History of Dakota Territory, volume III, Part 96

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1146

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The democratic state convention convened at Chamberlain June 6, 1900, and elected delegates to the national convention to be held at Kansas City in July. F. M. Ziebach officiated as chairman. The committee on resolutions were Hughes East, C. O. Baily, J. B. Hanten, S. A. Ramsey, W. A. Linch, J. W. Lewis, Charles Eastmen, John S. Wilson and Everitt Smith. Maris Taylor became national committeeman. The platform affirmed allegiance to the Chi- cago democratic platform of 1898; opposed imperialism, trusts and monopolies ; favored the nomination of W. J. Bryan for the presidency and instructed the delegates to. vote for him at Kansas City; left the selection of a democratic candidate for vice president to the delegates, but expressed admiration for the record of Charles A. Towne, the populist candidate for vice president; endorsed the course of Richard F. Pettigrew in the United States Senate and his re-elec- tion ; commended the efficient and business-like administration of Governor Lee; denounced the policy of the administration in the Philippines, and expressed admi- ration for the gallantry of the American soldiers in the islands.

An important political event this year was the national populist convention at Sioux Falls, May 9th. The convention assembled in a large tent and called themselves the people's party. Senator Butler called the convention to order, and Gov. A. E. Lee welcomed the delegates to the state. Present were delegates from twenty-eight states and territories. P. M. Ringdahl was temporary chairman. An official statement of the origin and objects of the party was promulgated and issued to the following effect: The people's party was born at Omaha, July 4, 1892; was a protest against dominant monopoly, was the outgrowth of industrial discontent spurred to action by bank, railroad and corporate extortion, by chattel mortgage slavery, by the brutal disregard of public servants for the welfare of the common people. It was resistance to tyranny, the arrogance of the rich, the purchase of official place, the disregard of the voters, an inso- lent assumption of social and political superiority, until the danger became apparent, when the people arose and after a memorable war finally curbed the power and pride of the trusts, monopolies, arrogant officials, and the capitalistic classes, through salutary laws, the initiative and referendum and a score of other reform measures. They declared the movement was as revolutionary as was that of the colonies in 1776 or of the French masses in 1789.

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The populist, or people's party, platform adopted at this convention affirmed adherence to previous platforms of the party ; called upon all to unite to defeat the subversion of free institution by corporate and imperialistic power; de- nounced the attitude of the republicans on the money question; demanded the reopening of the mints for both silver and gold; asked for a graduated income and inheritance tax; favored the establishment of postal savings banks; insisted that there should be no land monopoly and that the original homestead policy should be enforced; favored Government ownership of railroads ; demanded the control of trusts; asked that tariff on goods controlled by trusts be abolished ; demanded direct legislation giving the people the law-making and the veto power through the medium of the initiative and referendum; denounced the national administration for changing a war for humanity into a war of conquest; demanded the stoppage of the war of extermination; opposed imperialism and a large standing army; denounced the state government of Idaho and the federal administration for using the army to abridge and suppress the civil rights of the people in the mining districts of that state and elsewhere; opposed the im- portation of Japanese and other laborers to serve monopolistic corporations ; pledged to secure if possible the enactment of more stringent laws for the exclusion of Mongolian and Malayan immigration; endorsed municipal owner- ship of public utilities; denounced the use of injunctions in disputes between employer and employe; demanded that United States senators and all other officials, as far as practicable, be elected by direct vote of the people ; insisted on a full, free and fair ballot and an honest count; favored home rule for the terri- tories and denounced the expensive red tape system, political favoritism, cruel and unnecessary delay and criminal evasion of the statutes in the management of the pension office.

It should not be regarded, however, that the populists had ever been wholly right and the other parties wholly wrong. The latter corrected many of the abuses within their own ranks when spurred, perhaps, to their duty by the populists. Of course, the cry of the populists of this state against imperialism had no just reason for existence, and many of the demands in the populist plat- form did not touch South Dakota. This convention nominated W. J. Bryan for President, and Charles A. Towne, of Minnesota, for vice president. Both were nominated by acclamation amid intense enthusiasm and a storm of applause and oratory. Mckinley and Roosevelt were nominated by the republicans at Philadelphia, June 2Ist, and Bryan and Stevenson by the democrats at Kansas City July 4th.

In 1900 the democrats and populists of the state fused at Yankton and nomi- nated a full state ticket as follows: Governor, Borre H. Lien; lieutenant governor. A. L. Van Osdel; secretary of state, F. B. Smith; auditor, F. L. Tracy; treasurer, C. A. Todrick; school superintendent, Miss M. H. Tasved; land commissioner, Edmund Cook; attorney general, A. E. Hitchcock; railroad commissioner, W. T. Lafollette; congressmen, Andrew E. Lee and Joseph B. Moore ; presidential electors, J. W. Martin, J. P. McElroy, Fred Bacon, B. F. King. The real work of this convention was done in advance by the conference committees of the democrats, populists and free silverites, which allotted can- didates to each party or faction and smoothed out all differences and obstacles. This fusion looked at first like a winning combination. Separate conventions

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were held, mainly to ratify the program of the conference committees. Petti- grew warmly favored this fusion movement. E. S. Johnson was a candidate for Congress, but was unsuccessful.

Separate platforms were adopted by the democrats and the populists. That of the former denounced imperialism and the war against the Filipinos; favored a federal income tax; denounced the last republican Legislature for extrava- gance and reckless appropriation; denounced the republican majority of the State Board of Equalization for making wrong assessments; pledged economy in state expenses ; commended the course of the railway commissioners ; approved Governor Lee's administration, and recommended Pettigrew for re-election to the United States Senate. The populist platform approved the Sioux Falls national platform; denounced McKinley's Philippine policy; condemned the use of troops in the Idaho strikes; denounced trusts; declared that the repub- licans had gone over to monometalism; demanded that private banks of issue be abolished and that postal savings banks be established ; asked that silver be remone- tized at the ratio of 16 to 1; favored increasing the assessments against rail- roads ; recognized W. J. Bryan as the man of the hour to redeem the nation from corporate greed; endorsed the course of Senator Pettigrew; commended the administration of Governor Lee; instructed party electors to vote for Bryan and Towne unless otherwise instructed by the party national convention, and recom- mended Pettigrew for re-election to the United States Senate.

The populists declared they were opposed to political bosses, yet this year Pettigrew made himself conspicuous by his violent attacks on the national admin- istration and on everything republican. He possessed little oratorical power, but was quick and apt at repartee and excellent in the give-and-take of running debate. His voice was shrill and penetrating and his remarks were caustic and fault-finding. He was called the "Scold of the Senate." He could not bear contradiction-was a windmill in action. He was a great admirer of Bryan. The war in South Dakota against Pettigrew began immediately after his re- election in 1897; the republicans were determined to crush him. He and the fusionists did all in their power to circumvent and defeat the republicans. The result was a savage campaign, full of open abuse and covert attacks-whatever seemed likely to win. Pettigrew did not feel that he should resign, because he believed that a majority of the voters of the state were populists and democrats whose unequivocal support he possessed. The republicans openly declared that the re-election of Pettigrew meant a deadly blow at the patriotism and growth of South Dakota, owing to his extreme attacks on Mckinley and his administra- tion, and even on Admiral Dewey, General Otis and fellow-members of the Senate.

It was during the campaign this year that Roosevelt was called a "swaggering swashbuckler." When Roosevelt campaigned through the state in the fall he was accompanied by Seth Bullock, chief forest ranger of the Black Hills district. When Bullock learned that the Bryanites were planning to break up the Roose- velt meeting at Deadwood, he sent them word that he would occupy a seat on the platform, armed to the teeth, and that he would kill anyone who attempted to break up the meeting. When the time came he was there with his fierce mustache, big sombrero and perhaps his wicked revolver. They were not molested.

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A. B. Kittredge came out as candidate for the United States Senate this year. He was much admired by the republicans and received their support, though they had refrained from recommending in their platform anyone for that office. Mr. Pettigrew, nothing daunted, stumped the state and held his own against the savage onslaughts of his enemies. He spoke the creed of both pop- ulists and democrats. At Yankton Roosevelt was listened to by 3,500 people. There were present Knute Nelson, of Minnesota; Governor Shaw, of Iowa; Col. Curtis Guild, of Massachusetts ; Proctor Clark, of New York ; C. N. Herreid, Congressman Burke, Melvin Grigsby, Trooper Bell, of Dell Rapids, the only South Dakotan on Roosevelt's Rough Riders ; Joseph Tomlinson, Jr., Judge Tripp and many others. Colonel Roosevelt was entertained at Judge Tripp's house, while his party were at Yankton. Mark Hanna was in South Dakota soon after- ward. Mr. Bryan also made a brilliant campaign trip through the state late in September, speaking at many places to large and enthusiastic audiences. Murat Halstead likewise delivered several addresses here. Charles A. Towne and T. R. Gove spoke for the fusionists.

This was the last grand campaign of the populist party. In the main the people had accepted their real reforms and improvements, but now rejected for- ever the populist propaganda; but notwithstanding the rapidly rising popularity of Mckinley and his policies in 1900, it could not be denied that the populists in South Dakota were powerful, were well armed and equipped and might, with the aid of the democrats, carry the state. The names of Bryan and of Petti- grew were alone ringing slogans under which rallied the clans of declared reforms and advancements. This ominous state of affairs became at once apparent to the republicans, who prepared to face the enemy in future campaigns with the shot and shell of political combat. They organized clubs in every part of the state, issued circulars and manifestos, sent their ablest orators to the strongest populist centers, and spent large sums of money to show the voters the way to safety and prosperity through the guarded avenues of republicanism. But populism as such was defunct, though many of its issues were still to be fought out in the future. It had accomplished certain great reforms in the state, had awakened and enlightened the people as to their rights, and now left future victories to other fighting reformers.

CHAPTER XVIII

POLITICS FROM 1900 TO 1915

Opposition to the old political machine rule received its first irrepressible impulse early in the '70s when the movement of the Grangers for better condi- tions in politics and the public service and for improved advantages for farmers and'laborers swept the country. The socialist party was really the movement of advanced thinkers to secure better and more equitable environments for all. They were reformers in the strictest sense of the term. The greenbackers were a revolutionary fragment, fully armed, that was hurled against the covert oppres- sion and repeated aggressions of the moneyed power. The free silver campaign was a stroke against what was believed to be and probably was an attempt to monopolize the money of the country. The populists fought for all the reforms which had been demanded of the rulers and the capitalists and which had not been secured by the otlier progressive campaigns, including many new princi- ples made necessary and vital by altered public and private surroundings. The initiative, referendum and recall were the results of their demands. But no sooner were a few of the demands of the leading thinkers granted and no sooner had the leaders settled back in half-contented enjoyment, than the old guard of reactionaries, by manipulating the officials and the courts, succeeded in annulling, evading or thwarting the progress that had been made. This fact was what brought out the leadership of Lafollette and Roosevelt in 1903-05.

The vote at the November election, 1900, was as follows: Mckinley, 54,530; Bryan, 39,544; Woolley, 1,542; mid-road populists, 329; social democrats, 169. The entire republican state ticket was elected by from 12,000 to 14,000 majority. Many of the populists had come back to the republican fold. The dispensary amendment and the proposition to loan as high as $1,000 school money on a single quarter section carried by large majorities, particularly the latter. Petti- grew, in defeat, predicted with wonderful and unaccountable accuracy the for- mation of a new party based on the protests of an outraged people against republicanism as taught by Mark Hanna. Democrats and populists alike were surprised and dismayed at the big republican victory.

The Legislature elected in November, 1900, consisted of thirty-nine repub- licans and six fusionists in the Senate, and seventy-eight republicans and nine fusionists in the House. This meant the defeat of Pettigrew for re-election to the Senate. The'election of November, 1900, was held under the law of the last Legislature, which required all voters to register.

By January, 1901, there were several able men in the republican ranks who were willing-nay anxious-to become United States senator to succeed Mr. Pettigrew. Robert J. Gamble, Colonel Stover, A. B. Kittredge, Coe I. Crawford, John H. Pickler and Charles H. Burke were willing thus to serve. The repub-

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licans had such a large majority in both houses that their candidate was sure to win, providing they should unite. Their power was clear and conceded. The republican caucus selected Mr. Gamble and he was accordingly easily elected. In the Senate Gamble received thirty-eight votes, and Pettigrew (now a demo- crat) five. In the House Gamble received seventy-five, and Pettigrew eight. Among the leaders who engineered this "slate" were Burke, Crawford, Gamble, Elliott, Pickler, Sterling and Kennedy.

On July 1, 1901, James H. Kyle, United States senator, died at his home in Aberdeen, after an illness of ten days. Soon afterward Governor Herreid appointed Alfred B. Kittredge his successor. This appointment was made in face of the fact that the "Big Five" had presumably selected another candidate. The Black Hills voters felt aggrieved at this action, as the people there were convinced that they were entitled to one of the United States senators. Early in September came the news that President Mckinley had been assassinated, and about a week later came intelligence of his death and of Colonel Roose- velt's ascension to the presidency. It was all a great shock to South Dakota, but all republicans had confidence in Roosevelt, though his superior qualities were not yet fully known nor conceded.

At the November, 1901, election the republican candidates for district judges carried all eight districts, except two-the Third and the Seventh.

In 1902 Frank Crane was chairman of the republican state committee. At the republican delegate convention in April Herreid was endorsed for governor, Kittredge for the Senate and Burke for the House. The League of Republican Clubs was a strong and prominent organization this year, with W. G. Porter as president. The republican state convention met at Sioux Falls June 6th, and was presided over by Charles J. Buell. The meeting was harmonious and enthu- siastic, nearly all the nominations being made by acclamation. A. B. Kittredge was approved for the elective term for the United States Senate. The platform eulogized the late President Mckinley; congratulated the country on having so good a President as Theodore Roosevelt; favored the settlement of disputes between labor and capital by arbitration; boasted that the republican party had freed Cuba from four centuries of despotism and plunder; rejoiced that the paci- fication of the Philippine Islands was well advanced; denounced the attempts of partisans in America to belittle the pacification of those islands; upheld the course of Senator Kittredge in Congress; expressed pride in the able adminis- tration of Governor Herreid, and pledged the party to continue to build up the state in all worthy particulars and to honestly and economically administer the laws.

"Populism has come and gone. Democracy we have always with us. But the republican party in South Dakota is continuing to do business at the old stand. The condition of democracy is adequately portrayed by the description of the gentleman who is said to have one foot in the grave and the other on a banana peel. Our democratic friends express a horror for trusts and com- bines, but what they really most need just now is a sort of political combine or merger on a much larger scale. Populism and democracy do not fuse well except when welded by the heat of discontent, and discontent is about the only crop that has been a total failure in South Dakota for the past two years." (From Eben W. Martin's speech of acceptance, June, 1902.)

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In the same speech he caused a commotion in the convention by announcing himself in favor of the nomination of Roosevelt for President in 1904.

This is the ticket named: Congress, C. S. Burke and E. W. Martin; gov- ernor, C. N. Herreid ; lieutenant-governor, George W. Snow; secretary of state, O. C. Berg; auditor, J. F. Collins ; attorney-general, Philo Hall; school super- intendent, George W. Nash; land commissioner, C. N. Bach; railroad commis- sioner, D. H. Smith.

The prohibitionists nominated J. W. Kelly and W. E. Smith for Congress and H. H. Curtis for governor. Their platform was about the same as it had been in the past. The social democrats named Freeman Knowles and Walter Price for Congress and John C. Crawford for governor. The socialists put a ticket in the field headed by Crawford for governor.

The democrats and populists met in separate conventions at Huron in June, 1902. The democrats elected H. H. Smith chairman and at once passed resolu- tions favoring fusion and appointed a committee to confer with a like committee from the populists. The latter had a sharp and somewhat acrimonious discus- sion of the fusion question, but finally appointed a conference committee, with the distinct understanding that while they were willing to surrender their name it was only a temporary step, as the party would not abandon its organi- zation and would retain the right to resume its proper name at any time. The two conference committees were: Democratic-J. A. Bowler, T. J. Ryan, S. E. Rowe, W. T. Lafollette and Thomas Reeves. Populist-A. B. Fox, W. J. Healy, James Mohr, R. B. Carr and J. E. Kelly.

The populist platform (in form only) reaffirmed the Sioux Falls platform ; complimented themselves on the adoption of part of their platform by both the democrats and the republicans (a fact) ; denounced the refusal of the repub- licans to sympathize with the Boers; opposed the war of conquest in the Philip- pines ; demanded that the islands be made free like Cuba; favored the election of United States senators by direct vote of the people; denounced the Fowler bill and the trusts; deplored the act of the South Dakota republicans in favoring a report on the subsidy bill; declared against extravagance in the state govern- ment ; opposed the bank trust in South Dakota; condemned the action of the Supreme Court in nullifying the intent of the constitutional amendment regard- ing the effect of the initiative and referendum, by allowing the name of a can- didate to appear but once on a ticket. They finally fused with the democrats.

The democratic platform reaffirmed the Kansas City platform; denounced the Fowler currency bill and the text-book trust; opposed the limitation of the Australian form of ticket; favored Government control of railways and public utilities; advocated the election of United States senators by direct vote, and thanked the populists for uniting with the democrats. The latter nominated John R. Wilson and F. S. Robinson for Congress and John W. Martin for governor.

At the November election in 1902 the republicans carried the state by a much larger majority than they had shown for many years. The general result is shown by the vote for governor: Herreid (R.), 48,196; Martin (D.), 21,396; Curtis (Pro.), 2,317; Crawford (Soc.), 2,738. The populist name had dis- appeared. "It isn't a bad showing for a state which made the blunder of voting for Bryan in 1896," said the Rapid City Daily Journal, November 8, 1902. The

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people had come back from their chase after the allurements of free silver and other hopeful fantasies of that conspicuous era, it was said. The old party votes were about normal, but many of the populist reforms were already either in the hearts of the people or on the statute books. A return of the old boss tactics brought to the battle line a little later a new and greater army determined to conquer the advance of reform, improvement and progress. The populists thus disappeared after twelve years during which time they had the governor for four years, one United States senator and two Legislatures.

John M. Pease was one of the leaders of the mid-road populists movement in 1900 and 1904. He was editor of the South Dakota Populist at Mt. Vernon and exercised much influence in the ranks of his party. This year James C. Moody, son of Judge G. C. Moody, deserted the republicans and joined the ranks of the democrats. In 1902 he was elected to the State Senate from Lawrence County, but now in 1904, failing to get a renomination from the republicans, he took this step to improve his political chances.

In March, 1904, the socialists held their state convention at Sioux Falls and nominated Freeman Knowles, of Deadwood, for governor, and Stacy Cochrane and H. W. Smith for Congress.

At their state meeting in March, 1904, the "New Democracy" reaffirmed democratic principles as enunciated by Jefferson, Jackson and Bryan and in- structed the delegates to the national convention to support W. R. Hearst "first, last and all the time." Later when the Hearst boom totally died away, the delegates were somewhat at a loss what to do. Pettigrew was chosen chair- man of the delegation by this convention to the national convention at St. Louis- John Fanslow, R. F. Pettigrew, W. F. Brennan, J. A. Strausky, H. F. Volkmar, E. F. Gross, C. L. Wood and W. J. Whitmore. E. S. Johnson was chosen national committeeman. They looked to both Cleveland and Bryan, but Pettigrew refused to consider Cleveland for a moment, and declared he would bolt the convention if Cleveland was nominated. In this exigency he favored the nomination of Bryan. In a strong speech before the Chautauqua Assembly at Canton in July he vehemently denounced both the old parties for their course toward the question of railroad legislation. At the democratic national convention Petti- grew aided Bryan all in his power to defeat the nomination of Judge Parker. Both felt that Parker was not the man of the hour, and both felt that Bryan was. But their dramatic attempts in the convention were futile, because Judge Parker won. This nomination fell like lead upon the hearts of the democracy of South Dakota-took every spark of spirit from their campaign. At all their meetings, resolutions were more or less perfunctory, and wholly without the fire kindled in years past by the name and fame of Bryan.

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History of Dakota Territory, volume III, Part 96

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920 Publication date: 1915 Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company Number of Pages: 1146

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1146