USA > South Dakota > History of Dakota Territory, volume III > Part 98
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In July, 1905, Congressman E. W. Martin, of the Black Hills district, an- nounced himself as a candidate for the United States Senate to succeed Senator Gamble; whereupon James M. Lawson announced himself as a candidate to succeed Congressman Martin.
In 1905 Huron was the hotbed of the insurgents. In September the 1906 campaign was opened by Coe I. Crawford to a large audience in that city. He was introduced by J. A. Pickler. The state fair was in session and the waves of insurgent sentiment ran high upon the political shore.
The Roosevelt republicans now began to be called insurgents. They called themselves the State Roosevelt Republican League and took measures to organize branches in every county of the state. They were also called anti-machine
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republicans. Senator Cassill, of Canton, was elected chairman of the executive committee, and Sen. H. C. Shober, secretary. Their resolutions or platform endorsed President Roosevelt's position, which favored granting sufficient power to the Interstate Commerce Commission to fix maximum railroad rates where excessive charges existed; declared for principles rather than personal interests ; insisted that candidates to conventions should commit themselves in advance to the principles of the platform; demanded that the people should be allowed to select their own executive, legislative and judicial officers; that all such officials should be free from contamination with trusts, public service cor- porations and political bosses ; asserted that corporations should not be permitted to control the organization of political parties nor manipulate the selection of candidates for office; denounced in severe terms the action of the last Legisla- ture (1905) in denying and defeating the petition of over 8,800 citizens for a primary law; announced the intention of the league to bring the same question before the next Legislature; pledged a law to prevent the issuance of free passes by railroads ; stated that no delegate to the next republican state conven- tion would get the support of the league unless he should subscribe to its prin- ciples. The leaders of this insurgent movement were among the strongest republicans of the state, but embraced many soreheads and malcontents who had fallen or been shoved overboard from the old republican machine scow. It was an attempt to gain control of the party in the state and was the direct result of boss and machine rule in the republican ranks. It was an adroit and oppor- tune movement to take advantage of Roosevelt's popularity in order to gain the ascendency in South Dakota. Among the leaders were Pickler, Crawford, Cassill, Shober, Thorson, Glass, Packard, DeLand, Parks, Bassford, Lafollette and Pettigrew. Perhaps the immediate and aggravating causes were the tactics of the republican machine in the Legislature in defeating the primary petition and in other high-handed and insolent proceedings against all opposition, even within the party ranks. Thus the keynote of the league was a state-wide primary law to curb the party rule and lash. They organized in September to be in readiness for the campaign of 1906.
It became known that Pettigrew had much to do with the organization of this league. From his point of view it was a lucky step to become again a rising star in the republican firmament by uniting with the insurgents under the Roose- velt banner. Could the insurgent faction win, if only in part, through the efforts and good offices of Pettigrew he could with good grace claim the seat of Kit- tredge in the United States Senate and at the same time could rejoin his old republican comrades and be clasped to their bosoms.
In July when W. J. Bryan lectured at the Chautauqua Assembly at Canton, Mr. Pettigrew was present, and afterward the two drove together to Sioux Falls. Pettigrew, the steadfast friend of Bryan, was no doubt discouraged at this time from any further allegiance to the free silver leader. In any event it was soon reported that Pettigrew would probably become the leader of the insur- gent republicans of the state. If such were his intentions he was doomed to disappointment because his political career with the republicans had been run and others equally ambitious and able wanted the honors, the power and glory which he again looked at with covetous eyes.
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On the other hand the populist and democratic newspapers all over the state began to come out in July and August in support of Pettigrew for governor. But it was openly stated by republicans that this political legerdemain was merely a Pettigrew rule to spur the insurgents to welcome him to their ranks in order to prevent his opposition to their program by joining the army of the combined democrats and populists. Both the regular republicans and the insur- gent republicans refused to be misled by such political sidestepping. They de- clared that he had misled them in 1896 with the cry for free silver; had injured them in 1900 with the false issue of imperialism; had shouted for the demo- crats and populists in 1904, but had voted for Watson, and now in 1905, while really aiming to go back to the Senate, was covering his tracks with the cry of reform, including the Government ownership of railways. In spite of the record and the rebuffs, however, Mr. Pettigrew tried in 1905 to pose as the special champion of President Roosevelt. In 1900 he had ridiculed Roosevelt unstint- edly; in fact had openly accused him of having shot a Spaniard in the back, and later of dining Booker T. Washington, colored, at the White House. He said of the latter act that Mr. Washington got the worst of the bargain. For nine years, it was declared, he had been a malicious enemy and detractor of the republican party and had declared in 1904 that the proudest act of his life was when he left the party of Blaine, Mckinley and Roosevelt. These were the charges.
"There is declared to be no doubt that Kittredge was one of the men on whom the anti-Roosevelt cabal of 1904 relied to bring in delegations that could be turned against the President at the right time in the national convention. That effort was a pitiful failure, and the Kittredge hand was not shown; but Kittredge's enemies promise that they will make a showing to the President that will end all question as to who was loyal and who was inimical at the critical time preliminary to the 1905 convention."-Washington Times, Septem- ber, 1905.
"It is a part of the underground history of the movement of 1904 that the national convention delegates from South Dakota were to be selected with the intention of turning them into the ranks of the anti-Roosevelt conspirators if the attempt to displace Mr. Roosevelt gained sufficient strength to render his defeat possible. But the death of Senator Hanna interrupted the plans. Along with the rest, South Dakota then fell into line for Roosevelt and its political man- agers have since been outwardly praising and inwardly anathematizing the man in the White House."-Sioux Falls Daily Press, September 9, 1905.
"Let me ask why the Argus-Leader, which is the special advocate of Senator Kittredge; the Pierre Free Press, the local organ of Congressman Burke; the Deadwood Pioneer, the home organ of Congressman Martin; the Aberdeen News, the Watertown Public Opinion, the leading machine organs of the railroads and the state machine, and the cuckoo press everywhere are filled daily with articles, editorials and otherwise, for the purpose of influencing the public mind against the position of the President?"-Crawford's speech at the state fair, Huron, September, 1905.
"The Dakotan, in its issue of Saturday, finally placed itself in open oppo- sition to the state administration and allied itself with the coterie of disgruntled politicians who compose what they term the Roosevelt Republican League. Our
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delegation in Congress and the executive officers of the state are all condemned by this combination of political adventurers. The people of Pierre can have nothing in common with such an outfit. The men who compose the would-be machine are in the main unsuccessful business men who are masquerading as Roosevelt republicans simply to mislead the people."-Capital Journal, Sep- tember 25, 1905.
"A large share of the republican voters of South Dakota, including the edi- tor of the Courier, would never be accepted as members of the recently organized Roosevelt Republican League. Heartily indorsing President Roosevelt and all his positions, we Roosevelt republicans would be black-balled, because we do not endorse what President Roosevelt never endorsed-the primary system. And yet this kind of Roosevelt republicans wants the kind that elected him to reform." -Elk Point Courier, October, 1905.
"Some months ago when the Argus-Leader declared that the insurgent republican element in South Dakota was working in harmony with ex-Sen. R. F. Pettigrew of this city, and that the ex-senator was all the time behind the scenes pulling the wires, the statement was repudiated. However, it was true. It was Mr. Pettigrew who suggested the organization of a Roosevelt league, albeit only a few short years ago Mr. Pettigrew was howling it up and down the state that Roosevelt had shot a Spaniard in the back. It has now leaked out that Coe I. Crawford is in close communion with Mr. Pettigrew. The latter cannot keep from talking and it is known that he pledged his support to Craw- ford, not that he loves him, but because he wants to defeat the republican organ- ization in South Dakota and particularly Senator Kittredge, whom he has never forgiven for taking his seat in the Senate. It is arranged that Mr. Pettigrew will give the movement no public support, because it is well known that this would do more harm than good, but that all reports are to be sent to him and that he will have personal though secret direction of the insurgent campaign. Of course, all this will be denied. But it is as true as preaching that Pettigrew is now back of the insurgent campaign and is using the whole force of his wily and foxy nature to defeat the republican organization. It will be interesting to know how the loyal republicans of the state who joined the insurgent ranks in good faith and in honest protest against things they did not want are going to like the leadership of a man who fought Mckinley with hysterical bitterness in 1896, who designated Roosevelt as a cheap cowboy that shot a Spaniard in the back, who was a leading figure at the last Democratic State Convention, who was a delegate to the last National Democratic Convention, and who supported the yellow journalist Hearst for President."-Argus-Leader, October 31, 1905.
"The insurgent element in his party care nothing about the defeat of Gamble, or the defeat of Martin, or the defeat of Burke. Kittredge is the man they are after and they got their inspiration from no less a traitor to republicanism than R. F. Pettigrew. He and his newspaper have sown the seed of opposition to Senator Kittredge. They are the ones who inspire the fight within the republi- can party. Why all this? Revenge for the defeat of Frank Pettigrew, whose political overthrow in South Dakota is traced to Senator Kittredge, who mar- shaled the republicans to victory after Pettigrew so basely betrayed them."- Huronite, October, 1905.
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"According to the democratic and insurgent press, if a republican has an opinion of his own not in perfect harmony with what they construe the Presi- dent's views to be, he is against Roosevelt. If he is perfectly loyal to his party in all things he is a 'brass-collar hireling.' Will some good saintly republican who supported Bryan in 1896 and 1900, and either Parker or Watson in 1904, kindly advise us what to do in order to be a real good republican? Forty years of fidelity to republican principles is not sufficient to enable us to act wisely in their sight." -- Mitchell Clarion, October, 1905.
In the fall of 1905 A. B. Kittredge was coming rapidly into the favor of the stalwart republican voters of the state. He was the man wanted to step into all the political garments of Mr. Pettigrew. He was able, courageous, honest and persistent. The Woonsocket Herald in November, 1905, said :
"When Minnehaha County and the whole state was held in the corrupt and iron grasp of R. F. Pettigrew, who afterward became our Judas Iscariot, the people rallied around Senator Kittredge and the hosts of Pettigrew were strewn on the shores of the political Dead Sea. Since that time revenge has been the sole effort of Pettigrew. While Kittredge has been giving his whole time to the welfare of the state and nation, rising to a position as one of the recognized leaders of the Senate, Pettigrew and his followers have been camping on his trail like a pack of hungry wolves. It is not the machine, nor Martin, nor Burke, nor Gamble that are persecuted, but Kittredge. Why? Revenge cunningly planned by Pettigrew and backed by some other defeated and sore-headed insur- gents. After a series of fights in the open, in which Pettigrew was always de- feated, he has now sought to have his hirelings try to undermine Kittredge in the republican party by stirring up strife and trying to disorganize and divide the republicans."
In December Mr. Lawson withdrew from the political race and Judge A. W. Campbell became a candidate for a seat in Congress. O. L. Branson was also a candidate for congressional honors about this time. It was customary to begin the campaigns one year before the elections.
Early in 1906 elaborate and crafty plans to control the state convention were laid by the republican factions. In fact, as before stated, such plans were set in motion as early as the fall of 1905. The public-loving politician lets no grass grow under his shoe soles. Eternal vigilance is the price of his success-low price, wholesale rates. By the middle of February the whole state was boiling and seeth- ing with the intrigues of the tricksters and grafters and with the sacrificial offer- ings of the destitute and needy office seekers.
The honest caucus law provided that on the first Tuesday after the first Mon- day of June all political conventions should be held simultaneously. In the spring of 1906 the Democratic State Central Committee attacked the "honest caucus law" on seventeen points in court, but Judge Marquis sustained the law on every point. In June the Ninth Biennial Convention of South Dakota Republican clubs was held at Sioux Falls.
The regular republicans made strenuous efforts this spring to show that the insurgent movement in this state was in no way connected with the reform work of President Roosevelt and that the insurgents were seeking certain reforms which had been foreshadowed by Roosevelt and were already called Roosevelt's policy. Time proved that the insurgents were nearer right in their claims. The
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contest was fierce, personal, slanderous and bitter. Coe I. Crawford, who was charged by the Government with participation in certain land frauds, announced that the Roosevelt administration was persecuting him in order to help the regular republicans. Political events were developing. At this time there were no state issues of great moment, so that the politicians were free to use the Roosevelt dodge for every conceivable sortie and intrigue. Martin's attack on Crawford was severe in the extreme; his subject was "Roosevelt Republican- ism." In it he attempted to show the vast difference between the policy of the insurgents and that of Roosevelt. At first the regular republicans had no special name in this state to distinguish them from the insurgents, but by May, 1906, they began to be called stalwarts.
The caucus primary was held May 15th and was very close between the two republican factions, thus preparing the way for a sharp contest for party control in the state convention. Crawford won over Elrod for the governorship and Gamble won over Martin for the Senate. Thus the primary placed the insur- gents slightly in the lead at the state convention, June 6th. Philo Hall won over Burke for the national House. The following was the successful slate: Senate, Gamble; governor, Crawford; Congress, Hall, Emerick and Parker; lieutenant- governor, Shober; secretary of state, Wipp; treasurer, Cassill; attorney-general, Clark ; school superintendent, Ustrud; land commissioner, Mclaughlin; railroad commissioner, Rice. The county conventions which were held May 22d gave Crawford for governor a majority of the delegates to the state convention.
On June 5th the Republican State Convention convened with 1,369 members in attendance, or 355 more than the year before. The insurgent slated ticket and a ticket prepared by the stalwart faction were placed before the delegates. Leslie M. Shaw, secretary of the treasury, was present and addressed a large audience at Sioux Falls just before the convention met. E. C. Ericson was temporary chairman and Frank McNulty permanent chairman. It was openly boasted and heralded everywhere that for the first time in the history of the state the republi- can convention was not controlled by the railroads. The insurgent ticket won handily, but the stalwarts went down with flying colors. For governor, Craw- ford received 893 votes and Elrod 476. The platform pledged control of the great combinations of capital; congratulated the Roosevelt administration on the passage of the rate bill; favored protection ; promised to remove the tariff on lumber; declared against free railroad passes to corporate officials; advocated a law to regulate lobbying; favored a new and adequate primary law ; advocated the elimination of public service corporations from politics; and favored the election of United States senators by direct vote. The convention named this ticket: United States senator, R. J. Gamble; Congress, Philo Hall and Colonel Parker ; governor, C. I. Crawford; lieutenant-governor, H. C. Shober ; treasurer, C. H. Cassill; secretary of state, D. D. Wipp; attorney-general, F. W. Clark; school superintendent, Hans Ustrud; auditor, John Herung; land commissioner, O. C. Dokken; railroad commissioner, George Rice. The contest in this con- vention between the two republican factions was the most notable ever held in the state within the ranks of one party. On the surface all violence was suppressed, but within many breasts the fires of revenge, jealousy and ambition burned almost to the point of explosion.
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The socialists nominated for governor Freeman Knowles and in their plat- form declared in favor of international socialism; pledged better laws for labor and for the control of capital; urged the organization of the working classes into a political party ; promised to abolish wage slavery; pledged to promote the interests of the working classes; denounced as an infringement of the voter's constitutional right the practice of the authorities to require a voter to disclose the party to which he belonged; declared that the labor situation in Colorado and Idaho was a disgrace to the country and denounced any primary law as useless and unnecessary. The socialists ended by placing a ticket in the field.
At the prohibition convention held at Redfield Knute Lewis was nominated for governor and a full ticket was chosen. Their usual platform was promulgated.
The Democratic State Convention assembled at Yankton with C. B. Barrett as temporary chairman. Their platform favored Government ownership of railway, telegraph and telephone lines; advocated an income and an inheritance tax; favored tariff revision in the immediate future; favored the election of United States senators by direct vote ; advocated the enactment of a fellow servant law; opposed the ship subsidy measure; opposed the honest caucus law and denounced the pass evils in vogue among the republicans. All necessary steps for the presidential campaign of 1908 were taken.
During the fall campaign of 1906 the stalwarts were in the majority in the Black Hills, but the insurgents controlled the rest of the state. But there were no mugwumps in the republican ranks. As soon as the results of the state conven- tion were known both factions united for the success of the ticket and party as united. The stalwarts represented the old machine and the old practices and tactics, while the insurgents represented important changes in the party methods and principles-Roosevelt's alleged policies. Many farmers came over to the support of the insurgency within the last few days of the campaign.
In October W. J. Bryan spoke at Sioux Falls for the fourth time. Col. W. H. Parker conducted a stirring campaign in the Black Hills; he was assisted by Crawford, Gamble, and others. Gov. Albert B. Cummins, of Iowa, delivered a few speeches within the state.
It was generally admitted that prior to 1906 the railway companies exerted great influence in the politics and legislation of the state. Upon examination this fact is proved. The politicians with promises of reward or threats of punish- ment sought the railway companies for the money that could be extorted for campaign purposes. The companies became the sport and play of the politicians, the Legislature, the capital contestants, and the farmers' organizations. And yet to this day the companies are regarded as the buyers of legislatures and the cor- ruptors of politicians. The real fight this year was also for all sorts of local issues, public and personal.
At the November election the republicans carried every office by large ma- jorities. During the 1906 campaign the insurgents opposed the republican machine, but after the November election they formed a stronger one of their own. All of this merely showed the insincerity and acquisitiveness of the politicians.
In December great ado was made over the alleged fact that Senator Gamble had given his son employment under the Government while he was in school. The Legislature of 1907, while re-electing Mr. Gamble, appointed a committee
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to investigate these charges and at the same time, as a perfunctory measure, ordered an investigation of other offices. Messrs. Kittredge, Martin and Burke, then in Washington, seemed to consider that this act was a stroke at them, be- cause they wired at once that they were ready and willing to be investigated. Apparently this sweeping act of the Legislature was done to whitewash the Gamble episode. The investigating committee found the charges against Senator Gamble correct, but further found that they were proper, justifiable and accord- ing to custom at Washington. The vote for senator was as follows: Gamble, 100; Thomas Sterling, 15; Andrew E. Lee, 17; C. H. Dillon, I. The stalwarts at first opposed Gamble, but finally fell in line. Thirteen republicans out of 114 voted for Sterling.
The stalwart newspapers early in 1907 resumed their criticism of the methods and aims of the insurgents. They declared that the insurgent legislature was partisan, spitful and did small things merely to annoy and humiliate the stalwarts. But the insurgent papers stated in reply that their representatives were only trying to carry out the reforms which they had promised during the campaign.
In 1907, after many years of neglect and disregard, steps to invoke the con- stitutional statutory provisions for the operation of the initiative and referendum were taken to create that legislation which it was claimed had been denied and to defeat laws which were not wanted, but which were passed. The prohibi- tionists began action to initiate local option legislation and to invoke the referendum to defeat the obnoxious divorce law. This was one of the first times that definite efforts to put these measures in operation were made since they were adopted back in 1897. The law was liked, needed, but reformers here seemed afraid to seek its service and to invoke its power.
In the fall of 1907 the presidential campaign of 1908 was commenced in this state. Secretary Taft visited several cities and made speeches. He was a candidate for the presidency and at this time had the support of President Roosevelt. Taft visited the Black Hills and was warmly received. Senators Kittredge and Gamble, Governor Crawford, Sen. R. M. LaFollette, of Wisconsin, and others spoke at many centers and discussed national as well as local issues. Already the stalwarts were against the renomination of Roosevelt and favored Taft or LaFollette. At this time Roosevelt said that LaFollette represented his policies nearer than any other senator.
The Roosevelt Republican League met in the Masonic Hall, Huron, on Sep- tember 12th, while the State Fair was in session. Charles H. Cassell called the meeting to order and Governor Crawford delivered the opening speech. He was followed by Gamble, Hall, Busford and others. Nearly every county in the state was represented and there was much enthusiasm. The resolutions adopted announced that the object of the league was to support the principles of the republican party as proclaimed by President Roosevelt; favored the control of trusts and private monopolies ; advocated a maximum freight rate law; favored the square deal between the people and the corporations; declared that the republican machine in 1905 had tried to defeat their reforms and had succeeded in putting them off ; asserted that the insurgents, or progressives as they began to be called, would continue vigorous work until the reforms demanded had been accomplished ; expressed the belief that Roosevelt should be re-elected in order to help carry out these reforms; decided that there should now be chosen
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