History of California, Volume IV, Part 2

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 820

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" The padre's letter was sent by Alvarado to the min. of the int., with a communication of April 22d. Dept. Rec., MS., xi. 67. According to Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 63-4; Torre, Remin., MS., 87-0; and Meadows, Graham Affair, MS., 9-12, the dying man was generally believed to be one Tomás -- probably Tomlinson, called ' Tom the Napper,' according to Meadows-whose wife was Jesus Bernal. Mrs Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 123-4, and others men- tion the confession withont giving names. In Mexico, Mem. de Guerra, 1841, p. 33, it is said that the plot of a puñado de adrenedizos to raise the standard of revolt 'contra la integridad del territorio nacional ' was discovered by a happy accident, the conspirators being brought to trial that they might 'suf- fer the punishment merited by their foolish temerity.' Mrs Ord states that she heard of the plot from her husband Jimeno before the arrests were made. 3 April 4th, session of the junta. Leg. Rec., MS., iii. 64-5.

" In all the contemporary documents Garner's confession is alluded to as the chief support of the charges, but no explanation is given of the manner in which the confession was obtained; nor is the testimony extant except in its

ALVARADO'S RULE-THE GRAHAM AFFAIR.

While the alleged conspiracy rested mainly on the statements of Padre Real and Garner, both probably somewhat general in their nature, there were other rumors and theories afloat, some of which have sur- vived. The best known is that which represents the trouble as having originated from a horse-race. Gra- ham had a fine horse, with which he was wont to win the Californians' money; and not only did this excite

general purport. Estévan de la Torre, Remin., MS., 87-9, tells us that Cas- tro, with the aid of Felipe Butron, attempted to enlist Garner in a scheme he pretended to have formed against Alvarado, with a view to declare California independent. Garner fell into the trap, and admitted that he, with Graham and others, had already formed a similar plan, and would gladly cooperate with Castro. This is confirmed by Florencio Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 64-5. Osio, Ilist. Cal., MS., 408-9, thinks Garner's testimony was elicited by threats of shooting him. Alvarado, Vallejo, and other Californians in their later statements imply that Garner gave his testimony voluntarily to prevent trouble, being friendly to the Californian leaders, and being by them regarded as a reliable man. Farnham, Wilkes, and Hastings, followed by Robinson, Cal. Gold Region, 61-2, and others, represent that Garner was simply a tool paid to perjure himself. In Graham's statement presented by Farnham he says, 'José Castro, Bicenta Contrine (?), Ankel Castro, and a runaway Botany Bay English convict by the name of Garner, a vile fellow, and an enemy of mine because the foreigners would not clect him their captain, passed and re- passed my house several times, and conversed together in low tones. I stopped José Castro and asked him what was the matter. He replied that he was going to march against Viego (Vallejo) at S. Francisco, to depose him from the command. His two companions made the same assertion. I knew that Alvarado was afraid of Viego, and that Castro was ambitious for his place; and for these reasons I partly concluded that they spoke the truth. Later in the day the vagabond Garner called at my house, and having drunk freely of whiskey, became rather boisterous, and said significantly that the time of some people would be short; that José Castro had orders from the gov- ernor to drive the foreigners out of Cal., or to dispose of them in some other way. He boasted that he himself should have a pleasant participation in the basiness. I had heard the same threat before, but it resulted in nothing. Believing, therefore, that Garner's words proceeded from the whiskey he had drunk rather than the truth, I left him in the yard and went to bed.' It was that night that he was arrested. Farnham's Life, 70-1. Writing of the later trial, Farnham, Id., p. 90, says: 'A Botany Bay convict by the name of Garner was called in evidence on behalf of the government. His testimony removed all lingering doubts. He established the unqualified guilt of all. Graham, in particular, who had been preferred over him as commander of the foreign riflemen in Alvarado's revolution, and whom he had previously at- tempted to kill, he declared to have formed a scheme of ambition, which, had it not been discovered, would have dug the grave of every Spaniard in Cali- fornia ! This man's testimony was written out and signed by his murderous hand. It may be in time a blister on his perjured soul.' It is certain that Garner gave no such formal testimony at the trial, and that Farnham's state- ment is a falsehood. Graham's account of Garner's coming to his house and talking as he did, since he was by no means a fool, would indicate a desire on his part to give a warning; and Meadows states that Garner did visit Graham, acting mysteriously, deelaring that he could not tell the reason of his visit and actions, but at last saying, 'If you hear of my falling from my horse be- tween here and S. Juan, look out for yourselves.'

CHARACTER OF ISAAC GRAHAM.

ill feeling against him, but, as Robinson tells us, a contract for a new contest with a high-mettled racer from San Diego, a document signed by Graham and another American, was "construed into a plan for overturning the government."5 Another motive as- cribed to Alvarado in his course against the foreigners was a desire to rid himself of Graham's familiarities, interference, and importunities already alluded to, though by those who take this view the importunities are classified as 'demands for justice.' Sure it is that Graham, whether a conspirator or not, and not- withstanding the eulogies that have been heaped upon him, was a rough and disagreeable fellow, on getting rid of whom California or any other community might well congratulate itself. He was a leading spirit among a crowd of turbulent and reckless men, himself as wild and unprincipled as the worst, with no good qualities save personal bravery and perhaps a measure of the trappers' prodigal generosity.ª

5 ' As ridiculous as this may appear to the reader, nevertheless it is a fact to which I can testify from information I received on the spot shortly after its oecurrenee.' Robinson's Life in Cal., 180. Farnham says 'Graham's annual challenge for the spring races in 1840 was easily construed into a disguised attempt to gather his friends for the purpose of overthrowing Alvarado's government.' Life in Cal., 67-8.

" This, however, is the way Farnham puts it: 'A bold, open-handed man, never concealing for an instant either his love or hatred, but with the frank- ness and generosity of those great souls, rough-hewn but majestically honest, who belong to the valley states, he told the governor his sins from time to time, and demanded in the authoritative tone of an elder and affectionate brother, that he should redeem his pledges. The good old man did not remember that a Spaniard would have lost his nationality had he done so. A Spaniard tell the truth! A Spaniard ever grateful for services rendered him! He should have knocked at the tombs of Columbus and Cortés, and every other man who ever served that contemptible race. He asked for justice, and received-what we shall presently scc.' To show Graham's opinion of a Spaniard, Wood, Wandering Sketches, 228-30, asked him in 1844 if he was going to a party given by Gov. Micheltorena. 'What, I! no, indeed! a corral is not big enough to hold me and one of them.' Weeks, Remin., MS., 103-7, says Graham was the worst of the foreigners, and the cause of all the troubles by his boastful, quarrelsome spirit. 'He thought he could play hell and turn up jack.' Came to California with the reputation of bully and assassin. Alvarado, Ilist. Cal., MS., iii. 160. An American, later a prominent citizen of California, says of Graham in New Mexico, that he 'was noted for being a bummer, a blow-hard, and a notorious liar, without an atom of honesty in his composition.' He had to leave Tennessce for crimes committed there. Graham and Sutter, MS., 1-2. I have before me an undated document (of 1845 or 1846) signed by 20 citizens, only one of Spanish blood, denouncing

ALVARADO'S RULE-THE GRAHAM AFFAIR.

There are two other theories respecting the origin of the movement that merit passing notice. One is that favored by Dr Marsh, one of the foreigners ar- rested, namely, that Castro, desiring Vallejo's place, believed that in the existing state of feeling on the Texan reverses, to exile the foreigners would be the surest way to gain favor in Mexico and thereby gain his point. Alvarado was easily persuaded to favor the scheme.7 The other theory is that the leading members of the foreign colony, including Spence, Lar- kin, and others who had been long in the country, were among the chief promoters of the movement. It is charged by Morris and others that these men acted with a view to get rid of Graham and others as business rivals, to gratify certain personal prejudices, and to discourage further increase in the foreign pop- ulation. I impute no such motives to those men, but suppose rather that they approved Alvarado's policy more or less fully as best for the country. There are indications that Spence favored the movement, that Larkin made but slight effort at least to prevent it, and that it was not opposed to any considerable ex- tent by the better class of foreigners.8

Graham as a breaker of the peace, corrupter of morals, quarrelsome, revolu- tionary, dnellist, assassin, and adulterer. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 276.

1 Marsh's Letter to Com. Jones, MS., p. 10-13. There are several vague allusions by different witnesses to a connection between this affair aud tho quarrel with Vallejo. The latter says, however, Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 127-8, that although some people tried to make out that the affair was designed as a blow against him, be never attached much importance to that version. Va- llejo claims that, having been absent on an Indian campaign, he did not know mach about the affair until it was all over; but we shall see that he knew more of it than he is disposed to admit.

8 In 1847 Larkin was severely criticised by foes in eastern papers for his conduct throughout this affair, and he obtained from Ex-gov. Alvarado a for- mal statement that ho (Larkin) had not known of the arrest in advance, that he tried as a private individual unsuccessfully to learn Alvarado's motives, and that he did much to aid the prisoners both before and after their exile. Larkin's Doc., MS., v. 92-3. All this is true enough. Larkin's conduct in the affair was prudent and praiseworthy; yet he could not be persuaded to adopt the extremo partisan view, and I have no doubt fully approved Alva- rado's action at the time, so far as most of the exiles were concerned. Mor- ris' Diary of a ('razy Man, or an Account of the Graham Affair of 1840, MS. Albert F. Morris was an Englishman, and one of the prisoners sent to S. Blas, of whom I shall have more to say later. His MS. diary, or autobiography, was in my possession for a time about 1870-I have lost the memorandum

WAS THERE ANY PLOT?

Whether Graham and his companions were really engaged in any definite plots of revolt in 1840 must remain a matter of doubt. Evidence of such plots at the time in a legal sense was weak; and now the evidence before us-though somewhat resembling that in favor of him who had ten witnesses that had not seen him steal a sheep against one who did see the act-is on its face strong against the existence of any such plots. The accused protested to a man their innocence, and naturally did not recant in later years when seeking damages. Other foreigners, and most Californians, state that they knew nothing of any conspiracy; and writers, almost without excep- tion, have declared the charges unfounded.º Had

showing under what circumstances-and this is a résumé, with many literal quotations made by Walter M. Fisher at that time in 42 elosely written pages. It is a narrative of great originality, interest, and importance. The author adopts the sobriquet of 'crazy man' from the fact that he was accused of insanity by somebody not named, against whom he is very bitter. He seems to have been an cecentric character, but a man of considerable ability. He is severe against the older foreign residents, whom he denounces as traitors and apostates, more Spanish than the Spaniards, gambling and 'fandangoing' with the Californians to gain their favor, and plotting for the expulsion of later comers, whose influence with the natives they feared. He avoids giving names, but points clearly at Larkin among others. Hartnell was another object of his wrath, and apparently one of the two who had testified in court to his insanity. He claims to have had proofs that the arrest of himself and companions was ordered by Alvarado at the persuasion of these foreigners. He states that other foreigners aided personally in the arrests, and that still others had themselves arrested as a mere form to avoid the possible vengeance of the victims. John Chamberlain, Memoirs, MS., 5-14, also says Larkin, Spence, and Garner were in the plot with Alvarado and Castro. Wiggins, Reminis., MS., 5-6, alludes to a clique of traders in Monterey who were jealous of Graham and others, and wished to drive them from the country. A notice in the Mexican pa- pers, dated June 20, 1810, and which I find in Niles' Reg., Iviii. 371, has the fol- lowing: 'According to letters which we have before us from Estevan Munras and David E. Spence, the former a Spaniard and the latter a Scotchman, both respectable and faithful subjects residing near the port of Monterey, we learn that the Yankees, after holding several meetings at Natividad, where is a dis- tillery, determined to take possession of that beautiful and fertile country which the New Orleans promoters of the Texan insurrection have justly styled the paradise of America.' On Jan. 13, 1841, F. D. Atherton writes from Valparaiso to Larkin: 'How much was Alvarado influenced by Spence in the affair? A good deal, I am afraid.' Larkin's Doc., MS., i. 118. In later years Larkin pronounced the affair an ontrage; but at the time he made no protests.

9 Of the men who were sent away we have definite narratives from only Graham (in Farnham's work), Morris, and Meadows. Of those arrested but net seut away there are formal statements from John Marsh, Jolın Chamber- lain, James Weeks, Job Dye, Charles Brown, Henry Bee, and an anonymous writer in the Sta Cruz Sentinel of Feb .- April 1869. There is also quite a mass of indirect testimony from these men through different sources. None

ALVARADO'S RULE-THE GRAHAM AFFAIR.

there been a veritable project of revolt formed and discussed by half a dozen men, as charged by Garner, I see no reason to suppose that the evidence would present any other than its present aspect; yet I ex- press no opinion on this particular point. In a gen- eral way, I do not deem it likely that the successful revolt at Sonoma in 1846 was the first one plotted in California by foreigners; and I have no doubt that Graham and the crowd that frequented his dis- tillery only awaited an opportunty to control the country. At any rate, they formed a turbulent and undesirable element of the population, and they were feared with reason by the Californians. Alvarado believed they were plotting mischief, and determined to get rid of them. And now, after saying so much

admit any knowledge of a conspiracy. Wm H. Davis, Glimpses, MS., 32-8, one of those arrested at S. F:, gives a good general account of the affair. He thinks there was no definitely arranged plot, but that Alvarado was in- fluenced partly by fears and current rumors, and also by orders from Mexico requiring strict precautions. He erroneously represents the Americans as having been the only ones arrested, except in a few cases by mistake, and falls into many errors in details.

Farnham and Alfred Robinson were in California at the time, and express the opinion that there was no plot. Capt. Gifford of the Una wrote from Vera Cruz to the same effect in 1840, getting his information probably from Farnham. Niles' Reg., Iviii. 371. Several versions went by the Don Quixote to the Hawaiian Islands, and were published in the Honolulu Poly- nesian of June 20, 1840. One says: 'Government had been informed that about 20 foreigners had the intention of taking the country, and by ques- tioning some who were known to have been at variance with some others for a considerable time, trying to force them out of the country, they succeeded in proving the facts sought after in a manner satisfactory to themselves, and to the astonishment of the people, both foreigners and natives.' Another has it that 'Garner took advantage of a moment when Graham was incensed at the conduct of Alvarado, to consummate his revenge by working upon the injured feelings of Graham until he wrung from him sufficient to cause his subsequent danger and imprisonment.' And finally the editor says: 'We learn verbally that many of the men imprisoned were of a bad character and extremely obnoxious to the native inhabitants, and that this violence was committed to get them out of the country.' Mofras, Explor., i. 304-6, bc- lieves that there was a plan to declare Cal. independent in the interest of the U. S. He is followed by Gleeson, Ilist. ('ath. Church, ii. 150. Of the Cali- fornians, Osio, Alvarado, Ifist. C'al., MS., v. 2-13; Castro, Relacion, MS., 53-7, 74-7, and Pinto, Apunt., MS., 51-2, 64, are sure that there was a con- spiracy, Pinto affirming that it was confessed to him and his relatives in later years by several different persons. Vallejo, //ist. Cal., MS., iv. 122- 42, is doubtful about the plot, though at the time he had no such doubts. l'io Pico, Ilist. Cal., MS., 87, Juan Bandini, Ilist. Cal., MS., 99, Coronel, Cosas de C'al., MS., 36, and Galindo, Apuntes, MS., 41-5, do not believe that the danger existed beyond the imagination of Alvarado and Castro.

ARREST, OF FOREIGNERS.

about why it was done, it is time to tell what was done, and when and how.

It was on the 4th of April that the danger was dis- cussed in a meeting of the junta.10 Next day the gov- ernor apprised Vallejo that a plot had been formed by the foreigners, largely reënforced of late by deserters from vessels on the coast, to commit murders, robberies, and other horrible crimes. The leaders were not yet known, but prompt action being necessary, he had, after consulting the junta, directed Castro to raise a force and arrest all foreigners from Monterey to San Fran- cisco who had entered the country unlawfully, except such as were married to native women, or had some well known and honorable occupation. Similar arrests were to be made in the south. " Civil authorities had been ordered and military requested to aid in carry- ing out this measure of self-protection. Castro had been directed to act in concert with Vallejo, who was requested to cooperate in making the arrests; to char- ter a vessel at San Francisco, on which the prisoners might be shipped away to be put at the disposal of the general government; to furnish a military guard for the voyage; and to come in person to the capital, if possible.11 A copy of this communication was sent on the 7th to various officials north and south, with a postscript stating that new information had been ob- tained before the conspirators had been able to unite, and that two parties of them had been attacked by Castro, who with the loss of a single man had captured those under the chief conspirator, Isaac Graham, ca-

10 Leg. Rec., MS., iii. 64-5. The nature of the discussion has already been given.

11 April 5, 1840, A. to V., in Vallejo, Doc., MS., xiv. 52; Dept. St. Pap., MS., viii. 139-40. Aguirre's vessel was suggested; stores were to be obtained from the missions; and Castro would tell many things that could not be put on paper. April 6th, Castro to Covarrubias, directing him to go to S. José, and make arrangements with the justice of the peace for the arrest of all for- eigners. Has sent a similar notice to Natividad. Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., v. 32.

ALVARADO'S RULE-THE GRAHAM AFFAIR.

pitan de rifleros.12 Similar information was imparted to the junta. 13

Thus Garner's revelation must have been made April 5th or 6th, and the arrest of Graham and his compan- ions at Natividad was made early in the morning of the 7th. By the 11th thirty-nine foreigners had been secured,14 though the work was not yet complete. The measure was planned and executed with more skill and promptness than it was customary to use in Cali- fornia. Meanwhile Vallejo, willing to forget his griev- ances for a time, or hoping that the danger so often predicted by himself would bring Alvarado to his senses, engaged heartily in the movement, and did all that was asked of him, issuing orders, forwarding arms, and finally-after taking steps to watch the trappers and other foreigners on the Sacramento, whom he suspected of complicity in the plot-going in person to the capital.15 He also ordered José Antonio Aguirre to put at the disposition of the government his bark the Jóven Guipuzcoana, or Maid of Guipuzcoa, then lying at anchor at Yerba Buena, which was at once made ready for a voyage under Captain John Snook.16

12 April 7th, gov. to comandantes and prefects. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 10, 52-6; Dept. Rec., MS., xi. 9-10; Guerra, Doc., MS., ii. 18-22; the last copy without the postscript. The single man lost must always remain a mys- tery.

13 April 9th. Leg. Rec., MS., iii. 64-5. No mention is made, however, of the loss of a man.

1$ April 11th, Com. Flores at Monterey to the com. gen. Vallejo, Doc., MS., ix. 108. Prefeet to justice at Sta Cruz. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 29.

13 April 9th, V. at Sonoma to Alvarado, Castro, and com. at S. José. Va- llcjo, Doc., MS., ix. 107, 269; xiv. 18; Dept. St. Pap., MS., v. 2-7. The spirit of his communications shows no doubt of the reality of the danger, and no disap- proval of A.'s policy. It would seem that a party was sent under Lázaro Peua to arrest certain foreigners north of the bay, but there is no other evidence that any arrests were made in that region. There was trouble with the sol- dliers and Indians at Sonoma that delayed V.'s departure until April 16th, at least. He reached Monterey before April 25th.

16 April 11th, V. to Aguirre. Vallejo, Doc., MS., ix. 110; Dept. St. Pap., MS., v. 4. April 16th, order te capt. of the port at S. F. to procure a crew for the bark. She was intended to sail for Acapulco. Vallejo, Doc., MS., ix. 113. The sum paid for the charter of the vessel according to documents of later date was either $4,000 or $7,000, it is not clear which, Dept. Rec., MS., xi. 61, 67-8; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., iv. 48, 54. The ves- sel was formerly the Roger Williams of 200 tons, which under Capt. J. Stevens arrived at Sta B. from Boston Feb. Sth of this same year. In March she was

SENT INTO EXILE.

Nothing appears in the records of the time-I shall present information from other sources a little later --- respecting proceedings at Monterey in connection with the prisoners from the time of the first arrest on April 7th to the 22d, when Alvarado dated his report to the minister of the interior, and his instructions to Castro, who with an escort of fifteen or twenty men was to guard the prisoners on the voyage to San Blas.17 On the 23d the governor informed the junta that his efforts to insure the public peace had been successful and the foreigners had been embarked. The Guipuzcoana sailed from Monterey on April 24th, though the date of Vallejo's despatches to the minister of war is April 25th.18 A few days later Alvarado is-

sold to Aguirre, and put under the Mexican flag, her name being changed. Aguirre had to go to S. Blas to obtain a legal register. Documents of sale and change of flag in Vul'ejo, Doc., MS., ix. 41, 60, 73, 77, 80. Some of the Roger Williams' own men scem to have been among the exiles. The editor of the Sta Cruz Sentinel, April 17, ISGO says the vessel finally settled on the mud flats of the Sacramento, and was torn to pieces by Chinamen in 18G4.

17 April 22, 1840, A. to min. of int. The report is but a brief statement that a private letter announced a conspiracy; Prefeet Castro was ordered to use energetic measures; a force of trusted citizens was organized; all foreign- ers who had entered Cal. illegally and were not married had been arrested to the number of 60; an accomplice revealed the plot to Castro; the judge of Ist instance investigated the matter; 45 of the prisoners were embarked; and Castro with a force would guard them, and report details to the govt. Dept. Rec., MS., xi. 67-8. Castro's instructions required him to touch at Sta Bárbara, take on board the prisoners there, and sail at once for S. Blas, where the prisoners were to be lauded and taken with the aid of the authorities to Tepic, whence Castro was to proceed to Mexico and report fully, losing no time in getting ready to return. He was also to report on the general con- dition of the country, and work with Castillero to obtain the military aid so much needed. Alvarado, Instrucciones al Prefecto Castro para su viage & Mexico con los prisioneros extranjeros, 1840, MS. April 22d, Capt. J. M. Covarrubias and Alf. Victor Linares, with a sergt and 11 men from the Mon- terey company of auxiliaries, were ordered to accompany Castro. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxxxiii. 2; but Pinto, Apunt., MS., 53, says that the officers that went were Covarrubias, Lieut Francisco Soto, Alf. Rafael Pinto (the writer), Joaquin de la Torre, and Sorgt Jesus Soto, with 20 men. April 22d, $1,900 ordered paid to Castro as comisionado to Mexico. Dept. St. Pup., Ben. C'om. and Treas., MIS., iv. 52. April 24th, passport from Vallejo to Castro. Vallejo, Doc., MS., ix. 117.

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History of California, Volume IV, Part 2

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 820

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 820