History of Dakota Territory, volume III, Part 99

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1146

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delegates to the next republican convention who would support Roosevelt's policy and vote for his nomination, and further resolved to organize branch leagues in all parts of the state to fight for the following four propositions in addition to the old ones of 1905-6: (1) Tax on inheritances and incomes; (2) revision of the tariff; (3) to strengthen the Interstate Commerce Commission; (4) to remove the tariff on coal, iron and lumber.

"Before the close of the last Congress Senator Kittredge showed signs of playing traitor to his former political associates, who were no lesser lights than Senator Aldrich, Senator Platt, Senator Depew, Senator Foraker, Senator Pen- rose, and others of their ilk, and turning reformer. It is worthy of note that Senator Kittredge gave no signs of conversion until after the Legislature of our own state gave unmistakable signs of passing the primary law, which would place the question of his re-election in the hands of the common voters. With danger impending he immediately got busy to square himself with them, and he delivered his maiden speech on the floor of the United States Senate, railing at the lumber trust and defending the down-trodden farmer's rights. This act seems as if he was playing to the galleries."-Aberden Daily American, October 3, 1907.

"The Kittredge press throughout the state says that Mr. Kittredge and his political lieutenants desire the re-election of President Roosevelt. Will they back their statements with cold facts? Will they prove by his record that he has been a loyal and enthusiastic supporter of Roosevelt's policies?"-Aberdeen Daily American, October 3, 1907.

"At first thought there is nothing significant in the move of the stalwarts to organize Roosevelt-Taft clubs throughout the state, except that it is a move to gain control of the republican organization. But a close analysis of the move- ment which is under the guardianship of ex-Congressman Martin of the Black Hills shows that it is made for the sole purpose of eliminating Mr. Roosevelt from the coming presidential race. On September II the friends of President Roosevelt met at Huron and organized the South Dakota Roosevelt Republican League. The leading spirits in the movement were all members of the present state administration. None of the stalwart politicians of the state were present at the meeting, although it had been advertised for weeks. And what was more significant, none of the stalwarts who happened to be in Huron on that day would attend the meeting, although they received a special invitation. No sooner had the Roosevelt League (which had adopted resolutions pledging its support unqualifiedly and unequivocally for the President's renomination) been effected than the stalwart papers all over the state attacked it bitterly. There was not one commendable feature about the meeting in the minds of the stalwarts. And now comes Mr. Martin with his Roosevelt-Taft clubs and the same stalwart papers that attacked the Roosevelt League supports the movement. This is the significant feature. Why is it that the stalwarts attacked the Roosevelt-Taft clubs so staunchly? It is because they see in the Roosevelt League their certain clownfall. The Roosevelt leaguers of South Dakota stand for no candidate for President other than Mr. Roosevelt. They insist that he is the only man who is great enough to finish the work he has already commenced. The stalwarts see this, but they are determined to prevent the capture of the state delegation for Mr. Roosevelt. That would be a death blow to their interests. So they start the Roosevelt-Taft movement, using the magic of Roosevelt's name to secure

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the delegation for Taft. If the stalwarts are sincere in their cry for Roosevelt why do they attack the Roosevelt League and support the Roosevelt-Taft club movement? The answer is that they are not for Roosevelt."-Aberdeen Ameri- can, October 15, 1907.

"The stalwart papers are now busily engaged in picking to pieces every act passed by the last Legislature. The purpose is to kill off, if possible, the reform movement in South Dakota for the return of corporation rule and domination in this state. Fair minded people all over the state agree in saying that the 1907 Legislature passed more good laws for the benefit of the state than were ever passed. by any recent Legislature." -- Aberdeen American, October 11, 1907.

"Now is the time for the stalwarts of the state to organize those Roosevelt clubs-for Roosevelt if he will run and for Taft if Roosevelt declines."-Argus Leader, October, 1907.

"The eleventh hour conversion of the stalwarts to the Roosevelt banner does not look very good-for them. It is hard medicine for a gang of politicians to openly support a man whom they know is hostile to the crooked practices of the interests which furnish them their campaign money."-Aberdeen American, October 19, 1907.

"The Aberdeen American would like to have Senator Kittredge quit talking about the Panama Canal and give the people his record as a senator. Let the American keep its soul in patience. Senator Kittredge will talk plenty of politics before the present fight is over and rather more than the American will care to hear." -- Argus Leader, October, 1907.

"The American and all the voters of South Dakota know that Mr. Kittredge will talk plenty of politics before the campaign is over. The senator has done this already. That is why he is delivering his Panama speech on every occasion he can grasp. That is why he went on the Black Hills trip with the Sioux Falls boosters. But talking politics and giving a full account of his past record as a recommendation for another term are two different things. Giving his record in the United States Senate would include a lot of things which it may be better not to mention-for Mr. Kittredge's sake. One might be why he did not work for Mr. Roosevelt's rate bill until he saw its passage was inevitable. Another might be a discourse of how the railroads influenced him to conduct a losing fight for a sea-level Panama Canal."-Aberdeen American, November 3, 1907.

"The sorehead press of this state is whining because the Roosevelt republi- cans distrust them. Why should their methods not be questioned? Not more than eighteen months ago they were picking flaws with President Roosevelt when he began his attack upon the insurance frauds which very soon astonished the nation at the disclosures made and the people were aroused and demanded that the perpetrators be brought to justice, which was done. Did their same papers cease firing their mud batteries even then? Not by any means. They attacked the President because he said reforms were necessary regarding the regulation of trusts and corporations. Then when the sentiment began to develop, which favored the re-election of President Roosevelt they undertook to stem the tide by bringing Secretary Taft to this state in hopes of stampeding the people and drowning the growing cry of this commonwealth, which almost to a man among the rank and files was in favor of retaining Mr. Roosevelt until he had completed his plans of reform and had them in active operation. Having made a dismal Vol. III-45

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failure of everything they had undertaken they are now attempting to head the procession by claiming that they have been for Roosevelt all the time. Say, you fellows are a comedy bunch of wind jammers, but you can't fool the people now any more than you could a year ago. About the most sensible thing for these corruptionists to do would be to swing in behind if they want to travel in the same procession with republicans and shout for Roosevelt, Crawford, Hall and Parker. Will they do this?"-Brookings Register, November, 1907.

On November 11, 1907, Congressman Burke came out in a public announce- ment in which he said: "For President I stand today as expressed in a public interview several months ago, for the renomination of President Roosevelt, if he will accept, and if not then for the nomniation of Secretary Taft. For United States senator I favor and will advocate the re-election of A. B. Kitt- redge, because of his record, his loyalty and his great prestige."

In answer to this the Aberdeen American said: "It is this attempt to serve two masters (Roosevelt and Kittredge) of totally different beliefs politically that will make this campaign impossible of success. Persons who are really acquainted with political issues for which Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Kittredge stand know that they are as far apart as the north pole is from the south. The President has shown that he stands for a square deal for all classes, while Mr. Kittredge has been always on the side of the money interests and against those of the common people."-Aberdeen Daily American, November 15, 1907.

The latter statement was disputed vigorously from all parts of the state by the stalwart press and speakers.

"We dislike to see so many state papers refer to 'reform' with quotation marks. It may be considered good politics to belittle reform, but it is not good morals and we would hate to trust the state government with men who cannot mention 'reform' without a sneer. If the present administration has failed in its pretenses of reform, then demonstrate the fact. That would be a good argu- ment. The great bulk of voters sincerely believe in reform and they will be suspicious of leaders who manifest nothing but contempt for every movement that aims toward purity and progress."-Hurley Herald, November, 1907.

" 'Reform' means to restore to a former state, to change from worse to better. The 'reform' being administered in this state has an entirely different ineaning, being spurious and a rank imitation, and that is the reason the word appears in quotation marks when applied to present conditions in South Dakota. Is it good reform to lower the assessment on bank stocks and raise to an enormous figure the assessment on farm lands? It is good reform to misrep- resent facts and tell the people that one reason for the increase in the tax levy is to provide funds to meet an alleged deficit left by the last administration when it has been proven time and again that the retiring administration had provided for the payment of every dollar of indebtedness against the state when it went out of office? Is it good reform for the machine (insurgent) to make a slate and expect the people to support it, and accomplish this in face of the primary election law which the machine so earnestly advocated? Is is good reform to establish a bunch of new offices for the favored few? But what's the use of asking more questions. They will not be answered or the issue will be dodged. True reform is the kind the President is administering. The people will have nothing to do with the 'reform' (note the quotation marks) now

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being practiced in this state solely for the advancement of a coterie of ambitious politicians and the 'purity and progress' mentioned by the Herald is far removed from this brand of 'reform.'"-Aberdeen News, November 25, 1907.

In November Governor Crawford became the announced candidate for the United States Senate to succeed Senator Kittredge, the question to be decided under the primary of 1908. During the fall of 1907 the whole state was rent and warped by party factional fights and savage and bitter personal attacks. On December 1I President Roosevelt stated positively that he would not be a candi- date for re-election, whereupon the stalwarts of this state came out promptly for Taft, but were ridiculed without stint by the progressives. At this time the stalwarts opposed the primary law, but the progressives favored it. Taft, LaFollette and Cortelyou were mentioned at this time for the presidential nomina- tion. R. O. Richards, of Huron, was elected chairman of the executive commit- tee of the Roosevelt Republican League. It should be noted that the democratic party of South Dakota was so few in numbers that the republicans were forced to fight among themselves in order to bring out the issues. On December 11 there was organized at Mitchell the Roosevelt-Taft Republican Club composed wholly of stalwarts and supported and encouraged by Senator Kittredge and other old-line republicans.

Crawford said: "If chosen for the office of United States senator I shall support the policies advocated by President Roosevelt ; the early completion of the Panama Canal according to the type and plans adopted by the administra- tion ; a comprehensive and permanent improvement of the Mississippi River and its navigable tributaries, including the Missouri through this state; a revision of the tariff schedules by placing lumber, coal and iron upon the free list; the ascertainment of the actual value of railroads and the regulation of rates under the supervision of the Government; extension of federal control over all cor- porations engaged in interstate commerce; federated tax upon inheritances ; a law making it a crime to lobby in secret for special and corporate interests with members of the National Congress; a federal law to protect depositors in national banks and creating postal savings banks; a law providing for greater elasticity in the currency so that it may be temporarily increased or withdrawn without injuring trade."

"Mr. Crawford should not avoid Aberdeen through any idea that he would not have courteous treatment here ; he would have that and more-pity and for- bearance. He avoids this city because he knows he would be speaking to an audience here that would in a large measure understand his fraudulent prac- tices and know him for the fraud that he is."-Aberdeen News, December 23, 1907.

During the campaign of 1907-08 the insurgents blamed the stalwarts for the defeat of the primary petition in the Legislature of 1905, but the latter alleged that the defeat was due to the illegal defects in the petition itself-not drawn according to law and submitted in the right manner. But the facts were that the initiative and referendum constitutional clause was in operation; that the clause was as binding upon the Legislature as upon any other body or person; that this law-the initiative-was used by the people in petition to the Legislature for the submission to the voters of a primary election law; that a minimum of 5,020 signatures of actual residents and voters of the state appeared on the petition

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and made it binding; that the petition carried through largely by the efforts of Coe I. Crawford and R. O. Richards, contained the signatures of 8,876 presumed legal voters of the state; that the place of residence, business and postoffice of each voter were given; that a fine not exceeding $500 or imprisonment in the penitentiary not exceeding five years was fixed as punishment for fraudulent signatures ; that the signing by one person of the name of another was punishable as forgery ; that to prove the petition illegal it would have to be shown that it was signed by over three thousand persons who were not electors of the state, or that forgeries to that extent were committed, or that the persons who circu- lated the petition and obtained the signatures procured over three thousand names through deception and fraud. The fact that no serious attempt was made to establish a single instance of this kind shows that few if any could be found; that the stalwart legislature, for political purposes mainly if not wholly, and Governor Elrod in his inaugural address, opposed the enactment of a primary law ; that there was no penalty provided for the enforcement of the law requiring legislative members to consider an initiative petition; that the State Primary League was refused due audience and consideration by the committee on rules ; that Senator Cassill openly charged on the floor of the Senate that the attorney of the Chicago & North Western Railway Company prepared the majority report of the committee in a room of the Locke Hotel and no one dared deny his state- ment; and that because the petition was circulated in sections in different parts of the state and all finally united amid a little circumlocution was made the pretext for the defeat of the petition. Of course, this was an open violation of the Constitution by the Legislature, and was one of the principal causes, not only in South Dakota but in many other states, which again roused the people to demand reform. The fact here was that the stalwart republican ring of bosses turned down the petition in order to kill in its infancy any attack upon their rule and domination. No doubt the act added thousands to the ranks of the rapidly forming army of discontent and reform-insurgency.

"For four years, from 1897 to 1900, the governor's office in this state was a scene of constant turmoil. It was the head center of political trades and deals. If a noisy way could be found the dignified way to do anything was never chosen. The people tired of this and put an end to it for six years. But the condi- tions have been revived. Governing is the last concern of the governor's office. It is a certer of turmoil and strife. Personal politics is its sole concern. The real executive work of the state is done by proxy. As in 1900, indications are not lacking that the people are tiring of all this-that they want the governor's office to be an executive chamber, not a factional political lobby. What a relief it would be to have a governor once more who would be contented to perform the duties of his office, who would reside at the capital and who would be something more than a self-seeking politician."-Aberdeen News, December 6, 1907.

"Senator Lawson is the peer of Governor Crawford in. every respect. He is as well born, better educated, more experienced, a closer student, a better lawyer, as eloquent a speaker, a better friend, as good a citizen, and yet the governor. declines to meet Lawson in joint debate after savagely assailing him. This is equivalent to striking a man in the back and running away."-Huron Huronite, December, 1907.

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It should be observed that while the contest of 1908 between the two factions of the republicans was ostensibly for the Roosevelt policies the real battle was waged to win control of the party machine in South Dakota. Both factions claimed to represent the Roosevelt policies and it made little difference to either who would be successful in getting the nomination-Roosevelt, Taft, LaFollette, Cannon or Cortelyou. The mighty question of the hour was-control of the state patronage and offices.

It was in the spring of 1908 that LaFollette declared in the United States Senate that the panic of 1907 was created by the great money powers to embar- rass Roosevelt's administration, and that the Aldrich Currency Bill, supposed to be the remedy for the panic, was backed by the same menacing agency. The fight against the progressives here was led by Senator Kittredge and was severe and unrelenting, but was met with equally severe and crushing attacks of the progressives under Governor Crawford.

At the primary election of March 10, 1908, the progressives won the largest number of delegates and seemed certain to control the approaching state conven- tion. Primaries were held only in part of the counties; in the others the dele- gates were appointed by county committees. On the face of returns the pro- gressives had 266 delegates and the stalwarts 223. Out of twenty-nine counties which held primaries only six or seven were carried by the stalwarts. Early in April the Republican State Central Committee passed resolutions advocating the policies of Roosevelt, hoping he would be renominated to meet the general demand, expressing the wish for Taft's nomination under Roosevelt's policies in the case the latter would not accept, promising to put such policies in effect if placed in power, and endorsing Crawford for the United States Senate. Though passed by the party state committee these resolutions expressed the opinions of the progressives only and were not those of the stalwarts except in part. At this time the latter strongly endorsed Kittredge for the Senate, but favored Roose- velt's policies, to be carried into effect either by him or by his successor-Taft, LaFollette or another. The importance of this election as a national movement was largely lost sight of in the dense smoke of the battle waged between the . two republican factions. South Dakota had witnessed many fierce and historic struggles on former political fields, but had never thus far witnessed such a pyrotechnic display of personal and private fireworks nor such a savage and bloody assault upon the citadel of fortified precedent and law. Thousands of men who had learned to love the republican party for its accomplishments now stood aghast and dismayed to see the structure desecrated and its sacred idols dismounted and shattered. The democrats looked on with satisfaction and de- light to see the structure wrapped in the destroying flames of personal attack and violent demolition.

On April 7th the republicans met at Huron and the democrats at Mitchell to select delegates to the National Republican Convention. In the Republican State Convention the progressives had a working majority of forty-four. At once a bitter contest was fought out on the floor between the two wings of the party. The result was the endorsement of Governor Crawford for senator and the election of the following delegates, who were instructed to support Taft for President, Coe I. Crawford, E. L. Senn, K. O. Strand, A. W. Ewart, C. H. Dillon, A. L. Lockhard, R. E. Grimshaw and P. H. O'Neill. Of this convention

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Robert McNulty was temporary chairman and M. L. Chaney permanent chair- man. The resolutions adopted were (I) a declaration for Roosevelt's policies, which were announced to be the crowning virtue of all the achievements of the republican party; (2) a statement favoring Roosevelt's renomination, but sup- porting Taft in case Roosevelt persisted in his refusal; (3) a promise of pro- tection, but with tariff revision; (4) a pledge in favor of the railroad rate law ; (5) the correct valuation of all public service corporations; (6) the limitation of temporary injunctions; (7) the enactment of an employers' liability act and of a graduated income and inheritance tax law; (8) a promise to improve the Mississippi River and its tributaries; (9) the endorsement of Governor Craw- ford for United States senator; (10) a reduction in freight rates west of the Missouri River.

The progressive primary ticket was as follows: United States senator, C. I. Crawford; Congress, Philo Hall and W. S. Glass; governor, R. S. Vessey ; lieu- tenant-governor, H. C. Shober; treasurer, C. H. Cassill; secretary of state, S. C. Polley; auditor, John Hirning; attorney-general, S. H. Clark; school superin- tendent, H. A. Ustrud ; land commissioner, O. C. Dokken ; railway commissioner, F. C. Robinson; national committeeman, Thomas Thorson. At the primary election the result was: For senator-Crawford (progressive), 35,153; Kitt- redge (stalwart), 33,036; for governor-Vessey (progressive), 32,124; Browne (stalwart), 30,858; for Congress-Hall (progressive), 29,983; Glass (pro- gressive), 28,993; Martin (stalwart), 30,293; Burke (stalwart), 32,176. At this election the progressives nominated 91 out of 149 candidates for the Legis- lature-27 in the Senate and 64 in the House. Kittredge carried the Black Hills, but fell behind east of the Missouri River.

The democrats on the same date assembled at Mitchell and elected Wesley Stewart temporary chairman and Willian Lynch permanent chairman. They promptly endorsed Andrew E. Lee for governor and W. T. LaFollette for lieu- tenant-governor. They endorsed Bryan for President, named delegates to the national convention at Denver and instructed them to vote for Bryan first, last and all the time.

Their platform reaffirmed the principles of the national democracy ; rejoiced at the investigations being made against political graft and corruption ; approved the laws prohibiting passes, rebates and corporation contributions to campaign funds; favored the election of United States senators by direct vote; demanded the vigorous enforcement of the criminal law against trusts and trust magnates ; welcomed tariff reform offered by part of the republican party; favored a gradu- ated income and inheritance tax; asserted the right of Congress to control inter- state commerce and the same of the states within their borders; ascribed the recent money crisis to the republicans; favored postal savings banks and the protection of bank deposits; opposed both the Aldrich and the Fowler currency bills; favored the eight-hour law; opposed the use of injunctions in industrial disputes except conditionally; favored the Employers' Liability Law; opposed immigrants who could not properly amalgamate with the population; sympa- thized with the efforts being made to reclaim the arid West; favored forest reserves; asked for liberal appropriations for interior waterways; advocated a generous pension policy ; condemned the "experiment in imperialism;" and de- clared William Jennings Bryan the choice of the convention for President. The

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History of Dakota Territory, volume III, Part 99

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920 Publication date: 1915 Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company Number of Pages: 1146

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1146