chairman and delivered one of the most con- spicuous addresses ever uttered in America. It was the keynote of the Roosevelt progressive movement and the cornerstone of the new party. One of the notable declarations was that competition was a relic of barbarism, a survival of the power of the strong and dishonest over the weak and honest and that it was wholly oblivious to any other procedure than that might is right, was the kindler, nourisher and supporter of war and that universal peace would never come until co-operative distribution and division should be substituted.
The Taft republicans or stalwarts assembled at Huron, named a ticket, adopted a platform and fruitlessly endeavored to secure a place on the ballot. The leaders were R. O. Richards, Charles M. Day, Thomas Roberts, Richard Holiday and W. S. Bowen. Their platform favored the following points: Pro- tection ; tariff board; anti-trust laws with violations a crime; limited hours of work for women and chidlren; integrity of the courts; scientific inquiry as to the high cost of living; banking laws that would prevent panics ; an agricultural credit society to loan money to farmers; extension of the civil service; parcel post ; conservation of natural resources ; maintenance of an adequate navy ; arbi- tration of international disputes; federal aid to improve the Mississippi River; revival of the merchant marine; prevention of panics. It opposed the following: Free trade; campaign contributions for presidential and congressional contests ; discrimination against American citizens; lynchings and other violations of the laws ; undesirable immigrants; inadequate judges; the democratic tariff bills.
The socialist platform exhibited its usual progressive and admirable prac- tices-Government ownership of transportation, communication, fuel and power; Government aid for the conservation of natural resources ; reforestation ; reclama- tion of swamps and arid lands ; conservation of soil; development of roads and canals ; political demands for freedom of speech and press; graduated income and inheritance taxes ; gradual decrease of the tariff on necessities ; equal suffrage for the men and women; adoption of the initiative, referendum and recall; elec- tion of President and vice president by popular vote; establishment of a cabinet Department of Education, Labor and Health; abolition of the veto power of the President, of the veto power of the Supreme Court, and of monopolistic control of patents; only a majority vote to amend the Federal Constitution.
The prohibitionists likewise met and nominated a state ticket, their main plank being opposition to the liquor traffic. They also asked for uniform mar- riage and divorce laws; protection for labor and capital; equal suffrage for men and women; cessation of child labor in mines and workshops; observance of one day of rest; efficiency and economy in governmental affairs; one presi- dential term of six years; popular election of United States senators ; postal savings banks and parcel post; initiative, referendum and recall; graduated
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income and inheritance taxes; control of corporations; no partisan tariff com- mission ; conservation of natural resources.
The campaign of 1912 was one of great intrigue and severity. Passion and politics were torn to tatters. All parties and factions claimed they were actu- ated only by the purest and highest motives, yet all misrepresented the others, hatched out rotten and libelous charges, used money corruptly and made des- perate efforts to deceive the public with utopian promises and fantasies. The wildest stories concerning state extravagance were circulated. The stalwart republicans and the democrats declared that the Vessey administration was plunging the state into bankruptcy. The progressives held out alluring hopes that perfection would soon be reached under them. The democrats could see no ray of hope for the country so long as the incompetent republicans remained in power. The stalwarts, though practically disfranchised, solemnly announced that they were God's chosen people and the only one who could lead the country to the promised land. The prohibitionists pictured America as a nation of drunkards and vice incubators. The socialists were about the only sane group in this political asylum of raving madmen and slobbering idiots. And the newspapers for profit were the willing instruments to turn on the artesian gush of abuse and libel. And all this is the mysterious thing called politics.
During the campaign the Richards primary law was attacked with the vitriol of ridicule and sarcasm by the orators of nearly all the parties and by nearly all the newspapers. One would suppose that the silver tongued speakers and the unctuous and self-sacrificing editors would select a velvet path in which the people would tread, but the latter looked a little beyond the battle smoke and saw in the law relief, if only partial, from the intolerable bosses and the usurping" party machines. They therefore gave the Richards primary law a majority at the November election.
During the campaign the state was canvassed by Woodrow Wilson, Hiram Johnson and the state candidates. On October 14-15 came the news that Roosevelt had been shot at Milwaukee. Much indignation was expressed at public meetings and by newspapers throughout the state. Senator Crawford was his authorized mouthpiece in this state.
"The big trouble in South Dakota seems to be over the fact that the state government is now in the hands of the people where it belongs. The fight now being waged has for its purpose the wresting of the control from the people and placing it in the hands of the bosses. The old time politician can't see the justice of the new order of things. In the good old days he was accustomed to take a jaunt down to Sioux Falls to the convention, see the railroad boys and get a copy of the slate, then hip-hip-hurrah for the chosen bunch until election. No candidate now has to beg permission from the charmed circle in a back room of the Cataract Hotel to run. It was simple process then to get into office if you were but a good trader. The people had no voice in these selections. Indeed it's enough to drive an old timer to a pow-wow at Mitchell."-Redfield Journal- Observer, October, 1912.
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