USA > South Dakota > History of Dakota Territory, volume III > Part 95
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The result of this eventful election was as follows: Presidential electors --- McKinley, 41,042 ; Bryan, 41,225 ; prohibition, 983. Governor-A. E. Lee (Pop.), 41,187; A. O. Ringsrud (R.), 40,868; J. F. Hanson (Proh.), 722. Lieutenant governor-D. T. Hindman (R.), 40,997; P. R. Corothers (Pop.), 40,956; F. J. Carlisle (Proh.), 700. Secretary of state-W. H. Roddle (R.), 41,162; J. W. Harden (Pop.), 40,841; C. M. Peck (Proh.), 679. Auditor-H. E. Mayhew (R.), 41,151; J. H. Kipp (Pop.), 41,069. Treasurer-Kirk G. Phillips (R.), 41,112; W. S. Logan (Pop.), 40,880; Joseph Harker (Proh.), 641. Attorney general-Melvin Grigsby (Pop.), 41,316; S. Y. Jones (R.), 40,931. Superin- tendent of public instruction-Frank Crane (R.), 41,124; Kate Taubmann (Pop.), 40,852; George Kephart (Proh.), 633. Land commissioner-J. L. Lockhart (R.), 41,157; A. M. Allen (Pop.), 4I,II0; Railroad commissioners (three) --- G. A. Johnson (R.), 40,947; N. P. Bromley (R.), 40,682; D. W. McFadden (R.), 40,866; W. T. LaFollette (Pop.), 41,342; Alexander Kirkpatrick (Pop.), 41,343; W. H. Tompkins (Pop.), 41,326. Congressmen (two)-Kelley (Pop.), 41,125; Knowles (Pop.), 41,233; Gamble (R.), 40,943; Crawford (R.), 40,575; Alex- ander (Proh.), 683; Lewis (Proh.), 722. Amendments to the constitution- Limitation of local indebtedness, yes, 28,490, no, 14,789; shall the prohibition clause of the constitution be repealed? yes, 31,901, no, 24,910; shall trusts and monopolies be excluded from the state? yes, 36,795, no, 9,136; shall state educa- tional institutions be placed under one board of five regents? yes, 31,161, no, 11,390. Another amendment limiting the time of certain officials was voted on and carried. At this phenomenal election there were puzzling results and startling surprises in almost every county of the state. It required time for the republi- cans at least to recover their equilibrium. At this time there were 94,375 voters in the state.
At once as soon as the result in this state was known, the question arose, would the populists now unite with the democrats to elect a democratic United States senator or would they fight for a populist. On joint ballot the Senate and House had a fusion majority of 19. There were 9 democrats, 53 republicans and 70 free silver advocates. Irving Weeks was nominated by the democratic caucus,
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John A. Pickler by the republican caucus, while the silver people adroitly avoided naming a candidate in caucus. The result of the first caucus joint ballot was- Pickler, 53; Kyle, 33; A. J. Plowman, II; F. M. Goodykoontz, 6; A. J. Kellar, 3; Weeks, 3; C. S. Palmer, I; John A. Bowler, I. During this contest the wants of the democrats and of the republicans were clear and well defined, but the silverites and populists, who had fused, seemed bent upon confusion, uncer- tainty and foul weather. It is a fact that personal considerations entered almost wholly into all their plans, schemes and calculations. It was not their purpose at any time to unite on one man and elect him, but to practice delay, finesse, and subterfuge so that the hope of success might temporarily polish, bedizen and brighten many senatorial lightning rods. The long and expensive contest was due almost wholly to this systematic intrigue for personal advancement. Their motives were severely criticised by speakers and newspapers in all parts of the state. Was not this expensive procedure, costing the state, as it did, unneces- sarily, thousands of dollars, as much of a malfeasance, it was asked, as is the official delinquency of any other public servant? The Legislature refused tem- porarily to receive the last message of Governor Sheldon, but ordered read with great acclaim that of incoming Governor Lee. Promptly upon taking his seat Governor Lee directed an investigation of all the state officials. The republicans declared that he did this to give his administration the prestige of a reform color- ization-that it was the move of a politician and not of a statesman. The repub- lican press lashed Governor Lee without mercy for appealing to the Legislature to authorize him to count the money in the state treasury. The vote in the Legislature on this question was wholly partisan. The investigation was ordered, but though rigid and in the hands of the enemy nothing of a serious nature was found wrong with any of the departments.
The republican caucus nominated unanimously John A. Pickler for the United States Senate. The contest for senator passed through all stages from gay. to grave. The ebb and flow of individual popularity or disfavor were evanescent and baffling. It was claimed that corruption walked with arrogant tread through the legislative corridors, committee rooms and halls, and could even be heard in hotel bedrooms amid the click and pop of glass bottles, the select language of honorable members and the fragrant aroma of extremely ardent spirits. The candidates were Kyle, Loucks, Plowman, Goodykoontz and others. In one of the early caucusus Kyle came within eight votes of being elected. The demo- crats in caucus named J. A. Weeks for the senatorship. On January 20th both houses voted as follows : Pickler, 53; Kyle, 33 ; Loucks, 14; Plowman, II ; Goody- koontz, 6; Weeks, 3; Kellar, 2; Palmer, I; Bowler, I. This was the result of the first regular joint ballot, and now the music of numerous private bands began to be heard. On January 28th Loucks withdrew and released his supporters. The air was full of the stories of combinations and sales. And thus the battle or the diplomacy continued with unabated skill and finesse until February 18th, when by a sudden and wholly unexpected coup the republicans threw the bulk of their strength to Senator Kyle who was thus reelected. The last ballot was- Kyle, 65; Plowman, 41; Goodykoontz, II; Greeley, 4; Palmer, I; Hinckley, I. Kyle received the entire republican vote except one and thirteen populist votes. The democrats did not figure in this startling event. At first Mr. Pickler was accused with having directed this adventurous movement, but later Mr. Kittredge
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was forced to assume the responsibility, but he did not seem distressed under the burden. In 1890 Mr. Kyle, a republican, was sent as a populist to the State Sen- ate ; later he was sent to the United States Senate by the democrats, and now he was returned there by the republicans. He proved faithful to all his constitu- encies-was true to his friends amid the shifting and jumbled so-called principles of these morbid and erratic times. The republicans were satisfied, because Mr. Kyle pledged himself to support republican principles; the silverites were satis- fied because he was in favor of free silver; the populists were pleased because he had once worn populist clothing; so the democrats seemed the only ones left to hold the snipe-bag. What made it worse for them was that they had at a critical moment deserted Mr. Kyle and transferred their affections to Mr. Hinck- ley. The newspapers of the state for weeks, if not months, afterward continued to crack jokes over the unique situation. Mr. Kyle was accused of having made all sorts of perplexing promises to get the nomination ; but he said :
"The misfortune of the populist party is that though having a strong majority in the Legislature, it was unable to elect a senator. For several weeks fruitless efforts were made to this end, but through jealousy, malice and corrupt combina- tions it became plainly apparent that the deadlock would continue to the end of the session if assistance did not come from the republican party. Help did finally come from the republicans, but there was no so-called partisan deal or compromise of principles. Under ordinary circumstances I could continue a populist in good party standing, but the corrupt influence and the powerful machine installed in the party have, regardless of party welfare, by persecution of my friends and venomous and false personal attacks, attempted in the interest of a small clique of new-found allies to thwart my reelection and have sought to drive me from the party which I helped to found. This I deny their right to do. I shall continue to advocate my convictions on all public questions during my six years' term, and in minor matters I trust I shall not prove ungrateful to the large body of men to whom I am indebted for reelection."
The "Big Five" in South Dakota republican ranks in 1897 were A. B. Kitt- redge, Robert J. Gamble, Coe I. Crawford, A. O. Ringsrud and J. D. Elliott. It was conceded that they, in a large measure, directed state patronage through Senator Kyle. In June Senator Pettigrew was stricken with paralysis while speaking with great vehemence in the Senate, but he soon recovered. This year Robert B. Tripp, populist, opposed unsuccessfully the election of E. B. Smith to the district judgeship.
Early in 1898 Mr. Loucks gave indications that he might return to the repub- lican ranks. As a matter of fact he was an able, conscientious man who advo- cated the populist cause through principle. He was always opposed to fusion, but yielded to all the fusions at the behest of his followers. When the populist machine took over the party nolens volens he concluded that his usefulness as a leader of the new principles was at an end. With him as with H. J. Campbell the populist movement was one for reform and advancement. He was not active in 1898; neither were Coe I. Crawford and J. A. Pickler. In February, 1898, Mr. Pettigrew delivered a three-day speech in the Senate against the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands. He continued steadily to oppose the Mckinley admin- istration and so far failed to represent the republicans of this state who had sent him back to the Senate.
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In spite of the Spanish-American war and the settlement of the free silver tariff questions, politics broke forth into full leaf and bloom with the coming of balmy spring in 1898. About this time the death of Hugh J. Campbell, the "Father of Statehood," occasioned general regret throughout South Dakota. He was the most original, most profound thinker in the state and possessed too much principle to be congenial to professional politicians and held himself aloof from their partisan raffles and personal squabbles.
At the peoples' convention held at Aberdeen June 23, 1898, Gov. A. E. Lee was renominated for governor as were also James F. Kelly and Freeman Knowles for Congress. This convention was apparently a willing victim of fusion, free silverites, democrats and populists uniting as one concrete and formidable bat- talion. A certain newspaper called them or it the trinity and ascribed to it supernatural ambition if not power. The democrats asked for the treasurer, auditor, land commissioners and superintendent of public instruction. The silver republicans demanded the lieutenant governor and the attorney general. The populists asked for the governor, the two congressmen and the secretary of state. The platforms were separate though they were much alike. The joint resolutions adopted asked for the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to I; opposed the issue of state and local bonds; favored the free homes bill; demanded that all money be issued by the Government; approved the prosecution of the war with Spain; denounced Federal Court injunctions; favored the election of Supreme Court judges; advocated the adoption of the initiative and referendum; recom- mended public ownership of public utilities, and favored the nomination of United States senators by the usual conventions.
In July, 1898, the silver republicans held a separate convention. Their plat- form reaffirmed and endorsed the principles of representative government advo- cated and supported by Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, Grant and Bryan ; en- dorsed the platform of the silver republican convention at St. Louis in July, 1896; declared its purpose to unite with others holding the same views; com- mended the stand of the silver republicans, populists and silver democrats in Congress ; demanded the remonetization of silver on the basis of 16 to I without waiting for the comment of other nations; opposed the issue of interest bearing bonds; believed it the function of government to issue full legal tender money ; opposed the "present pooling and trust fostering policy of railroad management ;" denounced the republicans for their support of trusts and combines ; favored Government postal savings banks; opposed the assumed authority of Federal Courts in vetoing the acts of the legislative and executive branches of government ; favored the election of United States senators by direct vote of the people; demanded the better regulation of interstate railway traffic to prevent discrimi- nations; favored the war with Spain; advocated an income tax; denounced the republicans for defeating the free homestead bill; commended the last Legislature for passing the existing railroad law; endorsed the administration of Governor Lee and the acts of Pettigrew, Kelley and Knowles in Congress; favored a law making railroad companies liable for injuries to employes; favored a uniform system of text books in public schools under state authority; advocated building up the various state institutions ; and favored municipal control of public utilities.
The peoples' party met in July and announced its principles. The platform reaffirmed the doctrine of the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio
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of 16 to I ; opposed the issue of interest bearing bonds in time of peace; favored the issue of all money direct by the Government; demanded the passage of the free homes bill; approved the war with Spain; denounced the "infamous policy of government by injunction ;" demanded the election of such courts by a direct vote of the people; opposed the life tenure system of the Federal judiciary ; demanded the election of the United States Supreme Court for stated terms by direct vote of the people ; recommended that at the state convention of the people's party to be held in 1900 a candidate for United States senator be nominated to be voted for by the members of the Legislature elected by the party; favored the initiative and referendum; advocated public ownership of public utilities ; favored a law making employers liable for injuries to employes received while in the discharge of duty; favored fostering home industries; opposed the employment of convict labor; and demanded an equitable tax upon the franchises and prop- erty of railroads and other corporations. In addition the convention passed reso- lutions commending the course in Congress of Pettigrew, Kelly and Knowles and the administration of Governor Lee, particularly his "courageous policy in demanding public official probity ;" expressing appreciation for the patriotism of the American volunteers; granting to the State Central Committee full plenary powers to finish the work of the convention; expressing gratification "over the proud fact that the silver members of Congress had forced the national admin- istration to a just and proper punishment of Spain for the destruction of the Maine; endorsing the course of the State Railroad Commission and favored the publication of public school books by the state."
The democratic platform this year asked for the better control of railways and trusts ; congratulated the state on the passage of suitable railroad legislation ; favored limiting the working hours of women and children; pledged the building up of state institutions ; opposed convict labor that conflicted with ordinary labor; asked for the graduated income tax; asked for Government savings banks; de- manded that the state should own its own school text books ; asked for the initia- tive and referendum; demanded the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to I ; asked that the tenure of Federal offices be limited to eight years; expressed pride in the course of Senator Pettigrew; congratulated the free silver forces for hav- ing supported Mr. Bryan; denounced the national administration for making war the excuse for issuing interest bearing bonds; and commended the course of Governor Lee and Congressmen Kelly and Knowles.
The republican state convention at Mitchell in August was presided over by J. M. Greene, of Chamberlain. There was general harmony, but several sharp contests for place ensued. The ticket was: Governor, Kirk G. Phillips ; lieuten- ant governor, J. T. Kean; secretary of state, W. H. Roddle; treasurer, John Schamber; school superintendent, E. E. Collins; auditor, J. D. Reeves ; land commissioner, David Eastman ; attorney general, John L. Pyle; railroad commis- sioners, W. G. Smith; Congress, R. J. Gamble and C. H. Burke. At this con- vention a letter from H. L. Loucks was read, announcing his return to the repub- lican party, whereupon joyful pandemonium held supreme control for a few minutes. He asked the convention to adopt a plank favoring the initiative and referendum, but his advice was not followed, though all were requested to study the matter. The platform declared for protection and sound money ; opposed the free and unlimited coinage of silver; demanded the gold standard; endorsed the
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annexation of Hawaii; urge the extension of the civil service policy; opposed illegal corporations and trusts; advocated internal revenue; supported postal savings banks and the postal telegraph system; sustained the railroad commis- sion rate fight; favored building the Nicaragua canal and recommended that the initiative and referendum systems be duly and studiously considered.
During the campaign the republicans charged Governor Lee with wasting public funds. Mr. Phillips, state treasurer, though requested to do so, refused to advance funds to Governor Lee with which to mobilize the state troops for the war with Spain, thus forcing him to raise the money through private sources. Mr. Phillips was charged with having prevented the taxation of railroads. All of these were partisan or personal maneuvers invented to achieve private aims and ends. Possibly the action of Mr. Phillips was actuated by a desire to get even with Governor Lee for the official investigation ordered a short time before.
In the fall of 1898 Bartlett Tripp announced his withdrawal from the demo- cratic party owing to its having wholly gone over to free silver, socialism and even anarchy. In September Senator Kyle suffered a stroke of paralysis while at Cleveland. A short time before he had announced that he was a republican. The populist papers of that time declared that he was in Cleveland to consult with Mark Hanna on political plans, problems, and campaigns.
Generally the republicans were successful at the election of November, 1898. However, Governor Lee defeated Mr. Phillips by the vote of 37,319 to 36,949. The remainder of the state ticket, the congressmen and the Legislature were carried by the republicans. Equal suffrage lost by 3,285 majority ; the initiative and referendum won by 7,333 majority, and the state dispensary won by 1,643 majority. The republican congressmen won by from 4,000 to 6,000 majority. The Black Hills gave Mr. Phillips a majority for governor. Lawrence county gave Lee a small majority. Mr. Phillips prepared to contest the right of Mr. Lee to the governor's chair. He took the oath of office as governor, employed counsel, but was finally defeated.
South Dakota was the first state in the Union to adopt the initiative and referendum. The belief that the people should have direct connection with state legislation and control had taken possession of a majority of the voters. This was one of the results. Another act of the politicians was criticised at this time-the practice of reducing taxation below actual and necessary expenses in order to boast of their economical administrations. This practice had been carried so far that all state institutions were cut to the bone. "The cry of patriotism is ever the cloak of rascals."-Ben Johnson. .
It was late in 1898 and early in 1899 that the shout of imperialism was raised. Mr. Pettigrew in Congress assailed the administration on this question. The real issue in the fall of 1899 was to commence the campaign to defeat Mr. Pettigrew for reelection to the United States Senate. The republicans felt they had been outraged by his conduct, had been misrepresented at Washington, had suffered from his slings and arrows long enough, and they were now determined to retire him as soon as possible from their ranks, councils and offices.
This election (1898) sealed the fate of the populists in this state. They had fought their fight and had won victories and suffered defeats. There can be no doubt that their influence for reform was high and noble. Their tactics and methods are a different matter. The machines of the old parties of South Dakota
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were wrecked for a time, though the machine of the populists became as dangerous and damaging as the old ones had ever been. Perhaps, after all, the best results of the movement were the campaigns of education which were conducted and the stupefying disclosures of ring and boss rule and corruption which were presented for the inspection of people who wanted good government for the benefits it was sure to bring to their doors, if for no other reasons. It certainly can be said with truth that the efforts and sacrifices of the populists were not wholly in vain. The people were awakened and have ever since under various forms and banners continued the reform process of hammering the truth into hard and hollow heads. After this the populists marched in the ranks of the democrats under the banner of reform. They were not yet dead-merely submerged.
In March, 1899, A. B. Kittredge resigned his office as national republican committeeman ; he sent his proxy to C. H. Herreid. In June, 1899, W. J. Bryan spoke at Sioux Falls on the subjects of finance, taxation and imperialism. In April Bartlett Tripp was appointed Samoan commissioner by President McKin- ley. Judge Tripp was now a straight-laced republican. In 1899 the last act. of the populists was to try to defeat the republican State Supreme Court on the charge of partiality to corporations. But the election of November proved how signally they had failed. Judge Corson's majority was 6,231, Judge Haney's 6,029 and Judge Fuller's 5,089. An important issue at this time was the railroad rate movement. This early, also, the republicans donned their war paint for the struggle to defeat Senator Pettigrew in January, 1901.
The republican state convention assembled at Sioux Falls May 23, 1900, with Carl Sherwood as temporary chairman. Delegates to the national republican con- vention were nominated. The following ticket was placed in the field: Con- gressmen, C. H. Burke and E. W. Martin ; governor, Charles N. Herreid ; lieuten- ant-governor, George W. Snow; secretary of state, O. C. Berg, auditor, J. D. Reeves; treasurer, John Schamber; land commissioner, D. C. Eastman ; school superintendent, E. C. Collins; railroad commissioner, Frank Le Cocq; attorney general, John L. Pyle; national committeeman, J. M. Greene. This ticket, which had been "slated" in advance, was put through, though there was considerable opposition to the "frame up." Loomis contested with Greene for the position of national committeeman, but lost. The republican candidates for United States senator were R. J. Gamble, Col. Lee Stover, H. C. Preston and Judge G. C. Moody. About this time it was admitted that Judge Tripp was a candidate for vice president on the republican ticket. Sen. S. E. Wilson was permanent chairman of the convention. He declared that the populist party had sold out bodily to the democrats at Sioux Falls two weeks before.
The platform endorsed the administration of President Mckinley; com- mended the South Dakota members of Congress; extended to Senator Kyle un- stinted praise for his support of the Spanish-American war policy ; recommended the passage of the Free Homes bill; favored the legal control of trusts and monopolies ; congratulated the people on the enactment of the law which pro- vided the gold standard; favored due honor and care to the old soldiers ; recog- nized the great work done by the soldiers in the war with Spain and in the resultant insurrection on the Island of Luzon ; endorsed and approved the course of Congress and the administration in regard to the new possessions ; expressed full confidence in the wisdom, integrity and ability of the administration to deal
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fairly with all the consequent peace problems; favored the extension of the powers of the railroad commission over express, telegraph and telephone com- panies; approved rural free delivery and favored the use of home-printed products. The delegates to the national republican convention were as follows: Emil Brauch, George Rice, L. L. Lostutter, A. H. Betts, C. B. Collins, N. P. Beebe, James Halley and G. G. Bennett. The republican presidential electors were Thomas Fitch, A. R. Brown, C. Thompson and A. H. Marble. Frank Crane succeeded C. N. Herried as chairman of the Republican State Central Committee. It should be noted as an important political event of these times that two of the most prominent politicians of the state had within a short time wholly changed their political stripes: Pettigrew had gone from the republicans to the populists, and Tripp had gone from the democrats to the republicans, both declaring with elaborate detail and great emphasis that they had made the change through principle. Evidently both regarded the words "politics" and "principle" as synonymous.
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