History of Dakota Territory, volume III, Part 92

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1146

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CHAPTER XVII

POLITICS FROM 1889 TO 1900

Statehood brought with it ominous changes in the political atmosphere. There was clearly perceptible a rising temperature, but contrary currents were in evidence and ere long the hot winds of private or personal ambition began to blow, the roar of the approaching partisan tornado could be distinctly heard and the eternal office seekers, instead of running to caves of safety stood on the open plain ready to be stricken with political lightning. The mere assumption of statehood garments did not change the stripes of the politicians. They were just as eager and willing as ever to miserably sacrifice themselves for the good of the dear people.

The political movement of the farmers in 1889-90 had succeeded and had given the old territory and the young state a farmers' Legislature and a farmers' administration. The single tax party, which had been weakly organized at Huron in May, 1889, was still in existence. Levi McGee was president of the Single Tax League. Its platform was: Resolved, That all public revenues should ultimately be raised by a single tax on the value of the bare land. The political issues advocated by the farmers' organization were equally revolutionary; in fact were much similar to those of the socialists. The views of the republicans and the democrats were the same as had been advocated by them through many previous campaigns. Personal gain and special interests cut the greatest political figure.

The campaign for the election of state officials in October, 1889, was the real beginning of statehood. The Farmers' Alliance, headed by H. L. Loucks, demanded the two United States senators, the two members of Congress, governor, lieutenant governor, secretary of state and a working majority of the Legislature. Hugh J. Campbell was a conspicuous character in the farmers' political movement. At this time the farmers represented three-fourths of the population of the new state and they therefore asked: Shall the state be gov- erned by rings and grafters or by the farmers? J. W. Harden supported the farmers' movement and favored a free trade plank, but he failed to secure its insertion in the farmers' platform. Other planks therein should be noted: Government ownership of railways, abolition of banks, election of United States senators by direct vote of the people, adoption of the Australian ballot by the constitutional convention, public necessities to be owned by the government, state and national prohibition, courts of arbitration to establish justice, abolition of the contract system in the national, state and municipal governments, abolition of child labor in mines, factories and shops. The single tax idea was not supported by the farmers' party as such, but individual farmers favored the measure. Mr. Loucks, as the real and official head of the farmers' party.

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received from the leaders of the two old parties during the campaign of 1889 the full measure of their contempt, misrepresentation, slander and abuse. Appar- ently his political enemies organized to see who could say the meanest things against him and tell the biggest lies about him. Many succeeded villainously. The old Ordway clique in the Black Hills vigorously opposed Judge Moody for the senatorship, but the citizens there generally, upon his return from Washington, gave him the most notable reception ever given a citizen.

Senator R. M. La Follette of Wisconsin delivered a brilliant address on public affairs in the state in September. At this time C. T. McCoy, chairman of the republican state central committee, announced that he would not place on the lists of campaign speakers any person who would not support all the planks of the party platform.

It should be noted as an important fact in history that, while it was argued that prohibition was a non-partisan measure, a plank to that effect was placed in the republican platform by the state convention at Huron. The prohibitionists, who numbered 226 members, controlled this convention and forced the pro- hibition plank into the platform, despite the declaration of the minority that the act was one of folly and madness. They openly threatened the formation of a third party unless the prohibition plank was inserted. No such plank was placed in their platform by the democrats. While all admitted that pro- hibition was not a party issue it was distinctly made so by the prohibitionists themselves, who were aiming at success regardless of ordinary methods. They even went so far as to threaten to defeat the constitution unless the prohibition clause should be inserted. At the election in October, 1889, the constitution and prohibition both carried. Pierre secured the temporary capital. Moody and Pettigrew were chosen United States senators, Moody the short term and Pettigrew the long term, Tripp and Day, democrats, suffering defeat. Mellette, republican, defeated McClure, democrat, for the governorship. The republicans were running the territory in its last stages, but the farmers' movement was running the republicans and hence the territory.

The Farmers' Alliance and the Knights of Labor at Huron early in June, 1890, revealed the fact that there existed a strong sentiment in favor of a third party ticket, and accordingly a convention to name one in part was called. The next day, by the decisive vote of 413 to 83, it was determined to organize a new party to be known as independent. This meeting demanded (I) the issue of full legal tender notes by the Government; (2) Government ownership and operation of railroads at cost of carriage; (3) free and unlimited coinage of silver; (4) a state and national secret voting system; (5) greater economy in public affairs; (6) abrogation of the alien right to own land. The result of this meeting was to place the Farmers' Alliance, as such, in the political field, though this object was denied by many present, who declared they would not be bound by such a conclusion.

A little later, in June, the democrats met and were presided over by Col. Mark W. Sheafe, there being present 260 delegates. They named Maris Taylor for governor; Peter Couchman, lieutenant governor; C. H. Freeman, secretary of state; A. H. Weeks, auditor; H. P. Horswell, treasurer; S. B. Van Buskirk, attorney general; W. A. Buslyn, state superintendent; E. H. Avenson, com- missioner of school and public lands; T. C. Kennelly, commissioner of labor and

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industry ; and endorsed Bartlett Tripp for United States senator. The platform reaffirmed the party principles of 1888; opposed the existing system of tariff taxation; favored a tax on articles of luxury ; denounced the Mckinley bill; opposed all sumptuary legislation; favored a graduated income tax; asked for the resubmission of the prohibition question to a vote of the people; opposed woman suffrage; favored pensions to all deserving soldiers and sailors; advocated the maintenance of the common schools at the highest point of efficiency ; arraigned Governor Mellette for having advertised the state as an arid waste, peopled by paupers, by organizing and heading bands of beggars which roved the country over (commonweal armies) ; and favored the full remonetization of silver. In the convention Judge Bangs and others made a strong fight for an equal suffrage plank, but were defeated.

The independents held their state convention at Huron, July 9, S. W. Casaud serving as chairman. They placed in nomination Fred C. Tripp and F. A. Leavitt for Congress ; H. L. Loucks, governor ; A. L. Van Osdel, lieutenant gov- ernor; H. M. Hanson, secretary of state ; F. B. Roberts, treasurer ; S. W. Casaud, attorney general; E. Dye, superintendent of schools; F. F. Meyer, commissioner of school and public lands; W. L. Johnson, commissioner of labor. In the con- vention the vote for gubernatorial candidate was: Loucks, 127; Van Osdel, 115. Wardall failed signally to receive endorsement for United States senator.

The Scandinavians held a convention at Huron in July and among other acts passed resolutions asking for better recognition from the republican party of which they were largely members. It was shown that out of about twenty thousand Scandinavian voters in the state, over fifteen thousand voted the republican ticket. They also resolved :

"That we point with pride to the honest, conservative and practical adminis- tration of President Harrison and to the work accomplished by South Dakota republican delegates in Congress ; and that we contemplate with pleasure the wise, faithful and successful administration which Governor Mellette has conducted in the face of unprecedented difficulties and in spite of almost unsurmountable obstacles."

It was declared by the republicans that the principal object of the third party movement in 1890 was the disruption of the republican ranks. The independents were in a large measure dominated by Messrs. Harden, Scott, Wardall, Tripp, democrats, and Loucks, independent. The argument they advanced was that as the republican party had not kept its promise to the farmers it could not therefore be trusted and the new party was necessary. The Farmers' Alliance at first refused to be bound by any fusion agreement, but as a whole were whipped into line by the leaders. The republicans asked: Who constituted the state republican convention which met at Huron? It was shown that four out of five were farmers. The chairman of the committee on platform was Alonzo Wardall, a member of the alliance. The platform adopted was just what the farmers present wanted and was adopted unanimiously. Why now should the farmers repudiate wholly the action and platform of the convention? Mel- lette, Moody, Pettigrew, Pickler and Gifford had not changed front. Every officer on the ticket had been nominated by farmer votes. How had the republic- ans failed to keep their pledges? The republicans openly challenged the opposi- tion to make good their charges and thus the battle was begun.

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"Let us see. The usury law and the bill for taxation of mortgages were defeated in the Senate by a few votes. Was the republican party that resolved in State convention in favor of those measures responsible for the election of the men who voted down these bills? Did the State convention nominate those men? Of course they did not or they would have required pledges to support the plat- form. Did not both Loucks and Wardall connive during the last Legislature to prevent the passage of those measures in order that they might make political capital out of the defeat thereof? They conspired to cast discredit upon the farmers elected as republicans to that Legislature in order that they might urge an independent movement this fall. They were then working the plan which they hoped might land one of them in the gubernatorial chair and the other in the United States Senate."-(Conklin's Dakotian, July, 1890.)

But neither the republican papers nor orators succeeded in showing that the independent movement was devised for the principal purpose of disrupting the ranks of the republicans. It was not shown that it was otherwise than as claimed-a movement against alleged wrong practices if not principles in the republican party. The democrats aided the independent movement all in their power. No sooner was the movement founded than independent organizations appeared in every county of the state. Bartlett Tripp's speech on the tariff question, of which 30,000 copies were distributed, was one of the features of this campaign. He and other democrats aided the independents.

The republican state convention met at Mitchell in September with Sol. Starr of Deadwood as temporary chairman. While waiting for the committees to report the convention was addressed by Mrs. Olympia Brown and Miss Anna Shaw, both of whom spoke in favor of equal suffrage. C. H. Sheldon was chosen permanent chairman and in his opening speech analyzed the state issues and also read a letter from Clara Barton, president of the Red Cross League, asking the convention to endorse woman suffrage. Active in the convention were F. A. Burdick, J. H. King and P. C. Shannon. Enthusiasm and good feeling prevailed, though there were sharp personal conflicts to settle contested points. The election of Sheldon, a farmer, as permanent chairman of the con- vention was done at the request of a caucus of about two hundred farmers who selected him for the position of temporary chairman. Sheldon denounced the political course of H. P. Loucks, though he did not name him, and roasted the independents for their various shortcomings. The irrigation plank in the plat- form was aimed to secure the votes of the farmers. It was openly declared that the ticket nominated was a better farmers' ticket than the farmers themselves had nominated in 1889. The ticket was as follows: For Congress, F. A. Pickler and J. R. Gamble; governor, A. C. Mellette; secretary of state, A. O. Ringsrud ; lieutenant governor, G. F. Hoffman ; treasurer, W. W. Taylor ; auditor, L. C. Taylor; attorney general, Robert Dollard; superintendent of schools, Cortez Salmon ; commissioner of labor and statistics, R. A. Smith.

The platform adopted reaffirmed the principles of the national party ; favored irrigation and other advanced agricultural measures; endorsed expansion of the currency, tariff revision, free silver and reciprocity ; favored the disability pension bill; invited foreign immigrants to settle in the state; recognized the right of labor to organize for its welfare; denounced unfair combinations of capital; asked Vol. III-42

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for the Australian ballot; demanded continued progress in public schools; and pledged enforcement of the prohibitory law. The latter clause was as follows :

We reaffirm our declaration of last year favoring prohibition, and since the people have endorsed it by their votes, we abide by their decision and pledge the party to the enforcement of the law.

Evidently this clause had been surreptitiously substituted for the severe one which had been reported by the committee on platform. No sooner was it read than Sol. Starr got the floor and said:

"I move you, sir, that the last clause in these resolutions be stricken out. I am certainly at a loss to understand why it was inserted. I was glad to under- stand before I was made temporary chairman that the committee would positively say nothing about prohibition. I say this frankly (cheers, hisses, howls), and I am one of the members from the Black Hills who are candid enough to speak their sentiments. That clause practically admits that the republican party grants that the laws are not enforced. I am satisfied that if this clause is left in that platform my associates like the democrats will conclude that the republicans cannot enforce the laws and should not be in power. If you want the Black Hills to come in with the usual republican majority this fall then you must cast out this clause."

Mr. Wiard of Davison County took a different view. Palmer of Minnehaha moved to lay Starr's motion on the table ; carried after sharp discussion and great confusion, by a vote of 320 to 210. After much skirmishing the following sub- stitute for the prohibition plank, offered by Keith of Minnehaha, was adopted by a rising vote :

"Prohibition being adopted by a vote of the people as a part of the funda- mental law of the State we pledge the party to its faithful and honest enforce- ment."

Three Yankton Indians, upon their request as republican citizens, were granted seats in the convention, but without votes. The convention adopted the motion made by Judge Shannon that each delegate should cast his vote according to his individual preference. A motion by Fahnestock that the nomination be made without comment was lost-too many wanting to speak.

In September, 1890, the name of Francis H. Clarke, of Rapid City, was substituted for that of Charles M. Thomas, of Deadwood, on the democratic . ticket as candidate for Congress. Fred Zipp was the independent candidate for Congress in the Black Hills District. When it came to the crisis in 1890 the independents and the democrats fused more or less on the state and county tickets, because that was apparently the only course that gave them a chance of success against the republicans. The republicans elected their full ticket, but generally there was a democratic landslide elsewhere, that party gaining quite heavily throughout the country. The vote for governor was-Mellette (republican), 34,487; Taylor (democrat), 18,484; Loucks (independent), 24,591. The large vote for the independent ticket showed the popularity of that movement. Their success was even more marked in other states. There can be no doubt that the movement was one of principle-one against the abuses of the old parties-one that demanded better terms and conditions for farmers and other laborers-one that was warranted by the vagaries of politicians and the gag rule of party bosses.

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The contest for United States senator in the Legislature of 1891 was momen- tous and historic. In all fifty-five men were voted for by February 4th.

In the Senate the republicans had a majority of one over the joint vote of independents and democrats, while the House had 61 republicans, 19 democrats and 42 independents, with Charles T. Seward free from party pledges. The lat- ter was elected speaker by a vote of 62 to 61. He was free to jump the way he pleased and his first step was pell mell into the speaker's chair.

The independents and democrats fused, but the former made no choice, while the republicans in caucus named Moody for the office and the democrats named Tripp. On joint ballot the fusionists had one to three majority. It was said at the time that almost every prominent man of the state had out his lightning rod with the hope of being hit by the bolt. Many men strong in the councils of their parties came to the capital from all portions of the state-Pettigrew, Pickler, Moody, Tripp, Wardall, Melville, Campbell, Harden, Godard, Winslow, Crose, Cosand, Scott, and many others, all anxious to be stricken by senatorial lightning. The second vote on the joint ballot was-Moody 76, Tripp 24, Harden 20, Crose 15, Wardell 10, Cosand 9, Campbell 5, Preston 3, Scott 2, and Pickler, Melville, Norton, Dye and Lake I each. The republicans clung to Moody until he volun- tarily released them from further support. By January 27th Moody had partly. withdrawn, whereupon the vote stood-Moody 25, Tripp 22, Wardall (inde- pendent) 55, Mellville 19, Godard II, Winslow 5, Mellette 4, Lake 2, Crose 2, and eight others I each. It was openly declared at the time that the principal reason for Senator Moody's defeat was because at no time did he receive the full vote of his party. About a dozen republicans who aspired to wear his senatorial brogans were kept from him by the independents who promised them their sup- port should Senator Moody be defeated. Concerning those men Senator Petti- grew said at the time: "They were played for suckers. I venture the assertion that the independents will not give these fellows a single vote. They promised their votes merely to get the entering wedge of discord in our ranks." Moody did not withdraw, but simply released his followers from any obligation to support him longer. After his announcement Wardall first received the highest vote, then in succession Harden, Campbell, Melville and Tripp. In an interview on the 27th of January Senator Pettigrew said :

"There are so many republicans who can't be depended upon when they take part in caucus. The treachery and cowardice of some of them is surprising. The democrats are solid and the independents are revolutionary and they use every means possible to create discord among republicans. Every fellow has his Sena- torial lightning rod up and runs a little boomlet of his own. The whole thing is mixed. I am disgusted with the whole affair."

During the contest many charges of bribery were made. Seven or eight members of the House declared they had been offered sums of money to vote for Senator Moody or for certain state measures. This was to be expected where the odds were so close and the spoils so great.

At the republican caucus of February 10th Judge Moody was named for senator and about this time the independents substituted Kyle for Campbell. The democrats clung to Bartlett Tripp, Alonzo Wardall and J. H. Harden. On the twenty-ninth ballot Kyle received 59 votes, Moody 67, Tripp 24. Soon after- ward the republicans gave Sterling 68 votes. About this time it was charged

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that South Dakota and Illinois were co-operating in objects and methods to select United States senators. This was a movement of the independents to win strength and prestige in the United States Senate and seemed likely to be suc- cessful. The speaker of the House and several other independents went to Springfield, Illinois, to confer with members of their party in the Legislature of that state. All of this was momentous, if not dramatic, and all knew that the crisis was reached. A little while before this the republicans had agreed in caucus to nominate any republican who could secure enough independent votes to insure success. About this time Judge Tripp released the democrats from obligation to support him. The whole Legislature was free at last to support any person they wished. . Buchanan of Sioux Falls was leading floor fighter for the republicans ; he was able, adroit, persistent and successful. Finally in caucus the democrats agreed to approach Mr. Kyle with the tender of enough demo- cratic votes to elect him, and upon his acquiescence of their plans they suddenly swung to his support. He received in all seventy-five votes, a few more than was necessary to elect. All of the democrats except eight assisted. The last ballot showed 75 for Kyle, 55 for Sterling, 8 for Tripp and I for Campbell. This step by the democrats was surprising but not unexpected. Rev. James H. Kyle thus became United States senator to succeed Judge Moody. In all forty ballots were taken.

There were many who deplored the defeat of Senator Moody, because he had done so much in the United States Senate for South Dakota. His defeat was due to the recreant republicans, to the general feeling against the old parties and to the rapid and extensive growth of the populist or independent movement. A large portion of the people wanted a change in methods and principles, in official standards and public ideals, in less slavery and greater liberty for the masses, urban and rural.

At once the question arose, what will Senator Kyle do? Would be adhere strictly and solely to independent principles, or would he aid the cause of the democrats, whose votes were instrumental in placing him in the senatorial chair ? All sorts of rumors arose, but amid the confusion created mainly by the news- papers it became apparent very soon that Senator Kyle would assist those who had elected him regardless of party considerations. At a later date it was re- vealed that an act of comparative unimportance had much to do with this elec- tion of Senator Kyle, as shown by the following extracts :

"Four years ago a handful of republicans in Pierre were misled into voting for a democratic representative to the Legislature. He was elected by fifteen majority as a consequence, and when the Legislature was organized he furnished the necessary vote that gave the fusionists the organization. The democrats and populists thereupon kicked out a number of legally elected republicans, enough to give them a working majority over the Senate on joint ballot, and they chose J. H. Kyle for United States Senator."-(Pierre Free Press, September, 1894.)

"The democrat who was voted in by republicans through personal friendship was Tracy Pratt. The result was the election of a populist from a state which possessed a strong republican majority. A few votes given in a spirit of per- sonal friendship did it. The lesson should remind every republican that his legis- lative vote belongs to his party and that no considerations of a personal char-

Science Hall, Dakota Wesleyan University Central Building, Dakota Wesleyan University Elks' Club, Mitchell Approach to Mitchell through the Firesteel Valley MITCHELL AND VICINITY

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acter should swerve him from the line of political duty."-(Press and Dakotan, September 8, 1894.)

The one vote referred to was decisive in placing C. X. Seward, a populist, in the speaker's chair, and was thus instrumental in ousting several republicans whose seats were contested, thus giving the populists the control.

In 1891 there was a general belief in South Dakota of the wisdom of adopting free silver. Senator Pettigrew favored the free coinage of that metal and sev- eral of the parties in their platforms adopted planks to that effect. The death of John R. Gamble in August took away one of the most prominent leaders of republicanism in the state. He had served with distinction in Congress. John L. Jolley was nominated to succeed him. At this time congressional candidates were nominated and elected by the state at large and not by districts. The state was entitled to two such congressmen.

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History of Dakota Territory, volume III, Part 92

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920 Publication date: 1915 Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company Number of Pages: 1146

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1146