USA > South Dakota > History of Dakota Territory, volume III > Part 94
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During the campaign of 1894 the tariff question was one of the most important issues in this state and elsewhere. The speeches on the question delivered in the East by Thomas Reed were quoted widely by local protection advocates. He gave many figures and said that the cold facts of mathematics surpassed the spasms of political rhetoric; that there is hardly a spot on the globe where three generations of Englishmen, Frenchmen and Germans had not been camped in possession of every avenue of trade; that if the difference between the cost of production here and the cost of production in England be not equalized by the duty, then the cost of production must go down or we must go out and therefore our labor must go down also; that if we cannot without duties hold our own markets how shall we pay freight, the expense of introducing goods, and meet the foreigner where he lives? These observations of Reed were quoted by all the republican speakers and newspapers of the state during this eventful campaign.
Late in September Judge H. J. Campbell announced that he was through with the independent or populist party and had returned to the republican fold; he was warmly received by the republicans. The immediate cause of his with- drawal was the fusion of the independents and the democrats, a measure which he had ever opposed from principle. He then had no other recourse than to return to the republicans. He said in substance, to explain his course, that the independent party was a protest on the part of a large body of the people, mostly among the industrial classes, against what they felt to be the injustice of many of the existing economic conditions. They felt that the joint profits of the work of society were unequally and unjustly distributed. From the very first it was evident that to make such a party possible it was necessary that the southern element of the new party should break with the democratic party. just as the northern element did with the republican party. But when the sticking
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point came the southern men failed to break with the democratic party. Thus it became necessary to abandon a national independent party. With no national party to fight for, the independents of South Dakota were fighting simply for local issues. What were these issues? To elect a number of officers including a United States senator by the aid of democratic votes. Now, if they shall succeed, what will the independent cause gain by the success? Would democrats be converted into independents? The questions answered themselves. Even with success the independents were just where they were before the added dis- advantage of democratic success. The chief object of this election was the selection of a United States senator. Past experiences had shown that an independent elected by democratic votes and under pledges to Democrats was to all intents and purposes a democrat. Independents did not want a repetition of such a result. Democratic policy meant war on northern industries. Did the independents of South Dakota wish to endorse that policy? These were the views of Judge Campbell.
As a matter of fact this was one of the most eventful years from many points of view in the history of the whole country. The great railway strike at Chicago and elsewhere, the revolts of other labor organizations in all directions, the large number of unemployed men, the arrogance, heartlessness and avarice of trusts and corporations, the disregard of courts and high officials for the welfare of the masses-all contributed to cause a general rebellion against industrial, social and political conditions. This movement was not the mushroom growth of an hour, but had its origin back about 1870 when the farmers began to organize against the tactics of capital to subject them to perpetual industrial slavery. Steadily this revolt had grown under various names and disguises until now in 1894 it burst forth with volcanic fire and fury. It was declared that the sacredness of precedent and the sanctity of law, which all admitted, should not be set up as golden idols for perpetual worship in a world that was constantly improving and advancing to wider actualities and loftier ideals. The farmers' movement was not against law and order, but was to secure an equalization of the benefits and honors of modern civilization. The populists went a long step farther than the farmer had gone. They attacked the citadel of entrenched wealth, the boss and official power, and unjust and crushing industrial conditions and laws-struck a deadly blow at the heart of injustice which was masquerad- ing under the guise of law. The movement was not against law and order, but against injustice and industrial oppression and servitude. Only a few years before, under this reform movement, anarchy appeared at Chicago and else- where, but it was merely an unwarranted step, an unwise but consequent result of the fight of the classes against the masses, of a moneyed oligarchy against yeoman equality.
But the populist, though sure of the righteousness of his cause, was not immaculate-was not wholly assured either of the effectiveness or the justice of his methods or of the result and finality of his policy. It was such a revolution that results could not be foreshadowed where operative measures were doubtful and social and industrial principles in chaos. While the populists were sincere and honest and were justified in their position and their demands, it cannot be said that the capitalistic class was either criminal or undesirable. Their power to grasp more than their fair share of the benefits of industrial wealth needed
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merely to be restricted, curtailed and controlled. Slack or unjust laws had en- abled them to get more than their share. The movement of the populists was for a readjustment of social, industrial and political conditions. This movement during previous years was not a discordant attack upon justice, but was a far advanced and suggestive mobilization of human energy and intelligence, a pro- phetic finality of what they believed would be for the betterment of mankind. Perhaps they were mainly wrong in their methods and measures, but it should be noted that nearly all of their principles become laws fifteen or twenty years after they are announced. The more a social philosopher or a moralist sees of politics, the better he likes socialism. The more one witnesses the brutality and injustice of competition, the warmer and brighter appear the socialistic demands for industrial co-operation. The populists argued that in this country the people had a right and the power to change their Constitution and their laws if they so desired; that neither the Constitution nor the law was superior and paramount to the wishes and welfare of the people; that they were merely the servants of the people and could be discharged and others employed in their stead whenever they failed to establish justice and insure an equitable distribution of the world's benefits. The arbitrary sacredness of the law bore no comparison to the eternal justice of the law. The initiative, referendum and recall movements were sug- gested by the reformers long before the old political parties or the people gen- erally were ready for them. They were suggested to stimulate desired laws, reject those that were decrepit or inert, and recall a judge who coquetted with graft, corruption and injustice.
It came to pass in 1893-94, as one of the results of the reform movement, that the populists held the balance of power in the United States Senate; they caused wool to be placed on the free list and removed the duty from many farm products. Senator Kyle was one of the populist leaders who accomplished these results. In South Dakota all of these conditions and consequences were analyzed on the stump. There were so many revolutionary ebullitions that the campaign became intensely acrimonious, personal and bitter. Apparently the newspapers vied with each other to see which could be the most abusive and slanderous. Here and there the campaigns of falsehood and slander conducted by the news- papers were far worse than the evils or malfeasances they denounced or con- cealed. And such is politics. Senator Kyle was abused without stint. Senator Pettigrew was savagely attacked for having gone over to the populist theories.
Robert J. Gamble announced himself a candidate for Congress, though he had been mentioned generally as a desirable candidate for the governorship. Mr. Loucks said openly during this campaign that had it not been for the bossism which refused a fair fight within the ranks of the republican party, there would have been no third party in the state. The people generally had no choice in their rules, were compelled to vote the slates framed in advance by the bosses. All realized the importance of this election-that of 1894. There were to be chosen a full set of state and congressional officers, members of the railroad commission, members of a new Legislature, the latter to choose a successor to Senator Petti- grew. The result of the election was a clean sweep by the republicans, the vote for governor being-Sheldon (republican), 40,401 ; Ward (democrat), 8,756; Howe (populist), 26,568. Shortly after the election Judge Howe died, aged about seventy years.
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Early in 1895 the whole state was engaged in studying the problems in finance proposed by "Coin's Financial School." This work served still further to convince the silver men that they were right. In almost every county the subject was either debated or actual lessons were taught and learned. A telegram from Senator Pettigrew at Washington to the South Dakota Legislature asking for the passage of the free silver memorial under consideration was received, considered, but that body failed either to answer the telegram or to pass the memorial. From this moment, though Senator Pettigrew had just been re-elected, he no longer worked in unison with the republican party of the state and the breach rapidly grew wider. On January 22, 1895, the vote had stood-House : Pettigrew 67, Crawford 14; Senate: Pettigrew 33, Crawford 9, Crill I. The next day this vote was ratified by both houses. Soon the republicans realized that they had been mislead into voting for the return of Mr. Pettigrew to the Senate, because he at once renewed his war on the republican party and apparently did all in his power to advance the cause of the populists at the expense of his old followers. The debate of Horr and Harvey (the later being the author of "Coin's Financial School") attracted much attention here in the spring of 1895. The fact that Harvey more than held his own with such a brilliant speaker and logician as Horr still further strengthened the silver faction in the belief that they were right. It was during this memorable period-this era of education in finance-that the people generally became convinced that the double standard was the real solution of the controversy. In November, 1895, William J. Bryan delivered a lecture on the silver or money question in this state. He spoke in favor of the restoration of silver to its former place as money and was listened to by an immense audience at Yankton.
In January, 1896, the politicians of the state began to bestir themselves-to make slates and work out the most available and suitable candidates. A. C. John- son was chairman of the Republican State Central Committee. Soon the air was full of the names of candidates. In January H. L. Loucks lectured in several cities of the state on the subject, "The Problem of the Unemployed; its Causes and the Remedy." The lecture was strong and able, Mr. Louks being an attractive speaker. He was at this time the populist leader of the state and president of the National Farmers' Alliance. In February bimetalism grew rap- idly in favor throughout the state. There was also a district movement for the gold standard. The gold advocates at once attacked Pettigrew, the champion of free silver in South Dakota, and their bombardment grew fiercer and deadlier as time advanced.
Early in 1896 Mr. Pickler withdrew from the contest for the House of Representatives in Congress, and came out as a candidate for the United States Senate to succeed Senator Kyle. This year the Black Hills region united in a demand for the republican state convention. It was declared that they had been shoved aside long enough by the favored southeast part of the state and should now be shown the consideration that was justly due them.
During the spring political maneuvers of 1896 Senator Pettigrew succeeded by adroitness in so covering his real designs against the republicans that he was sent as a delegate to the National Republican Convention at St. Louis. He dropped the free silver question-the real issue of the campaign-and came out strong on the maximum railroad rate bill. He denounced his opponents as rail-
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road lobbyists. Luckily for him the rate question was one of great importance here and notwithstanding this evasion he readily gained the attention of his audiences. He was sent to the state convention, but at first was apparently powerless there, because his opponents were in the majority. But he had set out to go as a delegate to the St. Louis convention and he determined to win at all hazards. In the light of subsequent events it is clear that his real intention was to throw the South Dakota delegation from Mckinley to a silverite at the con- vention, if possible, or to swing the delegation to the populist movement headed by a silverite in case the republicans could not be stampeded to free silver. Pet- tigrew had become obsessed with the theory that W. J. Bryan was the logical leader of a reform movement that was bound to sweep the country and that he and all his adherents would likewise inherit political power and glory. As he had lost the favor of the state republicans, Mr. Pettigrew resorted to shrewd methods to secure election as one of the republican delegates to the St. Louis convention. At the stage when all were required to pledge their fidelity to the national republican platform and to the support of Mckinley, he succeeded in evading the pledge by merely stating that the will of the republican party in South Dakota was law to him. On this statement he was elected. No one dreamed that after making such a statement he could or would violate the will of the con- vention expressed in its pledges and instructions. But when the opportune mo- ment arrived at St. Louis he refused to support the nomination of Mckinley, bolted the convention, helped to establish the free silver republican faction and came out strongly in support of Bryan for the presidency. The most remarkable fact connected with this episode is that the republicans should for so long a time have supported and highly honored a man who the most of the time for more than a year had openly been their political enemy. For the whole of his term he misrepresented his party and the majority of the voters in South Dakota. After the convention at St. Louis he endeavored to organize a silver party in South Dakota, but could make little headway with the republicans who at last had taken his true measure as a statesman and a recreant or reactionary republican. The delegates to the Republican National Convention were L. B. French, David Williams, W. V. Lucas, C. G. Sherwood, A. H. Meacham, W. E. Smead, D. A. Mizener, R. F. Pettigrew and A. B. Kittridge.
The national republican convention did not declare against free silver, but favored its retention by international agreement. This was made clear by Pickler and others during the campaign, though the free silver advocates tried to conceal this fact. The free silverites held a separate convention at St. Louis and decided to support Senator Teller of Colorado for president.
The Huron convention of March 25th endorsed Mckinley for president and favored bimetalism, the latter measure being the same plank the republicans of the state had adopted in 1894. All over the state the sentiment was for Mckinley for president.
At the democratic national convention in Chicago in July, Bland, Boies and McLean were popular during the early stages, but when Bryan made his famous "cross of gold" speech, he swept the convention and easily received the nomina- tion. Free silver was a plank of the platform. This ticket and platform exactly suited Senator Pettigrew, who from this moment became a free silverite or Bryan democrat, regardless of his allegiance to his old supporters. In fact so firm was
CENTRAL HALL, DAKOTA WESLEYAN COLLEGE, MITCHELL
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he that the new movement was right and would succeed that he seemed to take delight in placing campaign dynamite on all occasions under the foundation of the republican domicile.
The republican state convention met at Aberdeen July 8th and nominated a full ticket of state officers, as follows: Congress, R. J. Gamble and Coe I. Crawford; governor, A. O. Ringsrud; lieutenant governor, A. E. Hindman; secretary of state, R. B. Roddle; auditor, J. E. Mayhew ; land commissioner, J. E. Lockhart ; school superintendent, R. Crane; attorney general, S. V. Jones; railroad commissioners, George Johnson, T. R. Bromley and A. McFadden. As soon as the money question became known twenty delegates from Minnehaha County, headed by Judge Palmer, withdrew. The platform endorsed the national republican platform; declared the state administration honest and economical, as shown by its having among other acts brought a defaulter to the penitentiary ; pledged an investigation of the grain elevators of the state; promised the destruc- tion of oppressive corporations; opposed harsh and unjust legislation against railways; endorsed the gold standard and free silver, the latter conditioned upon international agreement. It was this plank copied indirectly from the national platform that caused Senator Pettigrew and other silverites to bolt the St. Louis republican convention ; and now for a similar reason, after making a powerful speech for bimetalism, Judge Palmer and the Minnehaha County delegates withdrew from the state convention. About the same time Mr. Tomlinson, editor of the Argus-Leader, Sioux Falls, wired the convention that his paper would support Mckinley and the gold standard. This message was received by the convention with loud and continuous cheers. The con- vention adopted the following resolution; "That in bolting the St. Louis con- vention Senator Pettigrew has ceased to be in touch with the republican party and has forfeited its political respect and esteem." The Judge Palmer resolution or plank for the double monetary standard was promptly defeated by the emphatic vote of 502 to 103. The convention thus declined to vary from the national platform on the money question. Thus the Pettigrew plan to switch the South Dakota republicans to the free silver track met ignominious defeat and was consigned to oblivion. The Argus-Leader received much credit from the republicans for its position and course. For the previous seven years it had stood for sound money and for stringent railroad rate law and now had refused against great pressure to be stampeded to the free silver propaganda by Senator Pettigrew and his followers. The republican electors were T. D. Edwards, J. L. Turner, R. J. Woods and R. M. Slocum.
The South Dakota prohibition state convention nominated J. F. Hanson for governor and nearly a full ticket, but left a portion to be filled by the executive committee. Its usual platform was adopted.
The populist state convention assembled at Huron and was presided over by C. B. Kennedy. They nominated for congress John E. Kelly and Freeman Knowles; governor, Andrew Lee; lieutenant governor, P. R. Crouthers; secre- tary of state, J. W. Harden; auditor, J. H. Kipp; treasurer, W. T. Logan. The platform declared for the destruction of private monopoly; the reversion of railway lands to the Government if not used; Government ownership of sufficient railroad mileage to control transportation; free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to I ; postal savings banks; election of United States senators by direct vote ; Vol. III-43
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direct legislation ; more money per capita; denounced the existing state adminis- tration; declared for the Iowa railway law; advocated the separation of prohibi- tion and politics and endorsed the attitude of Senators Pettigrew and Kyle on free silver. The populists were approached by the free silver republicans who had bolted the Aberdeen convention and were asked to indorse W. J. Bryan for the presidency.
The non-partisan prohibition convention assembled at. Mitchell in May, with A. C. Maucaulary in the chair. The state was divided into districts and a stren- uous campaign was planned.
The democratic state convention in May named delegates to the national con- vention ; all were in favor of sound money. They were F. M. Stover, J. E. Car- land, Edmund Cook, S. A. Ramsay, George Culver, S. V. Arnold, J. M. Wood and W. R. Stone.
The South Dakota democrats who were opposed to Bryan and free silver met at Sioux Falls August 27th and organized for the campaign. John B. Hanten was one of the leaders of this movement. At first they planned to vote for McKinley, but as soon as Palmer and Buckner were nominated they espoused that ticket and the gold standard cause. At first this action had many supporters, and had shown its first considerable uprising in July. It was later declared that many democratic newspapers of the state deserted their party owing to its advo- cacy and support of "soft money."
Although the silver democrats, the silver republicans and the populists started out on independent lines, they finally fused more or less and united on Andrew E. Lee, of Vermillion, for governor, and John E. Kelly and Freeman Knowles for Congress. They likewise agreed to support Bryan for President and to sustain the national democratic platform adopted at Chicago. All this reduced the issues to Bryan or Mckinley-to free silver or the gold standard (or per- haps bimetalism). It is doubtful if the state ever before had witnessed such legerdemain, confusion and uncertainty in the political game. The silver ques- tion rent both old parties in twain, beclouded or overshadowed all other issues and left the result wholly in doubt. It must have been confusing to the individual officeseekers themselves thus to change their stripes, colors and mental ebullitions. J. A. Pickler supported Bryan and free silver. Melvin Grigsby was candidate for attorney general on the Bryan ticket. Dozens of republican newspapers went over body and soul to the populist ticket. The big issues were silver, gold or the double standard ; protection or free trade ; prohibition or license ; and the railroad rate regulation. It was soon seen that the union of all the silver forces was likely to mean the defeat of the old line of entrenched republicans-the defeat of a political machine which even many republicans already had begun to hate and tried to demolish. For many years the cry had been to crush the political ma- chines, the bosses, and to give the people more to say as to the management of public affairs. Now in 1896, more than ever before, had Bryan cemented the widening and surging movement of the masses against the classes. During the campaign it remained for the good sense of the American people to see the cheer- ful and smiling face of Truth through the fog and gloom of political asperity, confusion, discreditable personal intrigue and ambition and the mistakes and blunders of men and women with honest intentions and high ideals. The state was well covered by able thinkers and speakers on all the issues. The news-
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papers employed their usual questionable tactics to advance the interests of the factions whose causes they had espoused. Bryan came here to strengthen his free silver phalanx. Henry M. Teller did the same. Coe I. Crawford covered the state for the republicans. Doctor McLouth lifted his voice for free silver. Cleveland was regarded with scorn and contempt by the free silverites because he clung to the gold standard. A. E. Lee made many speeches and many con- verts to the silver cause. Pettigrew delivered several of his most adroit speeches in the same interest. At the state fair one day was set apart as "Silver Day," when supporters of that policy could dispense their solemn and pretentious teachings. Mr. Richards, of Huron, said good words for silver and Bryan, or Bryan and silver. Of course, the most notable oratorical events were the speeches of Mr. Bryan as he swept through the state. The populists were numerous, powerful and confident, but it was believed by the leaders in this state that the presence of Bryan himself would cinch the victory beyond cavil or doubt. He spoke at Salem, Sioux Falls, Vilas, Huron, Redfield and Aberdeen early in Sep- tember and was listened to by the whole populace. His speeches were fine, ornate and powerful, but were ridiculed and derided by the men whose vision was gold.
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